
m 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



DDoosannA 




/ ^ . r» "4.' 






-^M/l„ .o 




\3^ 'o. » * ^'V 



. -"-^ 












.0^ 










•• ■■ y 







'^'" 

^ 



** <^. 










^<^. 






■ > 









^;^' 




V 



v 



^••. '^e 



GRA YD ON'S 

MEMOIRS OF HIS OWN TIME. 



Sic ego sim ; liceatqiie caput canescere canis, 

Temporis et prisci facta referre senera. — Tibullus. 



id 7^ 






MEMOIRS 



HIS OWN TIME. 



REMINISC ENCES 



MEN AND EVENTS 



REVOLUTION. 

BY 

ALEXANDER GRAYDON. 

EDITED I?y 

JOHN STOCKTON LIT TELL, 

MEMBER OF THE HISTaaia*n RO©«Tar OF PENNSYLVANIA, 



ISTOaWn RO©^'Jffi(0F 



PHILADELPHIA: 

LINDSAY & BLAKISTON. 

1846. 



A 



Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1846, 
. BY JOHN S. LITTELL, 

In the Clerk's Office of the District Court, for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania. 



GRIGGS & CO., PRINTERS. 



CONTENTS. 



Page 
Editor's Introduction. ..----- xi 

Introduction. - - - - - - - - 13 



CHAPTER I. 

Bristol. — The Autlior's account of liis family, and early education. — So- 
ciety of Philadelphia. — Accident. — Family history. — Quakers. — School 
at Bristol. — School discipline. — Mr. Dove. — Philadelphia Academy. — 
Mr. Kinnersley. — Anecdote. — Early Adventure. — Author's early Cha- 
racter. — Ballad. — Death of the Author's father. — Latin School. — Mr. 
Beveridge. — Anecdotes of Mr. Beveridge. — Scliool anecdote. — Singular 
petition. — Beveridge's poems. — Philadelphia. — Academy. — Author's ear- 
ly class-mates. - ... . . . - - IG 



CHAPTER n. 

Retrospective events in the Author's history. — Philadclpliia. — Yellow fever. 
— Lodging-house. — Foot races. — Paxton boys. — They threaten the city. 
— Ogle and Friend. — Author's early amusements. — Scliool anecdotes. — 
Sailing excursion. — Swimming and Skating. — Abbe Raynal. — Lodging- 
house guests — Baron De Kalb. — Lady Moore. — Lady Susan O'Brien. — 
Woodward. — Sir William Draper. — Frank Richardson. — Anecdote — 
Major Etherington. — Anecdote. — Majors Small and Fell. — General 
Reid. — Captain Wallace. — .Anecdote of Joseph Church. — Rivington the 
printer. ........ 42- 

A* 



VI CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER III. 

Pugo 
The Author mixes in new Society. — Is destined for the Law. — His charac- 
teristic Indolence. — Anicric;in players. — Anecdotes. — Dramatic Poetry. 
— Author's pursuits. — Debating Society. — Metaphysical subtleties. — 
Causes of youthful follies. — Letters of Junius. — Tamoc Caspipina. — 
Mr. Duche." 79 



CHAPTER IV. 

The Author removes to York. — Society there. — A Maryland Parson. — 
Odd character. — Judge Stedman. — Mr. James Smith. — Family circle. — 
Author returns to Philadeljjhia. — Prosecutes the study of the Law. — 
Fencing — Mr. Pike. — City Tavern. — Singular case of mental derange- 
ment. — Retrospective reflections. — Causes of the American War. — State 
of Parties. — V^olunteer Companies. — Political consistency. — Preparations 
for War.— Anecdote. — Early attachment. — Dr. Kearsley. — Mr. Hunt. — 
Major Skene. - - - 100 



CHAPTER V. 

Congress Assembles. — Continental Battalions. — State of Parties. — Mr. 
Richard Penn. — His Character. — Levy of Troops. — Officers. — Ad 
venture. — Patriotism. — Recruiting. — 111 Success. — Discipline. — Author 
sent on a Mission. — Baron Woedtke. — Military Preparations. — Road to 
Albany. — Saratoga.— 'Fort Edward. — Lake George. — ^^General Schuyler. 
— His Cliaracter. — Autlior returns to his Regiment. — Judge Livingston. 129 



CHAPTER VL 



Tiio Author leaves Philadclpiila. — Appearance of the Army. — Character 
of the Soldiers. — Erection of Fort Washington. — Fort Lee. — Character 
of General Mifflin. — An odd Character. — .Connecticut Light Horse. — 
Character of the Army. — Declaration of Independence. — Statue of George 
III.— British land on Long Island. — Action with the Enemy.— New 
York. — Privations of Soldiers. — Long Island. — Entrenchments. — Skir- 
mishing. — Midnight Scene in Camp.— Retreat to New York. — Reflec- 
tions.— WasUington vindicated.— General Howe. — Conduct of the British. 14i 



CONTENTS. Vll 



CHAPTER VII. 



Page 



Americans abandon New York.— Take post at Fort Washington.— Cha- 
racter of Officers.— Fire in New York. — Putnam. — Greene.— Promo- 
tions. — Fort Washington threatened. — Summoned by General Howe. — 
Americans attacked and retire. — Account of the Engagement. - 172 



CHAPTER VIII. 

The Author a Prisoner.— Conduct of British Officers and Soldiers.— The 
Author's Treatment. — State of Prisoners.— Visits to Prisoners.— Treat- 
ment. — Major Maitland. — Reflections. — Americans and Englisii con- 
trasted. —Character of General Howe. — Killed and Wounded. — Charac- 
ter of Mr. Becket. — Humanity of British Officers. — March of Prisoners 
to New York. — Occurrences on the Road. — Generosity of a Highlander. 
— Disposal of Prisoners. — Officers' Quarters. — Baggage Restored. — 
Author appears in Regimentals. — Reflections. - - - '-^03 



CHAPTER IX. 

Pardon offered by Howe to the Americans, upon return to their allegiance. 
— Letter of General Washington. — An Officer's dinner party. — A singu- 
lar Character. — Treatment of Prisoners. — Reflections on the American 
policy. — Memorial presented to General Howe. — Situation of Affairs. — 
American Officers. — Deserters from the cause of Independence. — Pros- 
pects.— Coffee-house Incident. — British Provost Marshal. — Colonel Al- 
len. — Result of application to General Howe. — Exchange of Pi isoners. — 
Removal of officers to Loriar Island. ... - - SS'J 



CHAPTER X. 

Situation of Officers at Long Island. — Society at Flat-bush. — Manners of 
the People. — Mr. Bache. — Captain Hutcliins. — Domine Reubell. — Do- 
mine Van Zinder. — An Excursion. — Public Feeling. — Mr. Wallace. — 
Officers' Appointments. — Obstructions to an Exchange. — Hardships of 
Captivity. — Elagiac Stanzas of the Author. — Obstacles to exchange of 
officers. — Author visited by his Mother. — Maternal Anxiety. — British 
Post. — Officers.— Sir George Osborne. — Bon Mot. — Applications for 
-A.uthor's release. — Application to General Howe. — Autlior liberated on 
his Parole. — Reflections on War. ..... 264 



VUl CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER XL 

Page 
The Author leaves Long Island for New York and Elizabethtown. — Author 
arrives at New York. — Travelling Companions. — Tench Coxe. — Ar- 
rival at the American Camp. — General Washington. — Colonel Hamilton. 
— American Army. — General Wayne. — Occurrences on the Road. — Au- 
thor arrives at Pliiladclphia. — Arrival at Reading. — Political Feelings. — 
Declaration of Independence. — Character of Franklin, — Leading Men. — 
Mr. Canon. — Mr. Bryan. - - - . . - 271 



CHAPTER Xn. 

Philadelphia Threatened. — Washington marches to meet the Enemy. — 
Review of the Army. — Action at Brandy wine. — Reflections on National 
Strengtl). — Measures of Washington. — Character of his Operations. — 
Defeat of Burgoync.— Society at Reading.— Generals Mifflin, Gates, Con- 
way, Lee. — Captain Speke. — Prisoners. — British Officers on Parole. — 
Author Exchanged. — .Married. — Reflections. — Occurrence of the War. — 
Charles Tliomson. -.....- 289 



CHAPTER Xni. 

AfFectalion in Titles. — Escape of Prisoners. — Major Williams. — Mr. For- 
rest. — General exchange of Prisoners. — &'ui)ernumcrary Officers. — 
Generals Washington and Charles Lee. — Character of Lee. — Drayton. — 
Laurens. — Military Anecdotes. — Author enrolled in the Militia. — 
Wanton Oppression. — Mr. Parvin. — Quaker Opinions of War. — Dr. 
Franklin. — Visiters at Reading. — Mrs. Macaulay. — Popular Feeling, — 
Milton. — Constitutionalists and Republicans.*— Author obtains an ap- 
pointment. — John Dickinson. — Political Consistency. — Charles James 
Fox. ---...... 3I.S 



CHAPTER XIV, 

Constitution of the United States. — Washington elected President. — 
Meeting of Convention. — The Senate. — Executive Power. — ^Regulation 
of tlie Press. — State of Parties. — Leading Characters in the Convention. 
— French Revolution. — Burke and Paine. — Washington's Administra- 
tion. — Party Dissensions. — Mr. Jefferson. — State of Parties. - 33.'» 



CONTENTS. IX 



CHAPTER XV. 

Page 
Yellow Fever. — Marsh Effluvia. — Popular Feelings towards France. — 
Party Feelings. — A Threatened Insurrection suppressed by tiie Presi- 
dent. — The Western E.vpcdition. — Address to the President. — French 
Party. — Treaty with Great Britain Opposed. — Rochcfoucault. — French 
Travellers. — M. Talon. — Genet. — Wasliington's Retirement. — Character 
of Washington. ....... 365 



CHAPTER XVI. 



Election of John Adams to the Presidency. — His Administration. — Mission 
to France. — French Party in America. — Imposition of Taxes. — Singular 
Fabrication. — Anotlier popular Insurrection. — Election of Jefferson to 
the Presidency. — Popular Fanaticism. — Author's Political Principles. — 
Death of Washington. — Character of Jefferson. — Concluding Reflec- 
tions. — Conclusion. ....... .38.5 



APPENDIX. 

Alexander Graydon, the Elder, - - - - - - 417 

Dr. Lauchlan Macleane, .-.---- 418 

Warren, - - - - - - - - - 421 

Battle of Bunker's Hill, ------- 421 

John Hancock, ........ 425 

Reverend Jacob Duche, ...---. 428 

Letter from Mr. Duche to General Washington, - - . . 429 

General Washington to Francis Hopkinson, .... 437 

Francis Hopkinson to Jacob Duche, . - . - . 438 

Letter from Mr. Duche to General Washington, .... 441 

Letter from General Washington to Mr. Duche, .... 442 

Joseph Galloway, .-....- 443 

John Dickinson, ....... 445 

Letter from Washington to Reed, ...... 449 

Capture of General Charles Lee, ...... 451 

General Washington to Colonel Reed or Cadwalader, - - - 454 



X CONTENTS. 

Page 

Washington at Brandywinc, ...... 455 

Battle of Monmouth, ..--... 457 

General Lee to General Washington, ..... 459 

General Lee to General Washington, ..... 461 

Washington to Lee, ....... 462 

Lee to Washington, ....... 462 

Lee to Washington, ... - . . . 463 

Washington to Lee, ....... 463 

Charges against Lee, ....... 464 

Washington and Lee, - .... - 464 

Washington to Reed, ....... 466 

Lee's Queries, Political and Military, - ... . . 466 

Miss Franks and General Lee, ...... 468 

General Lee to Miss Franks, ...... 470 

Colonel John Laurens, ....... 472 

Charles James Fox, ....... 476 

Washington at Harrisburgh, ...... 478 

President Adams, - - ..... 480 

President Adam's Answer to the Harrisburgh Address. Comments by 

Mr. Graydon. ........ 482 

Jefferson, His Election to the Presidency, .... 484 



EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION. 



No apology will be offered by the Editor for the republication 
of tliis volume. The candid and intelligent reader, whatever 
may be his political predilections, who, in the spirit of honour- 
able inquiry, seeks only for truth, who can value manly sincerity, 
and appreciate the importance of the subjects truthfully and grace- 
fully discussed by its accomplished Author, would feel his under- 
standing insulted, and his taste and judgment questioned, by any 
such attempt. 

Five and thirty years have elapsed since, at an obscure, pro- 
vincial press, the first edition of this Work was anonymously, 
issued, and left to win its way, by slow degrees, and without any 
of the adventitious aids so abundantly characteristic of the present 
time, to public notice and favour. It was, moreover, at that 
comparatively early period of our national being, a far more 
serious enterprize to write and to publish a book, even of the 
modest dimensions of this, than can easily be conceived by those 
who only regard, with feelings approaching to wonder, the rapid 
and endless multiplications of the press at this more prosperous 



xii editor's introduction. 

and more literary era. In addition to these disadvantages, 
although its respectable printer availed himself of such facilities 
for its external decoration as his, then, remote position enabled 
him to command, the appearance of the volume was singularly 
unattractive and defective. To these formidable obstacles to its 
success may be superadded yet another. The title, — a most 
important feature in the mystery of authorship, — failed to con- 
vey a just idea of its character and scope, and it dropped, un- 
heeded, from the press.* The personal friends of the Author, — 
and they were numerous and w'armly attached, — it is true en- 
couraged the publication of the Work by liberal subscriptions for 
copies, which, to some extent, were subsequently distributed as 
gifts ; but its sale, at the book-stores, was extremely restricted, 
and scantily contributed to the liquidation of expenses incurred. 

This edition is presented to the public with a title somewhat 
modified, but, as the Editor conceives, more expressive and ap- 
propriate ; and this is the only freedom, in the way of alteration, 
he has presumed to take. 

The personal nature of these Memoirs has left but little for the 
Editor to add, in regard to their estimable Author ; who has, with 
an unrestrained and a steady hand, frankly delineated his own 
character throughout the work. This, at all times, an extremely 
delicate and difficult task, is said, by those who knew him well, 
to have been faithfully accomplished; and although there was 
little beyond the limits of habitual and gentlemanly propriety for 

* The original title was as follows : — 
" Memoirs of a Life, Chiefly Passed in Pennsylvania, within the Last Sixty 
Years, with OccasLonal Remarks upon the General Occurrences, Cliaracter 
and Spirit of that Eventful Period. Harrisburgh : Printed by John Wyeth. 
1811." 



editor's introduction. xiii 

him to expose in the way of confession, that confession has been 
honestly and courageously made. 

In the year 1785, having received, from the Executive Com- 
mittee of Pennsylvania, an appointment to the Prothonotaryship 
of the newly organized county of Dauphin, Mr. Graydon re- 
moved to Harrisburgh for the purpose of entering upon the duties 
of his office, which he continued to perform in a manner alike 
creditable to himself and advantageous to the public, until his 
sudden expulsion by Governor McKean, — to whom belongs the 
unenviable distinction of being the father of political proscription 
in the United States. He then retired to a small farm which he 
possessed in the vicinage of Harrisburgh, where he continued to 
reside until the year 1816, when he returned to Philadelphia with 
the intention of engaging in literary pursuits, and, with a view to 
the increase of a very restricted income, of entering upon the 
business of a Publisher. 

"There never breathed a man who, when his life 
Was closing, might not of that life relate 
Toils long and hard,"* 

and Mr. Graydon was, by no means, a fortunate exception to 

the general rule. Ere he could mature the plans, from which, in 

his life's decline, he had hoped to secure the independence he 

coveted, and which would have adorned, with a peculiar grace, 

his character, tastes, and years ; or from which to repair the 

breach unexpectedly, cruelly, and causelessly made by arbitrary 

and vindictive Executive power, he yielded to the mandate w^hich 

all must obey, and closed his honourable, useful, and virtuous life 

on the second day of May, 1818, in the sixty-seventh year of his 

* Wordsworth. 
B 



XIV EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION. 

age. Mr. Graydon was twice married. His first wife, in whom 
he has well succeeded in engaging the interest of the reader, was 
Miss Wood, from Berks country, who died at Harrisburgh early 
in the year 1794. His second wife was Miss Theodosia Pettit, 
daughter of Colonel Charles Pettit, of Philadelphia, who sur- 
vived her husband eighteen years. He had no children by ehher 
marriage. 

Mr. Graydon was ardently attached to literature, and to lite- 
rary pursuits. He was a frequent and acceptable contributor to 
the "Port Folio" in its palmiest days of popularity and influ- 
ence. These contributions, which, for the most part, were mo- 
destly denominated "Notes of a Desultory Reader," contain 
his opinions of the authors whose works he had read, accompa- 
nied with occasional critiques upon their style, and are invariably 
written in the strain of candour and ease that so remarkably cha- 
racterize the Memoirs; affording, moreover, indubitable evidence 
of the elevation and purity of his own sentiments, and of an 
enlarged, w^ell disciplined and highly cultivated mind. His lite- 
rature, indeed, was various, extensive, and elegant to a degree 
unusual at the time in which he lived ; and not very common 
among his steam-propelling, money-seeking countrymen, at any 
subsequent period. 

It was, at one time, the wish of the Editor to incorporate these 
articles into this edition of the Memoirs, but he was reluctant to 
swell the volume by the addition of matter having no connexion 
with the topics of which it treats. If, however, another edition 
should be called for, the original intention may be deemed worthy 
of reconsideration ; or they may, perhaps, form a separate vo- 
lume, under the thle of " Remains." ITiey were valuable con- 



editor's introduction. XV 

tribiitions, and creditable to the periodical literature of the day, 
and are certainly deserving of publication and preservation. 

The Editor of the "Port Folio" in a notice of the Memoirs, 
contained in his number for April, I8l8, in language appropriate 
and strong, declares that the "performance is one of the most 
interesting which the loom of American authorship has produced ;" 
and, in adverting to the unfortunate garb in which it came forth, 
remarks farther, that he felt no surprise that the public had failed 
to discover the " Gem, that was concealed beneath an unpromising 
exterior." The brief critique is valuable, both on account of the 
justness of the writer's views, and also as evidence of a generous 
and candid contemporaneous appreciation of our Author. The 
following extract will not be unacceptable to the reader : — 

"We shall not hesitate to say, in going back to a book that 
was published before our labours commenced, that our object is 
to stimulate the reading part of the community to the vindication 
of their taste, which deserves reproach while these Memoirs lie 
forgotten on the shelves. To those who would acquire a familial' 
view of the state of manners and public opinion about the time 
that our Revolution commenced, tliere is nothing which contri- 
butes so much accurate testimony ; and to others, who have not 
forgotten this eventful period, w^e know of nothing more capti- 
vating. We are aware that the fastidious delicacy of some has 
been offended by the freedom with which the writer has spoken 
of individuals ; but a very great distinction must be admitted be- 
tween conversation and writing. Zimmerman justly remarks, that 
'to entertain readers is only to deliver freely in writing that 
which, in the general intercourse of society, it is impossible to saj- 
with safety and politeness.' It is time thatt his mawkish delicacy 



XVI EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION. 

should be overcome, or ^ve shall have nothing manly in our lite^ 
rature ; nothing true in our history, or just in our memoirs. Our 
writers, to be popular, must deal in the most ridiculous bombast 
and fulsome panegyric. Our western world must be peopled by 
nothing but a race of orators, like those who fulmined the thunder 
of eloquence on classical grounds, and heroes who would have 
rivalled a Marlborough, a Prince Eugene, or a Marshal Saxe. If 
Cumberland and Marmontel had written under all the restrictions 
which the fastidiousness of some of our good republicans would 
impose upon the Press, where would be the witchery of their 
pages ? If the optiinates of our cities — we should say, 'persons in 
society^ if we could accompany the observation by a fac-simile of 
the customary shrug — if such people will insist on an exemption 
from the jurisdiction of the Press, they must contribute their quota 
to the general fund of amusement and instruction in some other 
way. If they would prevent us from laughing at the ostentation 
of the exterior of their houses, let them show that hospitality and 
refinement dwell within the doors. If they cannot discern the 
pleasures and utility of literature, let them respect the pursuits 
of wiser men, and not act as if all knowledge was confined to the 
conclave of a bank or a counting-room. In conclusion, we 
must observe of Mr. Graydox's book, that its veracity and its 
candour are altogether beyond impeachment, and he has ques- 
tioned no man's morality." 

Within a few weeks after the above was written, when called 
upon to record the demise of this excellent man, the same writer, 
who enjoyed the pleasure and advantage of his personal friend- 
ship, thus feelingly alludes to the much regretted event: — "Mr. 
Graydon. was ojQ.e of the few survivors of that old school of ac- 



EDITOR S INTRODUCTION. XVII 

complished gentlemen, who flourished before our Revolution ; — 
at a period when the courtesy of society was not disturbed by 
insubordination in systems, nor violated by laxity in sentiments. 
That he has indulged himself in some harshness in these Memoirs 
will not be denied ; nor will that language be censured by those 
who remember the merciless persecution by which it was pro- 
voked. 

" "So looks the chased lion 

Upon the daring- huntsman tliat has galled liim ; 
Then makes him nothing." 

In his youth, Mr. Graydon was remarkable for the elegance of 
his person, and he retained that advantage in an uncommon de- 
gree to his latest hour. The elements of his temper were kindness 
and good will ; he was frank and generous ; his disposition was 
sociable and equally fitted to win esteem or disarm resentment ; 
his conversation, chaste and pleasant, diffused the same agreeable 
feelings around him which seemed to warm his own heart. His 
last private communication to the writer of this memorial, derives 
peculiar interest from the melancholy event by which it was 
speedily followed. The letter contained a translation of a Latin 
epigram ; and though the muse of our friend cannot boast the 
melody of the Swan, yet she breathes the same prophetic strain. 
The reader w^ill require no apology for the insertion of an extract 
from Mr. Graydon's letter to the Editor : — 

" In a slow convalescence from a lingering indisposition, 

I have amused myself with the enclosed translation, which is at 
the service of the Port Folio, if worthy of its pages. It struek 
me as a pleasing trifle, and though no poet, I had a mind to try 

how I could dress it in English metre. I am not unmindful of 

b2 



xviii kimtok's intkoimjction. 

tlic slory in (iil ?>l;is of tlic Archbisliop of Granada, — the old 
t^ciillciiiiin so (•(■lcl)i;itr(| lor liis liomilics. For, tliough like him, 
I jii;iy not \w scnslhlc of a decadence, in iny mental faculties, it 
Miiiy nevcrlhclcss exist ; and, whether or nol, every person, I pre- 
sume who li;is iiltiiincd to my years (65) will feel a want of the 
vis animcE or animi, lli;it is necessary to the ready performance of 
a literary iindeiiakinfj,-, &c." 

TIM': OinfJINAL. 

Avulsii i'. r;mui, frcjiis 6 n)i8crurul;i, vircuti, 
Marcidii. (jno viHiis? — (iiio vadain, ncscio — Qucrcuin 
M.ilcniMiii r-()liiiii(:ii<iu(; ini.'uin Ntr.-ivrrc i)roc(;ll!c. 
Iiido iiiilii illmllt. Zr|)liyrus, liorciisvc; viiframquc 
Nuc conU-.i iiitor. Quo Tendunt Omnia, Ticndo; 
Quo fcrlur [writer folium lauri rostcquc. 

ATTEMPTED IN ENGUSII. 

Torn from thy murturing brancli, poor, fallen leaf, 
What hapless lot awaits thy witherinfr form? 

Alns! I know nut, hut I mourn in eliief, 
My ]>arcnt oiik laid prostr.ile hy llu^ storm. 

Hence, doomed the si)ort of every vn^rrant breeze, 

I'm liurried n|) file monni, t.\n-n down again ; 
One wiiile I mildew under shading tiees, 

Now, whirl'd afield, I hleaeii upon the plain. 

In short, I GO, wm;uK ai,i. tmincis kartiily tend, 

And, unresisting, met t my wasting foes : 
iNjr oaky and hr.imliles have; one eommon end — 

The foliage ol" the laurel and the rose. 

* * * * * * " The Memoirs contain some things that 
are hold and un]v,dateal)le, but it is a work of unexampled can- 
dour and hudi; and will conduce more to a veritable history ol' 



editor's INTIIODUCTION, XIX 

the times, to which it relates, than any other publication now- 
extant." * * * " Mr. Graydon never lost sight of those im- 
perishable principles for which he had contended on the field. 
He cherished the love of liberty, which beat in his heart until it 
became the impression of his conscience and the conviction of 
his understanding. Though a severe suJfTerer from political in- 
tolerance, nothing like tergiversation could be ranked among his 
failings. The perilous appearances in our political horizon ntver 
alarmed the soldier of the Revolution, who knew that the rela- 
tions of truth and justice are immutable." 

In the year 1822, Mr. John Galt, well known for his many 
entertaining and valuable contributions to English literature, 
caused the re-publication of the Memoirs at Edinburgh, in a 
handsome volume, tp which he prefixed a dedication to the Arne- 
rican Envoy, then resident near the Court of St. James. In this 
dedication Mr. Galt bears the following judicious testimony to 
the merit and character of the work : — 

" It is remarkable, that a production so rich in the various ex- 
cellencies of style, description and impartiality, should not have 
been known to the collectors of American books in this country, 
especially as it is, perhaps, the best personal narrative that has 
yet appeared relative to the history of that great conflict which 
terminated in establishing the Independence of the United States. 
The candour with respect to public occurrences, which it dis- 
plays — the views of manners in Pennsylvania, prior to the memo- 
rable era of 177G — and the incidental sketches of historical cha- 
racters, with which it is enriched, cannot fail to render the volume 
a valuable addition to the stock of general knowledge, and will, 
probably, obtain for the Author no mean place among those who 
have added permanent lustre to the Engli-sh language." 



XX editor's introduction. 

Commendations, thus unequivocal, from sources entitled to 
deference and weight, render it unnecessary to dwell longer upon 
the subject. It only remains for the Editor to allude, with be- 
coming brevity, to his humble labours; and, while freely admit- 
ting a general and a cordial sympathy with the Author in the 
feelings and opinions he has so well portrayed and expressed, to 
disclaim responsibility for their utterance where it may not justly 
attach to him. 

He has, indeed, on several occasions, in the notes, ventured to 
express dissent from the judgments of the writer ; subsequent de- 
velopments having placed within his reach, information which 
could not have been accessible to Mr. Graydon. 

The observations appended by the Author to the last page of 
his private copy of the "Memoirs," are annexed to the original 
conclusion, injustice to him, and as a more befitting, present ter- 
mination of the volume. But, as the Editor may not alter or 
mollify any of its expressions, it is but justice to himself to 
remark, that this is done without concurrence, on his part, in all 
the sentiments they contain. On the contrary, he cannot, 
whatever may be his own predelictions, indulge in indiscriminate 
censure of the acts of any party that may chance to be in 
the ascendant. The great mass of the native population — and 
any disparagement of the other, influential and gradually con- 
trolling portion, is emphatically disclaimed' — who, alone, cherish 
an exclusive, or, at least, predominant attachment to the soil and 
institutions of their country, are, without doubt, patriotic ; and, 
perhaps, the only serious charge that may reasonably be placed 
to their account, is that of a too great ductility towards mere 
party-leaders ; adopting, without due examination or reflection — 
such as becomes intelligent citizens deserving of their freedom 



EDITOR S INTRODUCTION. XXI 

and independence — the plausible dogmas of ignorant, unprinci- 
pled demagogues, or of inexperienced and reckless experi- 
mentalists. 

Whatever may have been the defects of the " Madisonian 
Policy," to which Mr. Graydon alludes — and in regard to which 
the knowledge of the Editor is entirely historical — it cannot, he 
presumes, be denied that the Government of the country, at that 
gloomy period, was encompassed by difficulties and menaced by 
dangers of no ordinary character ; and, as it was a manifest and 
monstrous dereliction of fdial duty to withhold the necessary aid 
in her extrication and defence, so was it little short of treason to 
interpose obstacles to the complete and triumphant vindication of 
her rights and honour. Yet, to such unnatural lengths have 
party antipathies, rage, andbhndness, tempted men whose services 
and genius would otherwise have deserved and commanded un- 
qualified admiration and gratitude. It is, assuredly, the part of 
wisdom to avoid warlike or angry collision and controversy with 
other nations, alike injurious in their tendency to prosperity and to 
morals ; — let. the people, therefore, look well to their rulers, and 
be duly careful in their selection ; — but it is equally an obvious 
dictate of patriotism, w-hatever the "policy," by which she may 
become involved, at any and at every sacrifice, to shield the country 
from discomfiture and disgrace. Nor can the Editor permit the 
fears or the doubts of the Author, or of other equally thoughtful 
and patriotic men, to w-eaken his firm and abiding faith in the 
permanency of our institutions. Of the lasting prevalence of 
republican feeling, and of the rapidly progressive and widely 
spreading love for these institutions, no genuine son of the soil 
should ever encourage or entertain a doubt. It is true, that the 



xxii editor's intkoduction. 

people — fondly loved, and caressinj^ly llntlered by those who 
alone are capable of serving Iheni, and who are, therefore, ex- 
clusively deserving of then- smiles and olUces, iiiid honours — have 
made some startling mistakes, which have paled the cheek, and 
checked the warm current of patriotic ho])e. We have seen, for 
example, a citizen of consummate ability, of ])rofound learning, 
and of unsurpassed experience, hurled from the high station 
which his genius and talents adorned, in the whirl of popularity 
achieved by a. patriotic and fortunate General, whose great mili- 
tary talents, and brilliant exploits in the field, were deemed sulli- 
cient qualifications for the most elevated of civic trusts ! 

We have, also, seen a statesman who, for forty years, has been 
a leading public servant, — exercising, in the national councils, a 
commanding and conservative influence; and who, for two-thirds of 
this long period of toilsome, self-sacrificing devotion to his coun- 
try, has been, of that country, — under the guidance of a higher 
Intelligence, — thrice the preserver; — an illustrious offspring of its 
free, equalizing, and nurturing institutions, — its greatest living 
name, — we have seen this wise and generous man, ostracised by 
strangers who are called his countrymen ; and another, without 
name, or fame, or service, elevated, by the controlling influence 
of the same law^-created citizens, from the " thick darkness " of 
obscurity, to the Chair of Washington ! Such occurrences 
overshadow whh temporary gloom and despondency, the prospect 
into futurity, and sicken the heart and depress the spirit of the 
enlightened patriot, whose duty it is, notwithstanding, never to 
despair while there is service to render or while a sacrifice is 
required. 

After he had commenced the preparation of the Memoirs for 



EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION, XXIU 

the press, and had made considerable progress in the division of 
the work into chapters for the greater convenience of reference, — 
a plan not adopted by the Author, — the Editor was fortunate in 
procuring a copy of the Edinburgh edition in which Mr. Galt 
had performed this service in a manner somewhat different, but, 
on the whole, very satisfactorily ; and his arrangement, in this 
respect, with slight modification, has been adopted. Beyond this, 
however, Mr. Galt did not venture to proceed. 

To this Edition, a Table of Contents, and a general Index 
have been added ; and also an Appendix containing illustrative 
matter, which could not, without burdening the page, be crowded 
into notes. 

Acknowledgements are due to Mr. Andrew Graydon, of Har- 
risburgh, for the kindness and courtesy which unreservedly placed 
at the disposal of the Editor, documents that have greatly facili- 
tated his researches, and especially for the use of his Uncle's j)ri- 
vate copy of the Memoirs, to many of the pages of which the 
Author had appended notes with a view, unquestionably, to a future 
republication. These notes have been faithfully transcribed and 
placed where their writer evidently intended them to appear ; 
while those of the Editor have received their appropriate designa- 
tion. 

The volume is thus submitted, once more, but in a befitting 
dress, to the candour of the intelligent and discriminating reader, 
as a valuable addition to the historical literature of the country for 
whose independence and happiness its Author perilled his fortunes 
and his life ; and whatever may be his impressions in respect to 
the oj)inions which it contains, their manifest sincerity will com- 
mand respect, and the style and temper of their expression, 



xxiv editor's introduction. 

while deserving of general imitation, will challenge good-will and 
admiration. 

The beautiful tribute of Wordsworth to the Memory of Lamb, 
is, with slight modification, almost equally applicable here, and 
may, not inappropriately, terminate the trespass of the Editor 
upon the patience of his reader : — 

" To a good man of most dear memory 
This stone is sacred. Here he lies apart 
From the great city wlicre he first drew breath, 
Was reared and taught ; and humbly earned his bread 
To the strict labours of the merchants' desk, 
By duty chained. Not seldom did these tasks 
Tease, and the thought of time so spent depress 
His spirit, hut the recompense was higli ; 
Firm Independence, Bounty's rightful sire ; 
" Affections warm as sunshine, free as air; 

And when the precious hours of leisure came, 
Knowledge and wisdom, gained from converse sweet 
With books, or while he ranged the crowded streets 
With a keen eye, and overflowing Iieart: 
So genius triumphed over seeming wrong, 
And pour'd out truth in works by thouglitful love 
Inspired — works potent over smiles and tears. 
And as round mountain-tops the lightning plays, 
Thus innocently sported, breaking forth 
As from a cloud of some grave sympathy, 
Humour and wild instinctive wit and all 
The vivid flashes of his spoken words." 

J. S. L. 
Germantown, Pennsylvania, 
April 11th, 1816. 



M E M I H S OF A LIFE, 

PASSED CHIEFLY IN PENNSYLVANIA. 



INTRODUCTION. 



The dealers in self-biography, ever sedulous to ward ofl' the 
imputation of egotism, seldom fail to find apologies for their un- 
dertakings. Some, indeed, endeavour to persuade , themselves, 
that they design their labours merely for their scrutoires ; while 
others, less self-deceived, admit they have an eye to the public. 
The Cardinal De Retz is brought out at the request of a lady ; 
Rousseau, by the desire of showing himself to a misjudging 
world, in all the verity of nature ; Marmontel, writes his life for 
his children at the instance of their mother; and Cumberland, so 
far as his motives can be collected from his introduction, because 
he lived and was an author. If, from these, we recur to the 
account given of himself, by our own Franklin, we shall find, 
that, although addressed to his son, it is intended for the world ; 
and that the acknowledged motives to it, are a combination of 
family curiosity and personal vanity, with the desire of showing 
the connexion between thrifty youth and respectable age — a kind 
of practical comment on the useful truths, contained in Poor 
Richard's almanac. 

Next to the good fortune of having figured in some brilliant, 

active career ; of having been the companion of a hero, or the 

depository of state secrets ; of having seen cities and men ; of 

having wandered "through antres vast, and deserts idle,"" or been 

2 



14 INTRODUCTION. 

the subject of "moving accidents by flood and field;" the avowed 
inducement of Mr. Cumberland, is perhaps the most plausible. 

Unfortunately, for the person, who, here presumes to appear 
before the public, he is without one of these claims to attention. 
He has no pretensions to fame or distinction in any kind, neither 
as soldier, nor statesmen, nor traveller, nor author. He is not 
wholly without hope, however, that his presumption may be pal- 
liated ; and that, in his object, of giving a representation of the 
character, spirit and more minute occurrences of his time, it will 
be perceived, that there is no form, into which his work can be 
thrown, with so much advantage, as into that of personal me- 
moirs. By his own story, if he is not misled by sell-love, a kind 
of menstruum is afforded, for the incongruous mass of his mate- 
rials, serving to harmonize, in some degree, the abrupt transitions 
and detached details, which, a delineation of the various incidents 
of "many coloured life " requires. 

As to himself, he is fully conscious, that 

it matters not, 
To whom related, or by wliom begot ; 

and, therefore, he would fain buttress his undertalving, by the 
opinion of an eminent poet, as vouched by Mr. Walpole, viz. 
" That if any man were to form a book, of what he had seen or 
heard himself, it must, in whatever hands, prove a most useful 
and entertaining one." A most seducing ignis-fatuus truly, con- 
sidering the latitude with which it is laid down ! 

But, far from wishing to forclose the reader by an opinion, which 
he must own he considers a very questionable one; or to lure him 
on to an expectation of what he might vainly seek to find, he an- 
nounces at his outset, that the pages here set before him, hold out 
no other inducement to his perusal, than such as may arise from 
the fidelity with which he will relate incidents within the scope of 
ordinary life ; and depict some occurrences, which came under 
his notice, during the progress of the revolution, and since its con- 
summation. In doing this, he will have occasion to speak as well 
of others as himself. He may sometimes resort to motives in ac- 
counting for men's actions; and, as these receive their qualities 



INTRODUCTION. 15 

from the mind of the agent, he will with equal freedom and truth 
disclose the complexion of his own, having little, he thinks, no 
inclination that it should pass for better than it is. If the mould 
in which it has been formed, is not the most perfect, so neither, 
does he trust, is it absolutely the most worthless : if not calculated 
to produce a cast to the taste of worldly wisdom ; one, that may 
advance experimentally the sound philosophy of thrift, and prac- 
tically mark the routes to private wealth and public greatness, it 
will yet be found abundantly fruitful, in negative instruction on 
both points. 



16 ' BRISTOL. 



CHAPTER I. 



Bristol. — The Author's account of his family, and early education. — Society 
of Philadelphia. — Accident. — Family history. — Quakers. — School at Bristol. — 
School discipline. — Mr. Dove. — Philadelphia Academy. — Mr. Kinnersley. — 
Anecdote. — Early Adventure. — Author's early Character. — Ballad. — Death of 
tlie Author's father. — Latin School. — Mr. Beveridge. — Anecdotes of Mr. Beve- 
ridge. — School anecdote. — Singular petition. — Beveridge's poems. — Philadel- 
phia. — Academy. — Author's early class-mates. 

My recollections of the village of Bristol, in which I was born 
on the 10th of April, N. S., in the year 1752, cannot be supposed 
to go farther back than to the year 1756 or 1757, There are 
few towns, perhaps, in Pennsylvania, which, in the same space of 
time, have been so little improved, or undergone less alteration.* 
Then, as now,t the great road leading from Philadelphia to New 
York, first sldrting the inlet, at the head of which stand the mills, 
and then turning short to the left, along the banks of the Dela- 
ware, formed the principal and indeed only street, marked by any 
thing like a continuity of building. A few places for streets, 
were opened from this main one, on which, here and there, stood 
an humble, solitary dwelling. At a corner of two of these lanes, 
was a Quaker meeting house ; and on a still more retired spot, 
stood a small Episcopal church, whose lonely grave yard with its 

* Just about the time of writing tiiesc memoirs, Bristol took a start, and has 
since become a place of fashionable resort during the summer montlis, to which 
its baths and chalybeate waters, together with its convenience to the inhabitants 
of Philadelphia, by means of the then newly invented steamboats, have, no doubt, 
principally contributed. 

t 181K 



BRISTOL. 17 

surrounding woody scenery, might have furnished an appropriate 
theme for such a muse as Gray's. These, together with an old 
brick jail, (Bristol having once been the county town of Bucks,) 
constituted all the public edifices in this my native town. Its 
site, though flat, is not unpleasant, particularly along the bank of 
the Delaware, rising to a commanding height from a fair and 
gravelly margin. Hence, the eye might rove at large both up 
and down the river, and after traversing a fine expanse of water 
in an oblique direction, find an agreeable resting place in the town 
of Burlington on the opposite shore.* 

As in this country, there is little temptation to the tracing of a 
long line of ancestry, I shall content myseh' with deducing a very 
brief genealogy. And this, not so much perhaps, from an ac- 
quiescence in the revolutionary idea of the insignificance of an 
illustrious pedigree, as from real inability to produce one. I can 
go no farther, at least, than to vouch, that we had a coat of arms 
in tiie family, borne about on the body of an old-fashioned chaise, 
and engraved upon our spoons, and a double-handled caudle 
cup. But if instead of groping amidst the darkness of transat- 
lantic heraldry, we confine ourselves to our own shores, which 
seems much the most congenial to the noble spirit of independence 
we are pleased to manifest on other occasions, I am warranted in 
asserting, that I am descended from ancestors, respectable both 
as to station and character; from a stock not ignoble, but honest 
and generous : And if parental propensities are transmitted to off- 



* Bristol, in 1846, is the largest town in Bucks county, and is distant twenty 
miles from Philadelphia. "The Delaware branch of the canal from Easton ter- 
minates here in a spacious basin, bringing to the place an extensive coal trade 
The Philadelphia and Trenton Railroad passes in the rear of the town. Steam- 
boats are constantly touching at tbfc landing." Besides the Episcopal churcli, 
above mentioned, and Quaker meeting Iiouse, there is now a Methodist meeting 
house, a bank, (the Bank of Bucks county,) an extensive flouring mill, several 
hotels and stores. " The distinguishing characteristic of the place, is its quiet- 
ness and rural beauty. The population in 1840 was 1,438. Scott, in his geo- 
graphy published in 1806, says that Bristol, at that time, contained 90 houses. 
By the census of 1800, the population was 511; in 1810, 628; in 1820, 908^ 
Bristol was incorporated as a borough by Sir William Keith, governor of the pro- 
vince of Pennsylvania, on the 14th of November, 1720."^ — Er. 

2* 



18 author's ancestry. 

spring in the human race, but in half the degree that they are 
among quadrupeds, the value we may be disposed to set on vir- 
tuous progenitors, is very far from chimerical. Several years 
residence on a fai-m, has afforded me opportunity for some ob- 
servations upon the nature of domestic animals ; and I have found, 
what I should have been disposed to laug-h at, had I not proved 
it, that, among the ox kind especially, the vices, which seemed 
mere habits of the female parent, have invariably descended to 
her offspring. I venture this remark, though not quite in unison 
with the tone of the subject ; and though liable to be strained 
into an assumption of worth on my part, to which I may in fact 
be wholly destitute of pretension. 

My father was an Irishman, and, as it appears from some im- 
perfect documents in my possession, came to this country in the 
year 1730. He was born, I think, in Longford, and was brought 
up under the care of his maternal grandfather in Dublin, or its 
neighbourhood. Being designed for the pulpit, he had received 
a suitable education, to which, having added many of the accom- 
plishments at that time in fashion, he was distinguished in Phila- 
delphia both as a scholar and a gentleman. It was not long since, 
that the late chief justice Shippen informed me, he was the person 
always appealed to, in the coffee-house controversies of the yoimg 
men of the day, on points of science and literature. During his 
presidency of the county courts of Bucks, he had made himself, as 
I have understood, a very tolerable lawyer, insomuch that at the 
time of his death, he was, as I have been informed, in nomination 
for the office of a judge of the supreme court of Pennsylvania. 
From the copies of letters to his friends in Ireland, soon after his 
arrival in Philadelphia, he appears not to have taken up very 
favourable sentiments of its inhabitants. "Most of our trading 
people here," says he, "are complaisant sharpers; and that 
maxim in trade, to think every man a knave, until the contrary 
evidently appears, would do well to be observed here if any 
where. — In this province we have a toleration for all religions, 
which some have enlarged so far, as to make a neglect and in- 
difference of all religion, their only religion." These being the 
opinions of a young man but of about two and twenty years of 



ACCIDENT. ' 19 

age, it is not improbable, that they were too hastily formed ; but 
if, unfortunately for the honour of our infant metropolis, they were 
correct, it is some relief to hear, that mercantile integrity, joined 
to genuine and unaffected hospitality, was also to be found there, 
as appears from the following extract of a letter, dated the l8th 
of March, 1731. " Soon after we arrived here, it happened, and 
I hope providentially for us, (himself and his father-in-law, Mr. 
Emerson, who made one family,) that we rented a house from one 
Mr. Peter Baynton, adjacent to his own, who is a considerable 
merchant in this city. As he is a man of singular sobriety, and 
not well affected to the reigning humour in this town, he has ad- 
mitted us into his chief confidence, and distinguished us as his 
principal friends and associates, insomuch that he will enter upon 
no project or design in trade, without admitting us to a share in 
it: and from the success of some we have already undertaken, 
we have not the least room to doubt of his sincerity and kind- 
ness." Such is my father's sketch of Philadelphia manners 
eighty years ago.* From the same letter it appears, that at the 
instance of this Mr. Ba^Titon, he had contemplated with him a 
partnership in trade, to be carried on in the town of Burlington, 
which, he observes, " though it be now somewhat obscure, it has 
yet many advantages capable of improvement." 

This contemplated removal, however, did not take place. He 
continued in business in Philadelphia, and in the war, probably, 
with Spain, which broke out in the year 1741, was concerned 
with several of the principal merchants in that city in building 
and fitting out the Tartar privateer. f This vessel, supposed to 
be tlie finest, as she was the largest, that had at that time, been 
built on the Delaware, had a singular fate. On her passage to 
tlie sea, at a fine season of the year, she was lost in the bay. To 
make the most of a gentle breeze that was blowing, she vras 

* 1731. 

t Commanded by Capt. Macky. She was launched 24th May, 1744. More 
than eighty people were drowned, among whom were Mr, Legate of New Castle, 
Capt. McKnight of Philadelphia, and Capt. Bodeman. She was a sharp-built 
vessel, and out of all proportion rigged and masted, and under ballasted. She 
overset in a moment with but little wind, and went down instantly. Letter 31st 
July, 1774, from Lynford Lardner to Richard Penn. 



20 FAMILY HISTORY. 

under full sail, when either from a deficiency of ballast, a dispro- 
portion in her rigging, or some other fault in her construction, she 
was almost instantaneously overturned by a flaw from the shore. 
The greater part of the owners, who had formed a party to see 
her out of the capes, were on board, and among them my father. 
So mild was the day, and so little cause was there for appre- 
hension, that he was amusing himself on deck with one of Mo- 
liere's plays, when the disaster occurred. Finding himself pre- 
cipitated among the waves, he immediately seized on a chest that 
had floated from the vessel, and placing himself on the middle of it, 
its extremities served to support a sailor on each side of him. In 
this situation, they were driven at the mercy of the waves for a 
considerable time, without any prospect of relief. They were 
sometimes about to quit their hold, and at once resign themselves 
to a fate, which appeared inevitable. This was peculiarly the 
case with one of the sailors, whom my father exerted himself to 
the utmost to encourage, since if he had abandoned the chest, it 
would have lost its equilibrium, and in the weak, exhausted state 
in which they were, they must all have perished. At length, a 
vessel hove in sight and appeared to be making towards them : 
It proved to be so, and they were taken up while yet enough of 
vital power remained, to render the means used for their restora- 
tion efficacious. The captain, if I am not mistaken, and the 
greater part of the Tartai-'s crew, were drowned, as were most of 
the owners that were on boai'd. Although I have heard my father 
relate the circumstances of this misfortune, and have since heard 
it spoken of in the family, my recollection of the particulars is 
very imperfect. 

My mother, the second wife of my father, was the eldest of 
four daughters ; she was born in the island of Barbadoes, and 
when about seven years of age, was brought to Philadelphia by 
her parents, who then came to reside in that city. Her father 
was a German, born, if I mistake not, in Frankfort on the Maine. 
He had been engaged in trade while in Barbadoes, and brought 
with him into Pennsylvania, a pretty good property. Her mother 
was from Scotland, having first drawn breath in the city of Glas- 
gow ; but by what means a pair of so little national affinity as 
these my grand parents on the mother's side, were brought to- 



FAMILY HISTORY. 



21 



gether, I never learned. From their conversation, however, I 
remember they had resided some time in London, previously to 
their settling in Barbadoes. Notwithstanding the apparent want 
of associating principles in some respects, they yet agreed very 
well : While the tongue of my grandfather faithfully retained the 
character of its original dialect, that of his spouse, though in a 
less degree, bore testimony also, to the countiy of her extraction ; 
and while he, a determined episcopalian, had his pew in Christ's 
church, she, a strict presbyterian, was a constant attendant at 
Buttonwood meeting house. No feuds, however, were engen- 
dered by this want of religious conformity ; and if my grandfather 
sometimes consented to hear a sermon at the meeting house, it 
might be considered as a concession on his part, for a sermon of 
ai'chbishop Tillotson, which was regidarly read aloud, by one of 
the family on Sunday evening. Though a loud talker, and some- 
what rough and boisterous in his manner, the old gentleman was at 
bottom, highly liberal, benevolent, and good natured. The good 
lady, on the other hand, was rather austere ; and the management of 
her family, strongly tinctured with the primitive discipline of her 
church. Her countenance, on Sunday, always assumed an un- 
usual degree of severity, and while under her tutorage, I might 
truly say, in the meaning of the poet, it shone no Sabbath day to 
me. Then, instead of rest, my labours were augmented ; then 
chapters were to be read, and long catechisms to be conned or 
repeated. The best things may be overdone ; and the imposition 
of hard and unreasonable tasks is more apt to create disgust, than 
conciliation to instruction. So, at least, it was with me: I 
deemed ray tutoress unfeeling and tyrannical, while, by her, I 
was considered as reprobate and incorrigible. 

Although my progenitors, on neither side, appear to have pos- 
sessed the talent of amassing wealth, there is a circumstance com- 
mon to both, which seems unequivocally to indicate liberality and 
sincerity of heart. And yet it is a circumstance, which, probably, 
would have escaped me, had it not been noticed by my uncle, 
by marriage, the late judge Biddle.* Your family, said he one 



* Edward Biddle, Esq. Wilkinson, in his " Memoirs" warmly eulogizes him. 
"He was a man whose public and private virtues commanded respect, and excited 



22 QUAKERS. 

day to me, has had an honour which has happened to few, that 
of mducing two persons wholly unconnected with you, to at- 
tach themselves to you; to make your interests their own, and 
without contract or pecuniary tie, to remain with you till their 
deaths. One of these w^as a Scotchman, of the name of Thomas 
Gordon, who came into my grandfather's service in Philadelphia, 
in the capacity of a clerk, continued with him after he had de- 
clined business, and remained among us long after his death, 
until the time of his own decease, which happened at Reading, 
in tlie year 1777. He was born in Aberdeen, and had been bred 
to business in a counting-house at Rotterdam. He never was 
married. In his latter days, he became a perfect clock in regu- 
lai'ity; was a truly honest man, and what will be thought still 
better by many, he was a genuine whig of seventy-six^ though 
too old or infirm to carry arms in the revolutionary contest. The 
otlier, was a maiden lady of the society of friends, who, upon 
occasion of my mother being in want of a female domestic, offered 
to assist her for a short time, came into the family soon after I 
was born, and never left it until taken from us by death, at an 
advanced age, in the year 1794. Her name was Ann Burgess ; 
she was a woman of good understanding and reputably con- 
nected. 

With the exception of the family of Doctor Denormandie, our 
ow'n, and perhaps one or two more, the principal inhabitants of 
Bristol were Quakers. Among these, the names of Buckley, Wil- 
liams, Large, Meritt, Hutchinson and Church, are familiar to me. 
The last, bred to the trade of a cooper, but who had put his son 
in the business, and employed himself more in the management 

admiration from all persons : He was speaker of the last assembly of Penn- 
sylvania under the proprietory government, and in the dawn of the Revolution 
devoted himself to tlie cause of his country, and successfully opposed the over- 
bearing influences of .loseph Galloway: ardent, eloquent, and full of zeal, by his 
exertions, during several days and nights of obstinate, warm and animated discus- 
sion, in extreme sultry weather, he overheated himself, and brougiit on an inflam- 
matory rheumatism, which radically destroyed his health, and ultimately de- 
prived society of one of its greatest ornaments, and his country of a statesman, 
a patriot and a soldier; for he had served several campaigns in the war of 1756, 
and if his health had been spared, would, no doubt, have occupied the second or 
third place in the Revolutionary armies." — Ed. 



QUAKERS. 23 

of a small farm and nursery of fruit trees, was a sincere and steady 
friend to our family. He Avas married to the sister of Ann Bur- 
gess, just mentioned, and was a very worthy man, possessing a 
good natural understanding, with a strong addiction to philo- 
sophical speculations. His attachment to my father went beyond 
friendship : it reached to admiration and veneration. He thought 
him, as he has often told me, one of the best and wisest men 
that ever lived. I never knew him do a foolish thing, said he, 
but once. Upon my asking him what that was ; it was, said he, 
on occasion of some worthless fellow reporting that he had seen 
one or more Indians in the swamp beyond the church, assembling 
a body of the militia, of which he was colonel,* and marching 
out with drums beating, and colours flying, against the supposed 
enemy. But this instance is equivocal. Whether my father gave 
credit to the report or not, others might, and no doubt did be- 
lieve it : It was also incumbent on him to be alert ; to inculcate 
that duty upon his men, and to inure them to alarms : and although 
more silence, and less parade, might have been more truly mili- 
tary, yet something of the "pride, pomp, and circumstance of 
glorious war," is allowable to militia, particularly to a body 
w^hich had certainly never encountered an enemy. Besides, to 
the calm incredulity of friend Church upon this occasion, we 
might perhaps safely add, a little both of the spirit of party and 
of quakerism. The people of his society, from principles averse 
from war, were charged with being too friendly to the Indians ; 
with being too ready to palliate their enormities, and conse- 
quently, indisposed to listen to the alarming accounts, which the 
panic produced by Braddock's defeat, had spread throughout the 
country. By this event, every obstacle to their incursions being 
removed, in the minds of the timid they were to be looked for 



* In Franklin and Hall's Gazette of February 9th, 1747, eight of the officers of 
Bucks county it is there stated — Alexander Graydon, Captain; Anthony Denor- 
mandie, Lieutenant ; James Barker, Ensign. In the same paper of the I5th March, 
same year, it is farther stated — Superior officers of a regiment in Bucks county, 
Alexander Graydon, Esq., Colonel, Matthew Hughes, Esq., Lieutenant Colonel ; 
John Denormandie, Esq., Major. He was also recommended in a nomination 
for a field officer in the Provincial Corps raising in 1758, but he declined the ap. 
pointment. See his letter in Appendix. 



24 



DOVE. 



every where. From the consternation that prevailed, I can still 
recollect, that the horrors of a discomfiture by such a foe, were 
among my most early and lively impressions. To the terrors of 
the tomahawk and the scalping knife, the imagination adds the 
savage yells, the gloomy woods and dismal swamps, which are 
their usual accompaniments; and, hence, minds that have been 
deeply impressed by the fatal fields of Braddock and St. Clair, 
ai'e well prepared for the sombre interest imparted by Tacitus's 
aflfecting description of that of Varus, visited after an interval of 
six years, by Germanicus :• — Occulta saltuum, mcestos, locos, visuque 
ac memoria deformes. Medio campi albentia ossa, utfiigerunt, ut 
restitenint disjecta vel aggerata. " Those deep and dreary re- 
cesses, hideous both to sight and memory; wdth the whitening 
bones, scattered or heaped together, as either they belonged to 
those who fell in flight, or met their fate resisting." 

There being no traces in my memory, of any incidents worthy 
of remark, during the period of my infancy, I pass on to the era 
of my removal to Philadelphia, for the sake of my education. 
This, I suppose to have been, betsveen my sixth and seventh 
year. I recollect little or nothing of going to school at Bristol, 
farther than that there was one, and the master's name Pinker- 
ton, a kind, good humoured Irishman, from whom I might have 
learned, that as one thing was cruel big, so another might be cruel 
little. In the city, I lived with, and was under the care of my 
grandfather. The school he first put me to, was that of David 
James Dove, an Englishman, and much celebrated in his day, as 
a teacher, and no less as a dealer in the minor kind of satirical 
poetry. To him were attributed some political effusions in this 
way, which wqxq thought highly of by his party, and made a good 
deal of noise. He had also made some figure, it seems, in the 
old world, being spoken of, as I have heard, though in what way 
I know not, having never seen the w^ork, in a book, entitled — The 
Life and Adventures of the Chevalier Taylor.* As the story went, 

* Tliis was Taylor the occulist, spoken of in Boswell's life of Johnson, and 
who, though sprightly, was, according to the doctor, an instance how far impu- 
dence could carry ignorance. He challenged me once to talk Latin with him, 
says the doctor. I quoted some of Horace, which he took to be my own speech* 
He said a few words well enough. 



SCHOOL DISCIPLINE. 25 

some one reading tliis performance to Mr. Dove on its first ap>- 
pearance, with the mischievous design of amusing himself at his 
expense, as he knew what the book contained, he (Dove) bore 
testimony to the truth of the contents, with which, he said, he 
was perfectly acquainted, exclaiming, as the reader went along, 
true, true as the gospel! but when the part was reached, in which 
he himself is introduced in a situation somewhat ridiculous, he 
cried out, it was a lie, a most abominable lie, and that there was 
not a syllable of truth in the story. At any rate. Dove was a hu- 
mourist, and a person not unlikely to be engaged in ludicrous 
scenes. It was his practice in his school, to substitute disgrace 
for corporal punishment. His birch was rarely used in canonical 
method, but was generally stuck into the back part of the collar 
of the unfortunate culprit, who, with this badge of disgrace tow- 
ering from his nape like a broom at the mast-head of a vessel for 
sale, was compelled to take his stand upon the top of the form, 
for such a period of time, as his offence was thought to deserve. 
He had another contrivance for boys who were late in their morn- 
ing attendance. This was to despatch a committee of five or six 
scholars for them, with a bell and lighted lantern, and in thi^ 
"odd equipage," in broad day light, the bell all the while ting- 
ling, were they escorted through the streets to school. As Dove 
affected a strict regard to justice in his dispensations of punish- 
ment, and always professed a willingness, to have an equal mea- 
sure of it meted out to himself in case of his transgressing, the 
boys took him at his word ; and one morning, when he had over- 
staid his time, either through laziness, inattention, or design, he 
found himself waited on in the usual form. He immediately ad- 
mitted the justice of the procedure, and putting himself behind 
the lantern and bell, marched with great solemnity to school, to 
the no small gratification of the boys, and entertainment of the 
spectators. But this incident took place before I became a scho- 
lar. It was once my lot to be attended in this manner, but what 
had been sport to my tutor, was to me a serious punishment. 

The school was, at this time, kept in Videll's alley, which 

opened into Second, a little below Chesnut street. It counted a 

number of scholars of both sexes, though chiefly boys ; and the 

assistant, or writing master, was John Reily, a very expert pen- 

3 



26 ACADEMY DOVE CHARLES THOMSON. 

man and conveyancer, a man of some note, who, in his gayer 
moods affected a pompous and technical phraseology, as he is 
characterized under the name of Parchment, in a farce written 
some forty years ago, and which, having at least the merit of no- 
velty and personality, was a very popular drama, though never 
brought upon the stage. Some years afterwards. Dove removed 
to Germantown, where he erected a large stone building, in the 
view of establishing an academy upon a large scale ; but I be- 
lieve his success was not answerable to his expectations. I know 
not what my progress was under the auspices of Mr. Dove, but 
having never in my early years, been smitten with the love of 
learning, I have reason to conclude, it did not pass mediocrity. 
I recollect a circumstance, however, which one afternoon took 
place at my grandfather's, to the no small entertainment of the old 
gentleman, who often adverted to it afterwards. Dove was there, 
and in endeavouring to correct my utterance, as I had an ill habit 
of speaking with my teeth closed, as if indifferent whether I spoke 
or not, he bawled out in one of his highest tones: " Why don't 
you speak louder ? open your mouth like a Dutchman — say 

Being now, probably, about eight years of age, it w'as deemed 
expedient to enter me at the academy, then, as it now continues 

* This Dove was a satirical poet, and has been described by Judge Peters, an 
early pupil of his, as a "sarcastical and ill-tempered doggerelizer, who was but 
ironically Dove ; for his temper was that of a hawk, and his pen the beak of a fal- 
con pouncing on innocent prey." 

He became, says Watson, a teacher of languages in the Philadelphia Acade- 
ray, and was chiefly conspicuous for tlie part lie took in the politics of tlic day, 
and by his caustic rhymes in ridicule of his opponents, he wrote poetical illus- 
trations to accompany the caricatures which abounded in his time, and was, him- 
self, in turn, a rich subject for the caricaturist. Watson records a characteristic 
anecdote of Charles Thomson, secretary to the Congress of 1776. When young, 
Thomson resided in the family of Dove, who, with his wife, was much addicted 
to scandal, a propensity in the highest degree offensive to the honourable nature 
of the future secretary. Wishing to leave Ihcm, but dreading their tongues, he 
adopted an ingenious expedient to prevent their injurious exercise. He gravely 
inquired of them one evening, if his conduct, as a boarder, had been satisfactory 
to them. They promptly replied in the afHrmativc. Would you, then, asked 
Thomson, be willing to give me a certificate to tliat effect ? " O, certainly." A 
certificate was accordingly given, and the next day he parted from them in 
peace* — Ed. 



ANECDOTE. , 27 

to be, under the name of a university, the principal seminary in 
Pennsylvania; and I was accordingly introduced by my father, to 
Mr. Kinnesley, the teacher of English and professor of oratory. 
He was an Anabaptist clergyman, a large, venerable looking man, 
of no great general erudition, though a considerable proficient in 
electricity; and who, whether truly or not, has been said to have 
had a share in certain discoveries in that science, of which Doc- 
tor Franklin received the whole credit. The task, of the younger 
boys, at least, consisted in learning to read and to write their mo- 
ther tongue grammatically ; and one day in the week (I think 
Friday) was set apart for the recitation of select passages in poetry 
and prose. For this purpose, each scholar, in his turn, ascended 
the stage, and said his speech, as the phrase was. This speech 
was carefully taught him by his master, both with respect to its 
pronunciation, and the action deemed suitable to its several parts. 
Two of these specimens of infantile oratory to the disturbance of 
my repose, I had been qualified to exhibit : Family partiality, no 
doubt, overrated their merit ; and hence, my declaiming powers 
were in a state of such constant requisition, that my orations, like 
worn out ditties, became vapid and fatiguing to me ; and conse- 
quently, impaired my relish for that kind of acquirement. More 
profit attended my reading. After ^Esop's fables, and an abridge- 
ment of the Roman history, Telemachus was put into our hands; 
and if it be admitted that the human heart may be bettered by 
instruction, mine, I may aver, was benefited by this w^ork of the 
virtuous Fenelon. While the mild wisdom of Mentor called 
forth my veneration, the noble ardour of the youthful hero excited 
my sympathy and emulation. I took part, like a second friend, 
in the vicissitudes of his fortune, I participated in his toils, I 
w^armed with his exploits, I wept where he wept, and exulted 
where he triumphed. 

As my lot has been cast in a turbulent period, in a season of 
civil war and revolution, succeeded by scenes of domestic discord 
and fury, in all of which I have been compelled to take a part, I 
deem it of consequence to myself, to bespeak toleration for the 
detail of a school-boy incident, that may in some degree serve to 
develope my character. It may equally tend to throw some light 
on the little world, upon whose stage I had now entered. A few 



28 



ANECDOTE. 



days after I had been put under the care of Mr. Kinnersley, I was 
told by my class-mates, that it was necessary for me to light a 
battle with some one, in order to establish my claim to the ho- 
nour of being an academy boy: that this could not be dispensed with, 
and that they would select for me a suitable antagonist, one of my 
match, whom after school I must fight, or be looked upon as a 
coward. I must confess, that I did not at all relish the proposal. 
Though possessing a sufficient degree of spirit, or at least irasci- 
bility, to defend myself when assaulted, I had never been a boxer. 
Being of a light and slender make, I was not calculated for the 
business, nor had I ever been ambitious of being the cock of a 
school. Besides, by the laws of the institution I was now a subject 
of, fighting was a capital crime ; a sort of felony deprived of 
clergy, whose punishment was not to be averted by the most 
scholar-like reading. For these reasons, both of which had suffi- 
cient weight with me, and the last not the least, as I had never 
been a wilful transgressor of rules, or callous to the consequences 
of an infraction of them, I absolutely declined the proposal ; al- 
though I had too much of that feeling about me, which some 
might call false honour, to represent the case to the master, which 
would at once have extricated me from my difficulty, and brought 
down condign punishment on its imposers. Matters thus went 
on until school was out, when I found that the lists were appoint- 
ed, and that a certain John Appowen, a lad who, though not quite 
so tall, yet better set and older than myself, was pitted against me. 
With increased pertinacity I again refused the combat, and insist- 
ed on being permitted to go home unmolested. On quickening 
my pace for this purpose, my persecutors, with Appowen at their 
head, followed close at my heels. Upon this I moved faster and 
faster, until my retreat became a flight too unequivocal and in- 
glorious for a man to relate of himself, had not Homer furnished 
some apology for the procedure, in making the heroic Hector 
thrice encircle the walls of Troy, before he could find courage to 
encounter the implacable Achillus. To cut the story short, my 
spirit could no longer brook an oppression so intolerable, and 
stung to the quick at the term coward which was lavished upon 
me, I made a halt and faced my pursuers. A combat immedi- 
ately ensued between Appowen and myself, which for some time. 



EARLY ADVENTURE. 29 

was maihtained on each side, with equal vigour and determina- 
tion, when unhickily, I received his fist directly in ray gullet. 
The blow for a time depriving me of breath, and the power of re- 
sistance, victory declared for my adversary, though not without 
the acknowledgment of the party, that I had at last behaved Avell, 
and shown myself not unwortliy the name of an academy boy. 
Being thus established, I had no more battles imposed upon me, 
and none that I can recollect of my own provoking ; for I have a 
right to declare, that my general deportment was correct and un- 
offending, though extremely obstinate and unyielding under a 
sense of injustice.* I gave an early instance of this, in once 
burning the rod with which my father had corrected me ; and 
upon his finding it out, and coiTCcting me a second time, I de- 
clared I would drown myself, and ran towards a creek in a 
meadow not far oflf, w^ith such an appearance of determination to 
execute the threat, that he thought proper to despatch a servant 
after me in haste ; and upon my being brought back, rather to 
yield to the violence of my temper, than persist in the attempt to 
subdue it. 

In saying my resistance proceeded from a sense of injustice, I 
would by no means have it understood, that my father had been 
culpable. I rather suppose, that a too ardent idea of the rights of 
a child, had led me to consider that conduct oppressive, which 
was merely the eflfect of a paternal concern for my welfare. 

"While upon the topic of those early adventures, by which we 
are initiated into the ways of the world, I may mention a circum- 
stance of another nature, which happened not very long after my 
arrival in the city. One evening about dusk, I was amusing myself 
on the pavement before the door, with some marbles ; for having 
never been very strongly incited by a spirit of gambling, I fre- 
quently played alone, and even when I had a companion I gene- 

* The poignancy of my feelings on such occasions, lias given me a degree of 
veneration for justice which I have rarely discovered in others. Nor has my 
own interest or that of my connexions or country, ever led me to espouse their 
cause, when unsupported by right. Hence, I can never be a patriot in the mo- 
dern acceptation of the word ; more especially, as in sifting the merits of a cause, 
I have a most unlucky propensity of referring all acts of subsequent aggression 
to the original wrong. A monstrous supererogation of morality this, in the eyes 
of orthodox patriotism. 

3* 



30 EARLY CHARACTER. 

rally preferred playing in fun, to speak technically, to playing in 
earnest. A little, skulking rogue, with whom I had no kind of 
acquaintance, came up to me, and as he joined me in play with 
some marbles of his own, he took occasion to observe, that his 
were too small for him, but as mine, on the contrary, were large 
and exactly suited to his hand, he proposed an exchange, offering 
me the odds, first, of two, and then of three for one. Having no 
disposition to traffic with him, being pleased with my own and 
satisfied with their number, I at first objected to his proposal, but 
he pressed me in so earnest a manner to accommodate him with 
but a part of mine, that after some hesitation, I consented. With- 
out giving me time for a resumption of my first determination, he 
picked up six or eight of my marbles, and throwing me down three 
or four times the number of his own, the amount of boot being 
apparently wholly unworthy of calculation, he decamped in a 
twinkling. Upon gathering up the commodities I had received ia 
such abundance, I found them rather light'; and on closer inspec- 
tion, discovered, that as they had been but clay in the hands of 
the potter, so I had been an equally ductile material in the hands 
of a swindler. These things are but puerilities, and very trifles, it 
is true, but can it be said that they are irrelative to the objects I 
§et out with ? And are they not prototypes of the transactions, 
which the more important scene of man every day exhibits ? If 
swindling and oppression beset us in infancy, does experience 
warrant us in affirming that the state of manhood is exempt from 
them ? 

Might I here be pardoned a brief recognition of the qualities my 
childhood had unfolded, I might say, that, with a sufficient share 
of obstinacy and impatience of control, I had never manifested a 
propensity to mischief; and though I might sometimes have been 
a follower, I had never promoted or been a leader in those pranks 
which are denominated unlucky: Thank Heaven, I had never been 
guilty of a trick, and rarely, if ever, of a lie. I had no cunning, 
and consequently, gave no token of those talents which might 
qualify me, one day, to rise in a commonwealth. On a scrutiny, 
therefore, of my character, the possibility might have been inferred, 
that in an evil hour and at a riper age, my passions might have hur- 
ried. i»e into acts of fatal rashness, as, under better stars, they might 



EARLY CHARACTER. 31 

have impelled me into the path of a Hampden ; but, that in no 
situation, I could have trod the track of a Gracchus or a Drusus. 

The Gracchi fond of mischief making laws, 
And Drusi popular in faction's cause. 

Neither could the unshrinking determination which must enter into 
the composition of a Brutus, have justly been imputed to me ; not 
even on the specious ground of public good: my stuff was not so 
stern. 

My amusements, as I have already said, depended much upon 
myself. I had a passion for drawing ; and my early essays were 
considered as indications of much genius for the art. I was in 
the practice also, of cutting men and horses out of cards. By 
separating the legs of the bipeds, I mounted them without diffi- 
culty ; and by a similar process on those of the quadrupeds, I 
could give them a firm stand on a table. By these means I could 
either send them a hunting with a pack of hounds, in like manner 
set upon their feet, or attach unmounted horses to sleighs or wheel 
carriages (all of which I manufactured) at pleasure. My talent 
also gave me the command of regiments of cavalry, and my even- 
ings, when there was no company, were generally employed in ar- 
ranging them in order of battle. Divided into two bodies, they were 
disposed in hostile array, while round pieces of card representing 
cannon balls, were the missiles alternately thrown at the different 
corps; that side being held to be defeated, which was first battered 
down. It was truly a war of extermination, as the vanquished 
were always cut off to a man. Both my grandfather and grand- 
mother, as well as my aunts, were pleased with my exhibitions ; 
and it became a matter of doubt in the family, whether my genius 
most inclined me to the profession of a limner or a general. 

Music, too, was an art for which I had discovered a propensity, 
and had already the enthusiasm of an amateur. From the drums 
and fifes of Otway's regiment, which every morning passed our 
door, I had, among other tunes, learned the grenadier's march ; and 
I remember one day being on a visit to my father, who then 
resided in the country at a place of Doctor Denormandie's, as I 
was whistling it with great devotion, and marching to it in proper 
time, he was delighted with the truthof my ear and the correctness 



32 ADDISON BALLAD. 

of my performance : For he was much of a musical man, and 
played upon the violin, though, as I have been informed by one 
of his old friends, with more of science than execution. 

Another circumstance of some affinity to the topic, I cannot 
withhold, since it is an evidence of my coincidence in taste with 
the celebrated Mr. Addison. I have somewhere seen it mentioned, 
that he was a warm admirer of the ballad of Salley of the alley. I 
once, when very young, heard my mother sing it over a cradle, 
and was so enraptured with its simple pathos, that I was continually 
importuning her to repeat it. Whether it was the composition or 
the melody which had charmed me, I know not, but to my infant 
heart it appeared inimitably tender and affecting. The only verse 
I recollect of it is the following : — 

Of all the days within the week, 

I dearly love but one day, 

And that's the day that comes between 

Saturday and Monday : 

For then I'm drcst 

All in by best, 
• To walk abroad with Sally, 

She is the darling- of my heart 
And lives in our alley. 

Though an old ballad, it is possible that it may be yet so well 
known as to render this recital unnecessary, if not to give it an 
appearance of triteness. At any rate, I should hardly have ven- 
tured to notice it had it not been dignified by the approbation of 
a respectable name.* 

* The author of the Ballad was Henry Carey, translator of Dante, and a popu- 
lar English poet. " The works of Carey do not appear in any of our great col- 
lections, where Walsh, Duke, and Yalden slumber on the shelf. Yet Carey was 
a true son of the muses, and a most successful writer. To this ballad of Sally in 
our alley,' he prefixed an argument so full of nature, that the song may derive 
an additional interest from its simple origin. The author assures the reader that 
the popular notion, that the subject of his ballad had been the noted Sail}' Salis- 
bury, is perfectly erroneous, he being a stranger to her name at the time the song 
was composed. 

"As innocence and virtue were ever the boundaries of his muse, so in this little 
poem he had no other view than to set forth the beauty of a chaste and disinte- 
rested passion even in Uie lowest class of human life. The real occasion was this : 



DEATH OF author's FATHER. 33 

It was some time before my entering into the Latin school, that 
I had the misfortune to loose my father. This was in March,, 
1761. He had just finished a country house on a favourite spoty 
sufficiently elevated to overlook the adjacent district for some 
miles round, and to command a view of the town of Bristol, dis- 
tant not quite a mile, as well as that of Burlington, together with 
an extensive intervening tract of meadow ground, stretching to 
the shore of the Delaware, whose bright expanse was also subject- 
ed to the eye. He had long been improving the site before he 
began to build ; had planted it with the best fruits in every kind, 
and given to it the style of embellishment, both with respect to 
the disposition of the grounds and the trees, which was at that 
time in fashion. But this residence, at once so cherished and de- 
lightful, he was permitted to enjoy not quite a year. The blow 
was desolating to my mother, " whose heart was apt to feel ;" and 
who, in addition to the calamity of being bereaved of one with 
whom her union had been happiness uninterrupted, found herself 
at about the age of two and thirty, solely involved in the cares of 
a young family of four children, of whom I, about to complete my 
ninth year, was the eldest. To me, who was at home when the 
event took place, it was rather a shock than a matter of poignant 
grief. It was the first death that had been brought home to me ; 
and the deep distress of the family, together with the dismal ap- 
paratus of coffins and hearses, could not fail to overwhelm me in 
tlie general gloom. The next day I was sent to Philadelphia, 
whither the remains of my father, attended by his faithful and de- 
jected friend Joseph Church, were conveyed for interment. As 
funeral honours upon these occasions, are the only solace of the 

A shoemaker's 'prentice, making holy-day with his sweetheart, treated her with 
a sight of Bedlam, the puppet-shows, the flying-chairs, and all the elegancies of 
Moorfields ; whence proceeding to the Farthing Pie-house, he gave her a collec- 
tion of buns, cheese-cakes, gammon of bacon, stuffed beef, and bottled ale; through 
all which scenes the author dodged them (charmed with the simplicity of their 
courtship,) whence he drew this little sketch of nature; but, being then young 
and obscure, he was very much ridiculed for this performance; which, neverthless, 
made its way into the polite world, and amply recompensed him by the applause 
of the divine Addison, who was pleased, more than once, to mention it with ap- 
probation." — D'' Israeli's Calamities of Authors. — Ed, 



34 LATIN SCHOOL. 

afflicted, they were here bestowed with an unsparing hand. Much 
pomp was shown, and much expense incurred, both of which 
would have been saved had the will of the deceased, which en- 
joined a plain and economical burial, been previously opened. 
The pall, sustained by six of his old city friends, I followed as 
chief mourner, and saw the body deposited in the grave yard of 
Market street meeting-house, in or near the tomb wherein his 
first wife had been laid. My father, as already mentioned, came 
to tliis country a married man, and was about twenty years older 
than my mother. Though he died possessed of a large and 
valuable landed property in the neighbourhood of Bristol, con- 
sisting of an equal part of one thousand acres, purchased in con- 
junction with Mr. M'llvaine in the year 1752 of William Whita- 
ker of London, it was encumbered ; and the provision, made ne- 
cessary by a settlement on his first marriage, for two children, who 
were the issue of it, rendered the residue inadequate to the sup- 
port of his w^idow and her children. Hence, a removal of the fa- 
mily to Philadelphia became expedient, and was resolved on as 
soQn as the requisite arrangements could be made ; and it accord- 
ingly took place in the course of the year.* 

* I was unwilling to enlarge on the topic of my family, or I might have said 
a great deal more of my father. From the enthusiasm with which I have heard 
him spoken of by some who knew him, I have reason to infer, that he was not 
only a man of unquestionable probity, but that there was, also, much of attraction 
in his character. Among his qualities, was that of a singularly clear and har- 
monious voice, which he frequently exercised in reading aloud. His choice of 
books for this purpose, often fell upon Tclemaches, Don Quixote, and Shakspeare, 
passages from all of which, I remember to have heard him read ; particularly the 
opening of the first, which introduces the disconsolate Calypso with her attendant 
nymphs, and the two strangers just shipwrecked on her isle, and to which he 
gave all the romantic melancholy and pathos that belong to it. From Don Quix- 
ote, the mad attack on the wind-mills and the sheep, by his elevated voice and 
theatrical manner, for he really acted the passages, lost nothing of the animation 
originally impressed upon tlicm by their inimitable author. Nor was Shakspeare 
more a sufferer in his hands. Parts of his Henry IV. I have lieard liim read, and 
also of his Julius Cojsar, in which the speech of Marcellus the Tribune, begin- 
ning 

"Wherefore rejoice, what conquests brings he home? 
What tributaries follow him to Rome, &c," 

from the uncommon energy of his manner of reciting it, is particularly impressed 
on my mind. I have understood from my mother that he had been a member of 



LATIN SCHOOL. 35 

I liave said that I was about to enter the Latin school. The 
person whose pupil I was consequently to become, was Mr. John 
Beveridge, a native of Scotland, who retained the smack of his 
vernacular tongue in its primitive purity. His acquaintance with 
the language he taught, was, I believe, justly deemed to be very 
accurate and profound. But as to his other acquirements, after 
excepting the game of backgammon, in which he was said to ex- 
cel, truth will not warrant me m saying a great deal. He was, 
however, diligent and laborious in his attention to his school ; and 
had he possessed the faculty of making himself beloved by the 
scholars, and of exciting their emulation and exertion, nothing 
would have been wanting in him to an entire qualification for his 
office. But, unfortunately, he had no dignity of character, and was 
no less destitute of the art of making himself respected than be- 
loved. Though not perhaps to be complained of as intolerably 
severe, he yet made a pretty free use of the ratan and the ferule, 
but to very little purpose. He was in short no disciplinarian, and 
consequently very unequal to the management of seventy or eighty 
boys, many of whom were superlatively pickle and unruly. He 
was assisted, indeed, by two ushers, who eased him in the bur- 
den of teaching, but who, in matters of discipline, seemed disin- 
clined to interfere, and disposed to consider themselves rather as 
subjects than rulers. I have seen them slily slip out of the way 
when the principal was entering upon the job of capitally punish- 
ing a boy, who from his size, would be likely to make resistance. 
For this had become nearly a matter of course ; and poor Beve- 
ridge, who was diminutive in his stature, and neither young nor 
vigorous, after exhausting himself in the vain attempt to denude 
the delinquent, was generally glad to compound for a few strokes 
over his clothes, on any part that was accessible. He had, in- 
deed, so frequently been foiled, that his birch at length was rarely 
brought forth, and might truly be said to have lost its terrors — it 
was tanquam gladiumin vagina repos'itum. He indemnified him- 
self, however, by a redoubled use of his ratan. 

a conversation and reading club in Philadelphia, in which the task of reading a 
new book was always devolved on him when present, and that, in this capacity, 
Young's Night Thoughts, on their coming out, were read by him to the com- 
pany. 



36 ANECDOTES OF MR. BEVERIDGE. 

So entire was the want of respect towards him, and so hable 
was he to be imposed upon, that one of the larger boys, for a 
wager, once pulled off his wig, which he effected by suddenly 
twitching it from his head under pretence of brushing from it a 
spider; and the unequivocal insult was only resented by the 
peevish exclamation of hoot mon ! 

Various were the rogueries that were played upon him ; but 
the most audacious of all was the following. At the hour of con- 
vening in the afternoon, that being found the most convenient, 
from the circumstance of Mr. Beveridge being usually a little be- 
yond the time ; the bell having rung, the ushers being at their 
posts, and the scholars arranged in their classes, tliree or four of 
the conspirators conceal themselves without, for the purpose of 
observing the motions of their victim. He arrives, enters the 
school, and is permitted to proceed until he is supposed to have 
nearly reached his chair at the upper end of the room, when in- 
stantly the door and every window-shutter is closed. Now, 
shrouded in utter darkness, the most hideous yells that can be 
conceived, are sent forth from at least three score of throats ; and 
Ovids, and Virgils, and Horaces, together with the more heavy 
metal of dictionaries, whether of Cole, of Young, or of Ainsworth, 
are hurled without remorse at the head of the astonished pre- 
ceptor, who, on his side, groping and crawling under cover of 
the forms, makes the best of his way to the door. When attained, 
and Light restored, a death-like silence ensues. Every boy is at 
his lesson ; no one has had a hand or a voice in the recent atro- 
city : what then is to be done, and who shall be chastised. 

ScBvit atrox Volscens, nee teli conspicit usquam 
Jluctorem, nee quo se ardens immittere possit. 

Fierce Volscens foams with rage, and gazing round 
Descries not him who aim'd the fatal wound ; 
Nor knows to fix revenge. — 

This most intolerable outrage, from its succeeding beyond ex- 
pectation, and being entirely to the taste of the school, had a run 
of several days ; and was only then put a stop to by the inter- 
ference of the faeulty, who decreed the most exemplary punish- 



SINGULAR PETITION". 37 

merit on those who should be found offending in the premises, 
and by taking measures to prevent a farther repetition of the 
enormity. 

I have said, and with truth, that I was no promoter of mis- 
chief; but I will not take upon me to assert, that I was proof 
against the irresistible contagion of such a scene, or that I did 
not raise my voice in the discordant concert of the screamers : 
though I can safely declare, that I never threw at the master, 
and that I was wholly ignorant of the contrivers and ringleaders 
of this shameful proceeding. 

In the year 1765, Mr. Beveridge published by subscription a 
small collection of Latin poems. Of their general merit I pre- 
sume not to judge, but I think I have heard they were not much 
commended by the British reviewers. The latinity probably is 
pure, the prosody correct, the versification sufficiently easy and 
sounding, and such as might serve to evince an intimate acquaint- 
ance with the classics of ancient Rome : But I should doubt their 
possessing much of the soul of poetry. One of them is neither 
more nor less than an humble petition in hexamaters, and cer- 
tainly a very curious specimen of pedantic mendicity. It is ad- 
dressed to Thomas Penn, the proprietary of Pennsylvania; and 
the poet very modestly proposes, that he should bestow upon 
him a few of his acres, innumerable, he observes, as the sands of 
the Delaware ; in return for which, his verse shall do its best to 
confer immortal fame upon the donor. By way of farther induce- 
ment to the gift, he sets before his excellency the usual ingrati- 
tude of an enriched and unknown posterity, on the one hand ; 
and on the other, the advantage which Ajax, iEneas and Maece- 
nas derived from the muses of Homer, of Virgil and Horace. But 
lest I might be suspected of misrepresentation, let my good 
quondam preceptor speak for himself. 

Jugera quum tibi sint quot habet Delavarus arenas, 
Quid magnum minimo tribuas si propria parvcD. 
Fundamenta casce, Boreae qu!i frig^ora pellam. 
Non dabis ingrato dederis licet a-ris egeuo, 
Quodque tibi minimum, magnum esset pauca roganti. 
Sin renuas, tanti nee sint commereia nostra, 
Hoc quoque ne pigeat cito spem proecidere vanam. 

4 



38 beveridge's poems. 

Nee periisse ptita, dedcris quod vivus amico ; 
Credere fas sit enim, si quid mea carmina possint, 
Sera licet, majora feras quam Mexico nobis, 
Seu Tagus aiiriferis cxnndans mittit arenis ; 
Auguror ct si quid vivos post fata superstes. 

Quid juvat ignotis, ingratis forsitan, auri 
Pondera, frugiferis vel millia jugera campis 

Linqucre post natis ? Nequeunt nam proderc faroam j^ 

Divitiae, nequeunt titulis monumenta superbis. 

Quid foret ^Eneas, et magni nominis Ajax, 
Atque alii quorum sunt nomina multa virorum ; 
Ni foret et vates divini carminis auctor 
Mseonides, sacro qui primus verticc Pindi 
Deduxit faciles Plioebo plaudente, Camoenas? 

Vol quid Majcenas animi mentisque benignee 
Ni bencfacta sui celcbrassct carmen Horati, 
Et Maro munificum cecinisset gratus amicum ? &c. &0. 

Might not one here be tempted to exclaim in the spirit of Prior 
to Boileau! 

Pindar, that eagle mounts the skies. 
While virtue leads the noble way : 
Too like a vulture Bev^ridge flies 
Where sordid iut'rest lures the prey. 

I never heard, however, that the poet was the better for his appH- 
cation: I rather think that the proprietor was of opinion, there 
was a want of reciprocity in the proposal, and that, whatever the 
carmen Horati vel Maronis might have been worth, that of Mr. 
Beveridge did not amount to a very valuable consideration. 

Another of the principal poems in this collection is a pastoral, 
■Vvhich, if Mr. Beveridge had had the salutary fear of Boileau be- 
fore his eyes, he certainly would not have written; since, never 
was production more completely under the lash of the following 
satirical lines. . 

Viendrai-jc, en unc Eglogue entoure de troupeaux 
Au milieu do Paris cnfler mcs chalumeaux, 
Et dans mon cabinet assis au pied dcs hetres, 
Faire dire aux cchos des sottises champetres 1 



beveridge's poems. 39 

The complainant in this pastoral is an Edinburgh cit, whom he 
appropriately calls Urbanus : nevertheless he is, without the small- 
est difficulty, transformed into a shepherd, surrounded with sheep, 
and proclaiming to the echoes his sottises champetres, in strains 
like these — 

Audiit et planctus gcmebunda remurmurat Echo, 
Echo sola meos miserata est, inquit amores ; 
Tristia nam maestis ex saxis assonat imis, 
riebile luctisonis responsat et usque cicutis. 
Me miserum quoties exclaino, higubris ilia 
Me miserum ingcminat gelidis e vallibus : Eheu, 
Clamanti exclamat, repetitis vocibus, Eheu ! 

But after all, it is perhaps too much to expect from a modern, 
good Latin, good poetry, and good sense, all at the same time. 

As it frequently happens in human affairs, that men are mis- 
placed, and that those found in a subordinate station are better 
fitted for the supreme authority than those who are invested with 
it, so it generally was in the Latin school of the academy. The 
ushers, during the term of my pupilage, a period of four years, or 
more, were often changed ; and some of them, it must be admitted, 
were insisfnificant enough : but others, w^ere men of sense and re- 

DO ? 

spectability, to whom, on a comparison with the principal, the 
management of the school miojht have been committed whh much 
advantao-e. Amons; these was Mr. Patrick Allison, afterwards 
officiating as a Presbyterian clergyman in Baltimore ; Mr. James 
Wilson, late one of the associate justices of the supreme court of 
the United States ; and Mr. John Andrews, afterwards Doctor An- 
drews of the University of Pennsylvania. It is true, they were 
much younger men than Mr. Beveridge, and probably unequal 
adepts in the language that w^as taught; but even on the supposi- 
tion of this comparative deficiency on their part, it would have 
been amply compensated on the score of judicious discipline and 
instruction. 

With respect to my progress and that of the class to which I 
belonged, it was reputable and perhaps laudable for the first two 
years. From a pretty close application, we were well grounded 
in grammar, and had passed through the elementary books, much 
to the approbation of our teachers; but at length, with a single 



40 PHILADELPHIA ACADEMY. 

exception, we became possessed of the demons of liberty and 
idleness. We were, to a great degree, impatient of the restraints 
of a school ; and if we yet retained any latent sparks of the emu- 
lation of improvement, we were, unfortunately, never favoured 
with the collision that could draw them forth. We could feel- 
ingly have exclaimed with Louis the fourteenth, mais a quoi sert 
de lire ! but where's the use of all this pouring over books! One 
boy thought he had Latin enough, as he was not designed for a 
learned profession ; his father thought so too, and was about 
taking him from school. Another was of opinion that he might 
be much better employed in a counting-house, and was also about 
ridding himself of his scholastic shackles. As this was a con- 
summation devoutly wished by us all, we cheerfully renounced the 
learned professions for the sake of the supposed liberty that would 
be the consequence. We were all, therefore, to be merchants, 
as to be mechanics was too humiliating ; and accordingly, when 
the question was proposed, which of us would enter upon the 
study of Greek, the grammar of which tongue was about to be 
put into our hands, there were but two or three who declared for 
it. As to myself, it was my mother's desire, from her knowing 
it to have been my father's intention to give me the best educa- 
tion the country afforded, that I should go on, and acquire every 
language and science that was taught in the institution ; but, as 
my evil star would have it, I was thoroughly tired of books and 
confinement, and her advice and even entreaties were overruled 
by my extreme repugnance to a longer continuance in the college, 
which, to my lasting regret, I bid adieu to when a little turned of 
fourteen, at the very season when the minds of the studious be- 
gin to profit by instruction. We were at this time reading Horace 
and Cicero, having passed through Ovid, Virgil, Caesar, and Sal- 
lust. From my own experience on tliis occasion, I am inclined 
to think it of much consequence, that a boy designed to com- 
plete his college studies, should be classed with those of a similar 
destination. 

Of a dozen or more class-mates, the lapse of more than forty 
years, puts it out of my power to recognise more than three of 
them, who are yet alive ; though there may be others ; settled at 
a distance. One of those, who was the exception to the idle pro- 



author's early olass-mates. 41 

pensity I have mentioned, has lately filled an important office in 
the state ; another of them, though a boy of good parts and much 
vivacity, early betook himself to a very retired walk of life, from 
which he never emerged ; and the third, with whom I have ever 
continued in the closest intimacy and friendship, leads, in ease 
and affluence on his paternal estate, the happy life of a country 
gentleman, within a convenient distance of the metropolis. 

In making this enumeration, there occurs to me a member who 
joined us perhaps about a year before I left the college. I cannot call 
him a boy, since he was married, and for ought I know, between 
thirty and forty years of age. His puckered cheeks, at least, 
would have justified the latter part of this conjecture. He was 
preparing himself for the pulpit of an anabaptist meeting-house, 
and although the acquisition of his Latin was sufficiently arduous 
in all conscience, he was yet courageous enough to be looking 
forward to the attainment also of the Greek and the Hebrew. 
With a rueful length of visage and features of the coursest mould, 
his figure was tall, raw-boned and ungainly, and certainly a very 
heterogeneous ingredient in the mass in which he had chosen to 
compound it. But he was not more distinguished by the uncouth- 
ness of his appearance than by the meekness of his deportment. 
It was of the back of this overgrown school-boy that Beveridge 
usually strove to. avail himself, in those abortive, flagellant efforts 
I have mentioned ; and the function, however unpleasing to the 
Brobdingnagian, he had too strong a sense of duty to decline. 
Such was th^ personage, who, from a clerical ardour, had been 
tempted to transform himself into this scholastic phenomenon. 
His name, I think, was Stevens; an d^ though I have amused my-, 
self with the recollection of his ludicrous attributes, it is with still 
more satisfaction I bear testimony to those, that, from their simple 
benevolence, were truly respectable. 



42 RETROSPECTIVE EVENTS, &C. 



CHAPTER II. 

Retrospective events in the Author's history. — Philadelphia. — Yellow fever. — 
Lodging house. — Foot races. — Paxton boys. — They threaten the city. — Ogle 
and Friend. — Author's early amusements. — School anecdotes. — Sailing ex- 
cursion. — Swimming and Skating. — Abb^ Raynal. — Lodging-house guests.— 
Baron De Kalb. — Lady Moore, — Lady Susan O'Brien. — Woodward. — Sir Wil- 
liam Draper. — Frank Ricliardson. — Anecdote. — Major Ethcrington. — Anec- 
dote. — Majors Small and Fell. — General Reid. — Captain Wallace. — Anecdote 
of Joseph Church. — Rivington the printer. 

Although it was in my fifteenth year, as already mentioned,, 
that I took my leave of the academy, yet the circumstances I am 
now about to avert to were antecedent to that event, and are to 
be considered as having taken place within the five years pre- 
ceding it. 

Among the persons who were acquainted and visited at my 
grandfather's, were Doctor Laughlin M'Lean* and his lady. 
The latter rarely missed a day, when the weather was favourable, 
of calling upon our countrywoman, my grandmother ; and I well 
remember, she was always attended or rather preceded by a small 
white dog, enormously fat, in which quality he even exceeded his 
mistress, who yielded to few of her species and sex, in the pos- 
session of an enviable embonpoint. The doctor was considered 
to have great skill in his profession, as well as to be a man of wit 
and general information, but I have never known a person who 
had a more distressing impediment in his speech. Yet, notwith- 
standing this misfortune, he some years after, on his return to 
Europe, had the address to recommend himself to a seat in the 
British House of Commons. He is understood to be the same 
Lauchlan Macleane, who at Edinburgh evinced a generous be- 
nevolence in administering to the relief of the celebrated Oliver 

* Dr. Lauchlan Macleane. Sec Appendix B. — Ed. 



YELLOW FEVER. 43 

Goldsmith, as related in the life of that poet ; and it is this cir- 
cumstance which has principally induced me to notice him here. 

About the year 1760 or 1761, to the best of my recollection, 
the city was alarmed by a visitation of the yellow fever. I can 
say nothing of the extent of its ravages, having been, happily, 
too young to be infected with the panic it produced, or to have 
been at all interested in the inquiry, whether it had an adequate 
cause. My impression rather was, that it was an occurrence by 
no means to be deprecated, since the schools were shut up, and 
a vacation of five or six weeks, its fortunate consequence. As 
the city was deserted by such as could leave it without too much 
inconvenience, my grandfather took refuge at his country house 
near Germantown, whither, as one of his family I accompanied 
him, and remained there until the danger was supposed to be 
over. 

It was in the fall, probably of this very year, that my mother 
removed to Philadelphia, ui the view of keeping a lodging house, 
an employment, which in Pennsylvania, has been the usual 
resource of persons in her situation, that is, of widows, reputably 
brought up, left in circumstances too slender for the support of 
their families. She began with taking boys who went to the 
academy, of which there were generally a number from the 
southern provinces and the West India islands. Being thus esta- 
blished, I left my gi-andfather's for her house, and by this change 
of residence, bid adieu to the old route, which for about two 
years I had traversed in going to and returning from school, in the 
winter four times, and in the summer six times a day. I had my 
choice, indeed, of different streets, and sometimes varied my course ; 
but it generally led me through what is now called Dock street, then 
a filthy uncovered sewer, bordered on either side by shabby 
stables and tan-yards. To these, succeeded the more agreeable 
object of Israel Pemberton's* garden (now covered in part by the 

* This property, together with the mansion erected thereon, was originally in 
possession of William Clarke, Esq. For several years, says Watson, the pre. 
mises were occupied by some of the earlier governors. It was purchased by 
Andrew Hamilton, Esq., Attorney General. Its next owner was Israel Pem- 
berton, and subsequently became celebrated as " Pemberton's House and gardens." 
The building was large, containing many parlours and chambers, and stood on, 



44 FOOT RACES, 

bank of the United States)* laid out in the old fashioned style of 
uniformity, with walks and allies nodding to their brothers, and 
decorated with a number of evergreens carefully clipped into py- 
ramidal and conical forms. Here the amenity of the view usually 
detained me for a few minutes : Thence, turning Chestnut street 
corner to the left, and passing a row of dingy two-story houses, 
I came to the Whale bones, which gave name to the alley, at the 
corner of which they stood. These never ceased to be occa- 
sionally an object of some curiosity, and might be called my 
second stage, beyond which there was but one more general ob- 
ject of attention, and this was to get a peep at the race horses, 
which in sporting seasons were kept in the widow Nichols's 
stables, which from her house, (the Indian Queen at the corner of 
Market street,) extended perhaps two-thirds or more of the way 
to Chestnut street. In fact, throughout the whole of my route, 
the intervals took up as much ground as the buildings ; and with 
the exception of here and there a straggling house, Fifth street 
might have been called the western extremity of the city. 

My course was much shortened by the removal to my mother's, 
who had taken a house in Arch street, facing the Friends burying 
ground. The first lads that were placed with her, were two 
brothers, the sons of a colonel Lewis of Virginia. The younger, 
named Samuel, about a year older than myself, had the attrac- 
tions of a pleasing countenance and great gentleness of manners. 
Though he belonged to a younger class than mine, the living and 
sleeping together were sufficient to cement a warm attachment 

the south side of Chestnut street, a short disi ance west of Third. Afler the decease 
of Mr. Pembcrton, it was occupied by Alexandkr Hamilton, as Secretary of 
the Treasury of the United States. The building- was razed about the year 1800, 
and the grounds divided into building- lots upon which were soon erected more 
convenient structures, many of which have already given place, in their turn, to 
the loftier and more commodious edifices of still more recent time.— -Ed. 

* Purchased by the late Mr. Steplien Girard, and occupied for many years by 
him as a successful banker. His bank was in high credit at the time of his 
decease, and, under his able and judicious management, had always, and fre- 
quently during periods of depression and trial, sustained its high reputation. At 
his death, the building was occupied and known as "the Girard Bank," — a new 
institution under far different auspices, which, in due time, met with a violent end. 
The building remains, however, — a lucky circumstance ! — Ep. 



FOOT RACES. 45 

between us, and there was not a boy in the school in whose 
welfare and competitions I took so decided an interest ; the ar- 
dour of which was in almost perpetual requisition, from the cir- 
cumstance of his being a champion in the gymnastic exercise of 
running, which was then the rage. The enthusiasm of the turf 
had pervaded the academy, and the most extravagant transports 
of that theatre on the triumph of a favourite horse, were not more 
zealous and impassioned, than were the acclamations which fol- 
lowed the victor in a foot-race round a square. Stripped to the 
shirt, and accoutred for the heat by a handkerchief bound round 
the head, another round the middle, with loosened knee-bands, 
without shoes, or with mocasons instead of them, the racers were 
started ; and turning to the left round the corner of Arch street, 
they encompassed the square in which the academy stands, while 
the most eager spectators, in imitation of those who scour across 
the course at a horse-race, scampered over the church burying 
gi'ound to Fifth street, in order to see the state of the runners as 
they passed, and to ascertain which was likely to be foremost, on 
turning Market street corner. The four sides of this square can- 
not be much less than three-quarters of a mile ;* wherefore, bot- 
tom in the coursers, was no less essential than swiftness, and in 
both, Lewis bore away the palm from every one that dared enter 
against him. After having in a gi-eat number of matches com- 
pletely triumphed over the academy, other schools were resorted 
to for racers; but all in vain: Lewis was the Eclipse that distanced 
every competitor, the swift-footed Achilles, against the vigorous 
agility of whose straight and well-proportioned form, the long 
legged stride of the overgrown, and the nimble step of the dap- 
per, were equally unavailing. I was scarcely less elated with his 
triumphs, than if I myself had been the victor: I was even 
supremely happy in the circumstance, w^hich gave me a claim to 
a more than common degree of interest in him, and from my ex- 
perience of the force of these associations, in which, by a kind of 
metonymy, we take the place of the real agent, I can fully enter 
into the feelings of the butcher, who ecstacied at the good be- 

* Overrated, as from the description of tlie city in Proud's History of Penn- 
sylvania, it appears that the distance is not half a mile, being only a little more 
than 700 yards. 



46 PAXTON BOYS. 

haviour of his dog at a bull baiting, exclaimed to Charles the 
Second, "Damme, sir, if that is'nt my dog!" Since the time of 
those exploits, in which I was too young to enter the lists, I have 
valued myself upon my own agility in running and jumping; but 
I have never had the vanity to suppose, that at my best, I could 
have contended w4th any chance of success, in so long a race 
against Lewis. 

At what time I was separated from this friend of my youth I 
cannot remember ; but have to regret, that I lost the opportunity 
of seeing him, when several years afterwards, having I know not 
w^hat business in Philadelphia which required despatch, he called 
upon me one evening when I chanced to be out, and as he was 
obliged to leave the city very early in the morning, staid in the 
hope of meeting me till a very late hour. But my engagements 
unfortunately detained me too long, and he had been obliged to 
depart before I returned. This could not have been long be- 
fore the war, probably between the year 1770 and 1772, when 
we had both attained to years of manhood; but whatever may 
have been his destiny, I have never since heard of him.* 
. Of all the cities in the world, Philadelphia was for its size, per- 
haps, one of the most peaceable and unwarlike ; and Grant was 
not wholly without data for supposing, that with an inconsiderable 
force he could make his way, at least, through Pennsylvania. So 
much had the manners of the Quakers, and its long exemption 
from hostile alarm, nourished this disposition, that a mere handful 
of lawless frontier men, was found sufficient to throw the capital 
into consternation. The unpunished, and even applauded mas- 
sacre of certain Indians at Lancaster,! who in the jail of that town 
had vainly flattered themselves that they possessed an asylum, 
had so encouraged their murderers, who called themselves Paxton 
boys, that they threatened to perpetrate the like enormity upon a 

* It is not only possible but probable, tbat he might have been one of the 
Lewis's who defeated the Indians in tlip great battle of Point Pleasant in the 
year 1774. There was a General and a Colonel Lewi*, brothers, the latter of 
whom fell in the action. — See Cuming^s Tour, p. 123. 

t This was in December, 17G3 ; six Indians were killed at Conestoga Manor on 
the 14th of this month ; and the Temaindcr of the tribe being fou'itcen in number 
were killed at Lancaster on the 27th. — 2(Z Proud, p. 326. 



PAXTON BOYS CAPTAIN LOXLEY. 47 

number of other Indians under the protection of government in 
the metropohs ;* and for this purpose, they at length put them- 
selves in arms, and actually began their march. Their force, 
though known to be small in the beginning, continually increased 
as it went along, the vires acquirit cwnrf^being no less the attri- 
bute of terror than of fame. Between the two, the invaders were 
augmented to some thousands by the time they had approached 
within a day or two's journey of their object. To the credit, 
however, of the Philadelphians, every possible effort was made 
to frustrate the inhuman design of the banditi ; and the Quakers 
as well as others, who had proper feelings on the occasion, ex- 
erted themselves for the protection of the terrified Indians, who 
were shut up in the barracks, and for whose immediate defence, 
part of a British regiment of foot was stationed there. But the 
citadel or place of arms was in the very heart of the city, all 
around and within the old court-house and Friend's meeting- 
house. Here stood the artillery, under the command of captain 
Loxley,t a very honest, though little, dingy-looking man, with 
regimentals, considerably war-worn or tarnished ; a very sala- 
mander or fire drake in the public estimation, whose vital air was 
deemed the fume of sulphureous explosion, and who, by what- 
ever means he had acquired his science, was always put foremost 
when great guns were in question. Here it was that the grand 
stand was to be made against the approaching invaders, who, if 
rumour might be credited, had now extended their murderous 
purposes, beyond the savages, to their patrons and abettors. 
Hence, the cause had materially changed its complexion, and 
instead of resting on a basis of mere humanity and plighted faith, 
it had emphathically become the cause of self-preservation ; little 
doubt being entertained that the capital would be sacked, in case 
of the predominance of the barbarous foe. In this state of con- 
sternation and dismay, all business was laid aside for the more 
important occupation of arms. Drums, colours, rusty halberts 
and bayonets, were brought forth from their lurking places; and, 

* About 140 in number.— 2d; Proud, p. 326. 

t This doughty gentleman was a Lieutenant under Braddock in 1756, and 
was certainly a man of considerable influence and repute, notwithstanding the 
humorous description of the text. — Ed. 



48 PAXTON BOYS. 

as every good citizen who had a sword had girded it to his thigh, 
so every one who had a gun had placed it on his shoulder. In 
short, hella, horrida bella, war, destructive war, was about to 
desolate the hitherto peaceful streets of Philadelphia. 

But with all this, the old proverb was not belied ; and the be- 
nign influence of this ill wind was sensibly felt by us school-boys. 
The dreaded event was overbalanced in our minds by the holy- 
days which were the effect of it ; and so far as I can recall my 
feelings on the occasion, they very much preponderated on the 
side of hilarity. 

As the defensive army was without eyes, it had, of course, no 
better information than such as common bruit could supply ; and 
hence, many untoward consequences ensued : One was the near 
extinction of a troop of mounted butchers from Germantown, 
who, scampering down Market street with the best intentions in 
the world, were announced as the Paxton boys, and by this mis- 
take, very narrowly escaped a greeting from the rude throats of 
captain Loxley's artillery. The word fire was already quivering 
on his lips, but Pallas came in shape of something, and suppressed 
it. Another emanation from this unmilitary defect of vision, was 
the curious order, that every house-holder in Market street should 
affix one or more candles at his door before daylight, on the 
morning of the day on which, from some sufficient reason no 
doubt, it had been elicited that the enemy would full surely make 
his attack, and by no other than this identical route, on the cita- 
del. Whether this illumination was merely intended to prevent 
surprise, or whether it was that the commander who enjoined it 
was determined, like Ajax, that if perish he must, he would 
perish in the face of day, I do not know, but certain it is, that 
such a decree went forth and was religiously complied with. 
This I can affirm from the circumstance of having resided in 
Market street at the time. The sage precaution, however, proved 
superfluous, although with respect merely to the nearness of the 
redoubted invaders, there was colour for it. It was soon ascer- 
tained that they had reached Germantown, and a deputation of 
the least obnoxious citizens with the olive branch, was sent out to 
meet them. After a parley of some days, an armistice was agreed 
upon, and peace at length so effectually restored, that the formi- 



PAXTON BOYS PARTY SPIRIT. 



49 



dable stragglers who had excited so much terror, were permitted, 
as friends, to enter the city. 

Party spirit, at this time, ran very high, and the Paxton* men 

* Generally known as "the Paxton boys," — from the township of Paxton, in 
Lancaster county, associated to avenge alleg-ed barbarities of the Indians. 
Among tiieir leaders were Stewart, Calhoun, Smith and Dickey. They created 
much excitement at tlie time, (1764.) " tn this year," — says Watson — "under 
an alarm of intended massacre, fourteen being previously killed on the Conestoga, 
the Indians sought shelter in Lancaster, and, for better security, were placed 
under bolts and bars in the county prison ; but, at noon, a party on horseback, from 
the country, rode through the streets to the prison, and there forcibly entered 
and killed unresisting men and women on the spot. Tlie citizens of Lancaster 
were loudly blamed for their apathy. Tliey suffered the perpetrators of this 
cruel outrage to depart unpunished. Meanwhile other friendly Indians who had 
received information of this massacre, sought refuge in Philadelphia, the news 
of which exasperated the "Paxton boys," who at once resolved to march to the 
city, for the purpose of completing the destruction they had commenced, and also 
to take summary vengeance upon the friends, ixsiding there, of their intended 
victims. 

" The news of their approach, which outran them, was greatly magnified ; the 
utmost excitement prevailed, and a fearful struggle was anticipated. Among the 
citizens of Philadelphia were many who entertained feelings of bitter hostility 
towards the unfortunate race, for their conduct during the Indian war. The 
'Paxton boys,' to the number of several hundred, armed with rifles, and clad in 
hunting sliirts, aifecting the rudest manners, approached the city in two divisions 
as far as Germantown, and the opposite bank of the Schuylkill, where they finally 
entered into afi'ected negotiations with the citizens, at the head of whom was Dr. 
Franklin, and returned to their homes, to the terror of the country through which 
they passed, 

" In the meantime, the Indians sought refuge in Philadelphia, having with 
them their Moravian minister. They were at first conducted, by order of the 
governor, to the barracks in the Northern Liberties ; but the highianders there 
refused them shelter, although it was cold December weather, and for several 
hours they were exposed to the unrestrained insults of the rabble. They were 
subsequently sent to New York. They were guarded by a company of seventy 
highianders as far as Amboy, where they were stopped by order of General Gage. 
They next returned to Philadelphia. All these removals were measures of 
security, as fears were still entertained from many of the excited citizens, who 
were favourable to the movements which threatened their destruction* In the 
midst of the panic caused, at night, by the reported proximity of the ' Paxton 
boys,' the town was illuminated, alarm bells were sounded, and the citizens 
hastened for arms to the barracks. Many young Quakers joined the de- 
fenders there, where they speedily threw up intrcnchments. Dr. Franklin 
and others, who went forth to meet the leaders, conducted them into the city, 
that they might point out, if possible, those who had been guilty of alleged ex- 
cesses. But they failed to make the necessary recognition, and fearing that the 

5 



,*• 50 PAXTON BOYS PARTY SPIPvIT. 

were not without a number of clamorous advocates, who entirely 
justified them on the score of their sufferings from the savages, 
who, during tlie war, had made incursions upon them, and mur- 
dered their kindred and friends. It was even alleged, that the 
pretended friendly Indians had been treacherous, having always 
maintained an understanding with the hostile ones, and frequently 
conducted them into our settlements : But this rested on mere 
suspicion, Vv'ithout a shadow of proof that ever I heard of. It 
was enough, however, to throw it out to obtain partisans to the 
opinion ; and, whether the Paxton men were " more sinned 
against than sinning," was a queslion which was agitated with so 
much ardor and acrimony, that even the school-boys became 
warmly engaged in the contest. For my own part, though of the 
religious sect which had been long warring with the Quakers, I 
was entirely on the side of humanity and public duty, (or in this, 
do I beg tlie question ?) and perfectly recollect my indignation at 
the sentiments of one of the ushers who was on the opposite side. 
His name was Davis, and he was really a kind, good natured 
man ; yet from the dominion of his religious or political pre- 
judices, he liad been led to apologize for, if not to approve of, an 
outrage, which was a disgrace to a civilized people. He had 
been among the riflemen on their coming into the city, and talk- 
ing with them upon the subject of the Lancaster massacre, and 
particulai'ly of the killing of Will Sock, the most distingiashed 
of the victims, related whh an air of approbation, this rodomon- 
tade of the real or pretended murderer. " I," said he, " am the 
man who killed Will Sock — this is the arm that stabbed him to 
the heart, and I glory in it." Notwithstanding the fine colouring 
of Mr. Davis, young as I was, I am happy in being able to say, 
that I felt a just contempt for the inglorious boaster, who appeared 
to me in the light of a cowardly ruitian, instead of a hero. There 
was much political scribbling on this occasion ; and among the 

citizens were well prepared to make good their defence, they professed to be 
satisfied and soon returned to their homes." 

The Indians remained in the city for several months, where their ilumbers 
were speedily thinned by the ravnges of the small-pox. Fifty-six were buried in 
the Potter's Field, now known as Washington Sijiiare, the good people of Phila- 
delphia preferring tiiis to the more cuphonous designation of Park ! — Ed. 



OGLE AND FRIEND. 51 

pamphleteers of the day, Doctor Franklin, drew his pen in behalf 
of the Indians, giving a very afFecting narrative of the transaction 
at Lancaster, which, no doubt, had its effect in regulating public 
opinion, and thereby putting a stop to the farther violence that 
was meditated. 

But it was not alone by hostile alarms, that the good people of 
Philadelphia were annoyed. Their tranquillity had been likewise 
disturbed by the uncitizeniike conduct of a pair of British officers, 
who, for want of something better to do, had plunged themselves 
into an excess of intemperance ; and in the plentitude of wine 
and hilarity, paraded the streets at all hours, 

A la clarte de cicux dans Tonibrc de la nuit, 

to the no small terror of the sober and the timid. The firm of 
this duumvirate was Ogle and Friend, names always coupled to- 
gether, like those of Castor and Pollux, or of Pylades and 
Orestes. But the cement which connected them, was scarcely 
so pure as that which had united those heroes of antiquity. It 
could hardly be called friendship, but was rather a confederacy in 
debauchery and riot, exemplified in a never ending round of frolic 
and fun. It was related of Ogle, that upon hiring a servant, he 
had stipulated with him that he should never get drunk but when 
his master was sober. But the fellow some time after requested 
his discharge, giving for his reason, that he had in trutli no dislike 
to a social glass himself, but it had so happened, that the terms 
of the agreement had absolutely cut him off from any chance of 
ever indulging his propensity. 

Many are the pranks I have heard ascribed, either conjointly 
or separately, to this par nohile fratrum. That of Ogle's first 
appearance in Philadelphia, has been thus related to me by Mr. 
Will Richards, the apothecary, who, it is well known, was, from 
his size and manner, as fine a figure for Falstaff as the imagination 
can conceive. " One afternoon," said he, " an officer in full 
regimentals, booted and spurred with a whip in his hand, spattered 
with mud from top to toe, and reeling under the effects of an 
overdose of liquor, made his entrance into the coffee-house, in a 
box of which I was sitting, perusing a newspaper. He was 



52 OGLE AND FRIEND. 

probably under the impression, that every man he was to meet 
would be a Quaker, and that a Quaker was no other than a 
hcensed Simon Pure for his amusement : for no sooner had he 
entered, than throwing his arms about the neck of Mr. Joshua 
Fisher with the exclamation of — "Ah, my dear Broadbrim give 
me a kiss," he began to slaver him most lovingly. As Joshua 
was a good deal embarrassed by the salutation, and wholly unable 
to parry the assault or shake off the fond intruder, I interfered 
in his behalf and effected a separation, when Ogle, turning to me, 
cried out, ' Hah ! my jolly fellow, give me a smack of your fat 
chops,' and immediately fell to hugging and kissing me, as he 
had done Fisher. But instead of the coyness he had shown, I 
hugged and kissed in my turn as hard as I was able, until my 
weight at length brought Ogle to the floor and myself on top of 
him : Nevertheless, I kept kissing away, until nearly mashed and 
suffocated, he exclaimed, 'for Heaven's sake let me up, let me 
up, or you will smother me !' Having sufficiently tormented him 
and avenged Joshua Fisher, I permitted him to rise, when he 
seemed a good deal sobered, and finding that I was neither a 
Quaker nor wholly ignorant of the world, he evinced some respect 
for me, took a seat with me in a box, and entering into conversa- 
tion, soon discovered, that however he might be disguised by in- 
toxication, he well knew what belonged to the character of a gen- 
tleman. This," said Richards, " was the commencement of an 
acquaintance between us ; and captain Ogle sometimes called to 
see me, upon which occasions he always behaved with the utmost 
propriety and decorum." 

This same coffee-house, the only one indeed in the city, was 
also the scene of another affray by Ogle and Friend in conjunc- 
tion. I know not what particular acts of mischief they had been 
guilty of, but they were very drunk, and their conduct so ex- 
tremely disquieting and insulting to the peaceable citizens there 
assembled, that being no longer able to endure it, it was judged 
expedient to commit them ; and Mr. Chew happening to be there, 
undertook, in virtue probably of his office of recorder, to write 
their commitment: But Ogle, facetiously jogging his elbow, and 
interrupting him with a repetition of the pitiful interjection of 
^S/2A, noWi Mr. Chew .'" he was driven from his gravity, and 



OGLE AND FRIEND. 53 

obliged to throw away the pen. It was then taken up by Alder- 
man M n with a determination to go through with the busi- 
ness, when the culprits reeling round him, and Ogle in particular> 
hanging over his shoulder and reading after him as he wrote, at 
length, with irresistible efTect, hit upon an unfortunate oversight 
of the alderman. "Ay," says he, "my father was a justice of 
peace too, but he did not spell that word as you do. I remember 
perfectly well, that instead of an S he always used to spell cir- 
cuMSTANCE witli a C." This sarcastic thrust at the scribe, en- 
tirely turned the tide in favour of the rioters ; and the com-^ 
pany being disarmed of their resentment, the alderman had no 
disposition to provoke farther criticism by going on with the 
mittimus. 

The iiTcgularities of these gay rakes were not more eccentric 
than diversified ; and the more extravagant they could render 
them, the better. At one time, they would drive full tilt through 
the streets in a chair ; and upon one of these occasions, on ap- 
proaching a boom which had been thrown across the street, in a 
part that was undergoing the operation of paving, they lashed 
forward their steed, and sousing against the spar with great vio- 
lence, they were consequently hurled from their seats, like Don 
Quixote in his temerarious assault of the windmills. At another 
time, at Doctor Orme's, the apothecary, where Ogle lodged, they, 
in emulation of the same mad hero at the puppet show, laid about 
them with their canes upon the defenceless bottles and phials, at 
the same time assaulting a diminutive Maryland parson, whom, 
in their frolic, they kicked from the street-door to the kitchen. He 
was a fellow lodger of Ogle's ; and, to malfc him some amends 
for the roughness of this usage, they shortly after took him drunk 
to the dancing assembly, where, through the instrumentality of 
this unworthy son of the church, they contrived to excite a notable 
hubbub. Though they had escaped, as already mentioned, at 
the coffee-house, yet their repeated malfeasances had brought them 
within the notice of the civil authority ; and they had more than 
once been in the clutches of the mayor of the city. This was Mr. 

S , a small man of a squat, bandy-legged figure; and 

hence, by way of being revenged on him, they bribed a negro 
with a precisely similar pair of legs, to carry him a billet, which 

5* 



54 author's early habits. 

imported, that as the bearer had in vain searched the town for a 
pair of hose that might fit him, he now api)hed to his honour to 
l)e informed where he jmrchased nis stockings. 

I have been told that Ccncral Lee, when a captain in the 
British service, had got involved in this vortex of dissipation ; and 
although afterwards so strenuous an advocate for the civil rights 
of the Americans, had been made to smart severely for tlieir vio- 
lation, by the mayor's court of Philadelphia. 

The common observation, that when men become soldiers they 
lose the character ;uid feelings of citizens, was am])ly illustrated 
by the general conduct of the British officers in America. Their 
studied contempt of the mohairs^ by which term all those who 
were not in uniform were distinguished, was manifest on all occa- 
sions: and it is by no means improbable, that the disgust 
then excited, might have more easily ripened into that harvest 
of discontent, which subsecjiK'nt injuries called forth, and 
which termiuati'd in a subduction of allegiance from the parent 
land. 

At the era of these various intestine commotions, I could not 
have more than completed my twelfth year. My attention to my 
school exercises, as already observed, was not at this time to be 
complained of; and a part of my evenings was either employed 
in writing them or committing them to memory. In relation to 
the latter, I will mention a circumstance which to me appeared 
remarkable, though jM'rhaps it was not peculiar. After labouring 
in vain to master my task, I have gone to bed, scarcely able to 
repeat a line of it, but in the morning when I awoke, it has been 
perfect in my memory. The same thing has often occurred in 
respect to tunes I have been desirous of acquiring: and indeed I 
have ever found, that the morning was the propitious season for 
the exertion of my mental faculties. But though not materially 
deficient in attention, it had not the smallest reference to future 
utility ; and something less than 

A wizard irufrlit have said, 
I ne'er shall rise by benefice or trade. 

A scramble was ever my aversion, and the unthriftiness of my 
character might also have been inferred, from my inditli-'rence to 



author's early amusements. 55 

those games which have gain for their object. I never coukl 
boast my winning at marbles or chuckers ; and as I chiefly played 
them for pastime, I never attained to that degree of perfection in 
them, w^hich the keener stimulus of profit is calculated to pro- 
duce, and which alone perhaps can lead to the fame of a dabster. 
When in })ossession of any of these implements that w^ere 
reckoned handsome or good, I never felt the inclination I have 
observed in those of better trading parts, of turning them into 
pence : with me they w^ere hobby horses, not articles of com- 
merce ; and though I had no dislike to money, it never impressed 
me as a primary good, a circumstance more essential than may 
be imagined, to what is called success in life. I do not speak of 
this as a virtue ; and if it w^ere one, I have certainly little reason 
to rejoice in it. It is not one of those, at least, which leads to 
riches and advancement ; or which, under the world's law, has 
a right to look for other than its own reward. In gymnastic ex- 
ercises, however, my relish was keen and altogether orthodox. 
For those of running, leaping, swimming and skating, no one 
had more appetite ; and for the enjoyment of these, fatigue and 
hunger w^ere disregarded. To these succeeded a passion for 
fowling and boating ; fishing being too sedentary and inactive 
ibr my taste. If furnished on Saturday afternoon or other 
holyday, with cash enough lor the purchase of powder and 
shot, or the liire of a batteau or skiff, as the propensity of the day 
might incline, I had nothing more to wish for. In my land ram- 
bles, the environs of Philadelphia for several miles round, were 
thoroughly traversed, from the uplands of Springx'tsbury, Bush- 
hill and Centre-wood, to the low grounds and meadows of Pas- 
syunk and Moyamensing ; while, in ray water excursions, the 
sedgy shores of the Delaware, as well as the reedy cover of 
Petty's, League and Mud Islands, were pervaded and ex- 
plored in pursuit of ducks, reed-bird and rail. No pestilent 
vapours then arose from these marshes ; and instead of the 
deadly fevers which have since proceeded from, or been fos- 
tered by them, their effluvia gave a /est to the cold morsel in 
the locker. 

But notwithstanding the ardour with which these sports were 



56 SCHOOL ANECDOTES. 

pursued, I not unfrequently surrendered myself to the reveries of 
a pleasing melancholy, to which I have ever been occasionally 
inclined. For hours together have I sat alone, listening to the 
church bells, which it was the custom to ring on the evening be- 
fore market day, and which, from the back part of a house 
wherein we some time resided on the south side of Arch street, 
were heard to much advantage. Rousseau, who takes great 
pains to represent himself as different from all others, and who 
seems to suppose that the mould in which he was cast has been 
broken, informs us, that the chime of bells always singularly af- 
fected. him. But the lively testimony of my own feelings assures 
me, that never, not even on the day when he took a ramble in 
the suburbs of Annecy while Madam de Warrens was at vespers, 
and gave himself up to those delightful illusions, of which he has 
given so enchanting a description, was he more under the in- 
fluence of their transporting sounds than I have been. How 
often has the simple melody of Turn again WifMngton, " resound- 
ing through the empty-vaulted night," completely lifted me 
from the earth ; absorbed me in etherial visions, and sublimed 
me into such abstraction from this low world and its concerns, 
as to identify my conceptions with those of the poet, when he 
exclaims. 

How vain the ardour of the crowd, 
How low, how httle arc the proud, 
How indigent the great ! 

The amusements I have been speaking of, were of no advantage 
to me as a student ; but what was lost to the mind by my strong 
addiction to active recreations, was gained to the body ; and 
tended to invigorate a constitution naturally tender. My exer- 
cises were often carried to toil. I was extremely fond of rowing, 
and took great delight in feathering my oar, sometimes skimming 
it along the surface of the water in the manner of a wherry man, 
sometimes resting it horizontally between the thole pins in the 
fashion of a bargeman. I had also made some proficiency in 
sculling, which appeared tome a highly enviable qualification: 
but the trimming of sails, laying a boat to the wind, with the 
management of the helm and the application of the proper terms, 



SAILING EXCURSION. 57 

were, in my eyes, acquisitions more truly honourable than the best 
of those which are attained in a college. The subject recalls a 
memorable expedition I engaged in, when perhaps about the age 
of thirteen. Returning from morning school at eight o'clock, a 
boy, a brother of the late Mr. Robert Morris, proposed an ex- 
cursion to Chester, for the purpose of seeing the Coventry frigate 
which there rode at anchor. From an over greediness of grati- 
fication, his plan was to have two boats, whereas one would have 
been very ample for four of us, the number of the company. 
But then the projector of the voyage might have found competi- 
tors for the helm, which he wished to engross ; and had, accord- 
ingly, secured an unambitious ship-mate, in a son of captain 
Loxley, of Paxton war memory, already mentioned. A skiff he 
had already prepared for himself and his comrade, and suggested 
where a batteau might be obtained for the other two of the party, 
one Corbett from the island of Montserrat, and myself. Each 
boat had a sail, and he observed, that as the wind and tide would 
be favourable, we could run down in a few hours. I objected, 
that I had not breakfasted. Neither had he, he said, nor indeed 
any of us ; but this was of little consequence, as we co\dd fur- 
nish ourselves with cakes. My mind fluctuated awhile between 
the charms of the adventure and the impropriety of going with- 
out permission, and consequently subjecting my mother to a 
most distressing state of anxiety on my account : For I was nei- 
ther an habitual truant-player, nor a contemner of the feelings of 
a most affectionate parent, though I should have been ashamed 
to have said so. But such was the eagerness for the frolic with 
my associates, that it would not admit of a moment's delay ; and 
the allurements of pleasure proving too potent for principle, I 
yielded to persuasion, and we embarked. It was a fine morning ; 
a gentle breeze propelled us in our course, and in a few hours 
we were delightfully wafted to the place of destination. We 
saw the frigate, had the pleasure of sailing round her, the satis- 
faction of counting her guns, of contemplating her bright sides, 
(for she appeared to be nev/,) of admiring her rigging, and the 
duck-lil'ze beauty with which she sat upon the water. But here 
fruition ended. Water excursions are keen whetters of the appe- 
tite, and the calls of hunger began to be importunate. I forget 



58 SAILING EXCURSION. 

whether we had taken any cakes with us, but if we had, the sup- 
ply had been very insulheient for tlie day's provision. Hereupon, 
a canvass took phnee of the state of our pockets: they were found 
empty and pennyk'ss: We were, in short, a miserable crew of 
Gautiers sans arge?}f, and being too proud to beg for victuals, 
we had no resource but unripe fruit. As the wind was unfavour- 
able to our return, we were obliged to wait for the turning of the 
tide, and in the mean time, employed ourselves in sauntering 
about the village, the orchards, and the shore. We found, too, 
that we were very much out in our reckoning, the tide of flood 
not making for above an hour later than our calculation. At 
length, however, we had the satisfaction to find, that the marks 
we had made in the sand were unequivocally encroached upon 
by the water, and that floating substances were at a stand, if not 
really changed in their direction. We hailed the event, and im- 
mediately embiuked. Jkit now our toils began. It was already 
late in the afternoon : The wind, still ahead, had considerably in- 
creased, and the lowering as})ect of the sky indicated approaching 
rain. It came on about dusk, and in this situation we had to tug 
at ovu" oars like galley slaves, for the whole distance of from six- 
teen to eighteen miles. Then it was, we perceived the folly of 
our two boats. It was between ten and eleven at night when we 
reached the chy, wet, almost starved, and exhausted with labour. 
As I well knew what must be my mother's cruel situation, I 
hastened to show myself, and found her a prey to the most af- 
flicting uncertainty. She had not been able to obtain any satis- 
factory tidings of me, and knew not what to conclude. My tres- 
pass, however, being readily forgiven, I appeased my hunger and 
went to bed. Extreme fotigue, especially when it has been min- 
gled with anxiety, is unfavourable to repose, and I slept but ill. 
I was tormented with distressing dreams, contending, as it 
seemed, with tasks above my strength, and buffeting whh waves 
*'in night and tempest wrapt." 

Borne by tli' outrageous flood 
To distance down, I ride tiie ridgy wave. 
Or wiiehn'd beneath the boiling- eddy sink. 

The exercises of swimming and skating were so much widiin 



SWIMMING AND SKATING. 59 

the reach of the boys of Phih\delphla, that it would liave been 
surprising, had they neglected them, or even had ihcy not ex- 
celled in them. Both Delaware and Schuylkill present the most 
convenient and delightful shores for the former, whilst the heat 
and the length of the summers invite to the luxury of bathing; 
and the same rivers seldom fail in winter, to olll-r the means of 
enjoying the latter ; and wlien lliey do, the ponds always afford 
them. Since the art of swimming has been, in some degree, dig- 
nified by Dr. Franklin's having been a teacher of it, and having 
made it the subject of a dissertation, I may, perhaps, be warranted 
in bringing forward my remark. Wiien in practice, I never felt 
myself spent with it ; and though I never undertook to swim 
farther than across Schuylkill, at or near the middle ferry where 
the bridge now stands, it appeared to me that I could have con- 
tinued the exercise for hours, and consequently have swum some 
miles. To recover breath, I only found it necessary to turn upon 
my back, in which position with my arms across my body or 
pressed to my sides, since moving them as many do, answers no 
other pur])Ose than to retard and fatigue the swimmer; my lungs 
had free piny, and I felt myself as jjcriectly at ease, as if reclined 
on a sola. In short, no man can be an able swimmer, who only 
swims with his face downward : The pressure of the water on the 
breast, is an impediment to respiration in that attitude, which, for 
that reason cannot be long continued ; whereas, the only incon- 
venience in the su})ine posture, is, that the head sinks so low, 
that the ears are liable to receive water, a consequence which 
might be prevented by stopping them v.ith wool or cotton, or 
covering them with a bathing c;q). 

With respect to skating, though the Philadelphians have never 
reduced it to rules like the Londoners, nor connected it with their 
business like Dutchmen, I will yet hazard the opinion, that they 
were the best and most elegant skaters in the world. I have seen 
New England skaters, Old England skaters, and Holland skaters, 
but the best of them could but " make the judi(;ious grieve." I 
was once slightly ac(juainted with a wordiy gentleman, the quon- 
dam member of a skating club in London, and it must be ad- 
mitted that he performed very well for an Englishman. His High 



60 SKATING. 

Butch, or as he better termed it, his outer edge skating, might, for 
aught I know, have been exactly conformable to the statutes of 
this institution : To these, he would often appeal ; and I recollect 
tlie principal one was, that each stroke should describe an exact 
semicircle. Nevertheless, his style was what we should deem a 
very bad one. An utter stranger to the beauty of bringing for- 
ward the suspended foot towards the middle of the stroke, and 
boldly advancing it before the other, at the conclusion of it, tlius 
to preserve throughout his course, a continuity of movement, to 
rise like an ascending wave to its acme, then, gracefully like a 
descending one, to glide into the succeeding stroke without effort 
either real or apparent — every change of foot with this gentleman, 
seemed a beginning of motion, and required a most unseemly 
jerk of the body ; and unequivocal evidence of the want of that 
power, which depends upon a just balance, and should never be 
lost — which carries the skater forward with energy without ex- 
ertion ; and is as essential to his swift and gi'aceful career, as is 
a good head of water to the velocity of a mill wheel. Those 
who have seen good skating will comprehend what I mean, still 
better those who are adepts themselves ; but excellence in the art 
can never be gained by geometrical rules. The two reputed best 
skaters of my day, were General Cadwallader and Massey the 
biscuit baker ; but I could name many others, both of the aca- 
demy and Quaker school who were in no degree inferior to them ; 
whose action and attitudes were equally graceful, and like theirs, 
no less worthy of the chisel than those, which in other exer- 
cises, have been selected to display the skill of the eminent sculp- 
tors of antiquity.* I here speak, be it observed, of what the 

* Watson also informs ns tliat "during the old fashioned winters, when, about 
New Year's day, every one expected to see or hear of an 'Ox Roast' on the 
Delaware, upon the thick ribbed ice, the river's surface was covered with skaters. 
Of the many varieties of skaters of all colours and sizes mingled together, and 
darting about here and there, 'upward and downward, mingled and convolved;' 
a few were at all times distinguished above the rest for dexterity, power and 
grace, and among these were William Tharpc, Dr. Foulke, Governor itlifflin, C. 
W. Peale, George Ilcyl, and Joe Claypoole, not to omit a black Othello who, from 
his apparent muscle and powerful movement, might have sprung, as did the 
Moor from 'men of royal siege.' In swiftness he had no competitor; he out- 
stripped the wind; the play of his elbows in alternate movement with his 'low 



SKATING ABBE RAYNAL. 61 

Philadelphians were^ not what they are, since I am unacquainted 
with the present state of the art ; and as from my lately meeting 
with young men, who, though bred in the city had not learned to 
swim, I infer the probability, that skating may be equally on the 
decline. 

The Abbe Raynal,* when speaking of Philadelphia, in his Philo- 
sophical History of the East and West Indies, observes that the 



gutter ' skates, while darting forward and uttering occasionally a wild scream 
peculiar to his race while in active exertion of body, was very imposing in ap- 
pearance and effect. Of the gentlemen before enumerated, George Heyl took 
the lead in graceful skating, and in superior dexterity in cutting figures and 
' High Dutch ' within a limited space of smooth ice. On a larger field of glass, 
among others he might be seen moving about elegantly and at perfect ease, in 
curve lines, with folded arms, being dressed in red coat (as was tlic fashion) and 
buckskin ' tights,' his bright broad skates in an occasional round flashing upoa 
the eye ; then again to be pursued by others he might be seen suddenly changing 
to the back and heel foncard movement, offering them his hand, and at the same 
time eluding their grasp by his dexterous and sudden deviations to tlie right and 
left, leaving them to the toil of 'striking out* after him with all their strength. 

"The next best skater, was Dr. Foulke. Skating 'High Dutch,' and being 
able to cut the letters of his own name at one flourish constituted his fame as 
a skater. 

"C. W. Peale, (founder of the Museum) was only distinguished for using a 
remarkable pair of 'gutter skates,' with a singular prong, capped and curved 
backwards, with whicli he moved leisurely about in curve lines. Tiiey loolied 
as if they had been brought to him from afar, as a contribution to the curiosities 
of his Museum." — Eo. 

* This celebrated person was born in 1712 : educated among the Jesuits, and 
had even become a member of their Order : but was expelled fof denying the 
supreme authority of the church. He afterwards associated with Voltaire, 
D'Alembert, and Diderot, and was, by them, employed to furnish the theological 
articles for the Encyclopedia. In this, however, he received the assistance of the 
Abbe Yvon, to whom he did not give above a sixth of what he received ; which, 
being afterwards discovered, he was obliged to pa}' Yvon the balance^ His most 
celebrated work is his Political and Philosophical History of the European settle- 
ments in the East and West Indies ; which has been translated into all the 
languages of Europe and much admired. Tins work was followed in 1780 by 
another entitled the Revolution of America, in whicli the Abbe pleads the cause 
of the Americans with zeal. The chief trait in Raynal's character was his love 
of liberty; but when he saw the length to whicli the French Revolutionists were 
proceeding, he made one effort to stop them in their career. In May, 1791, he 
addressed a letter to the Constituent National Assembly, in which, after compli- 
menting them upon the great things they had done, he cautioned them against 
the dangers of going farther. He lived not only to see his forebodings of public 

6 



62 SKATING — ABBE RAYNAL. 

houses are covered with slate, a material amply supplied from 
quarries in the neighbourhood. But, unfortunately, for the source 
from which the Abbe derived his information, there were no such 
quarries near the city that ever I heard of, and certainly but a 
single house in it with this kind of roof, which, from that circum^ 
stance, was distinguished by the name of The Slate House. It 
stood in Second street, at the corner of Norris's alley, and was a 
singular old fashioned structure, laid out in the style of a fortifica- 
tion, with abundance of angles both salient and re-entering. Its 
two wings projected to the street in tlie manner of bastions, to 
vhich, the main building retreating from sixteen to eighteen feet, 
erved for a curtain. Within, it was cut up into a number of 
Lpartments, and on that account, was exceedingly well adapted 
the purpose of a lodging house, to which use it had been long 
ppropriated. An additional convenience, was a spacious yard 
)n the back of it, extending half way to Front street, enclosed by 
'. high wall, and ornamented with a double row of venerable, 
ofty pines, which afforded a very agreeable rus in urbe, or rural 
cene in the heart of the city. The lady who had resided here 
nd given some celebrity to the stand by the style of her accom- 
Qodations, either dying or declining business, my mother was 
ersuaded by her friends to become her successor ; and, accord- 
ngly obtained a lease of the premises, and took possession of 
diem to the best of my recollection, in the year 1764 or 1765.* 

calamity realized, but to suffer his share of it. Afler being stripped of all his 
property, whicli was Considerable, by the robbers of tlie Revolution, he died in 
poverty, March, 1796, in the eighty-fourth year of his age. — Lond. Ency. — Ed. 

* The slate-roof house is still standing, in 1846, a creditable monument to the 
forbearance of its lady. owner, in the midst of the general war which, for years, 
has been steadily waged against every relic of the oldemtime. How much longer 
it will be suffered to remain it were vain to conjecture. Its origin, its uses, and 
the historical characters who, from time to time, have dwelt within its walls, 
should create a feeling of interest, for its preservation on the part of Piiiladclphians; 
and prompt the adoption of immediate measures for tliat patriotic purpose. In 
this age of "Constitutional scruples," tiie city councils might not feel at liberty 
to appropriate the sum necessary for its purchase and restoration ; but the citi- 
zens themselves by limiting the sum to a trifle, might readily fill a subscription 
for a few thousand dollars, and, by placing it under the guardiansliip of the city, 
insure for it the necessary care. 

We arc informed by the zealous chronicler,\Vatson, that this house was erected 



LODGING HOUSE SLATE-ROOF HOUSE. 63 

While in this residence, and in a still more commodious one in 
the upper part of Front street, to which she some years afterwards 
removed, she had the honour, if so it might be called, of enter- 
taining strangers of the first rank who visited the city. Those 
who have seen better days, but have been compelled by hard 
necessity, to submit to a way of life, which to a feeling mind, 
whoever may be the guests, is sufficiently humiliating, are much 
indebted to Mr, Gibbon, for the handsome manner in which he 
speaks of the hostess of a boarding house at Lausanne. With 
the delicacy of a gentleman and the discernment of a man of the 
world, the historian dares to recognise that worth and refinement 
are not confined to opulence or station ; and that although, in the 
keeper of a house of public entertainment, these qualities are not 
much to be looked for, yet, when they do occur, the paying for 
the comforts and attentions we receive does not exempt us from 
the courtesy of an apparent equality and obligation. An equally 
liberal way of thinking, is adopted by Mr. Cumberland, who tells 
us in his Memoirs, that the British coffee-house was kept by a 
Mrs. Anderson, a person of great respectability. If, then, an 
education and situation in early life, which enabled my mother to 
maintain an intercourse in the best families in the city, pretentions, 
in no degree impaired by her matrimonial connexion, or an in- 
dustrious, irreproachable conduct in her succeeding years of 
widowhood, can give a claim to respect, I have a right to say 
with Mr. Cumberland, that the principal lodging house in Phila- 
delphia, was kept by a person of great respectability. 

A biographical sketch of the various personages, who, in the 
course of eight or nine years, became inmates of this house, 

for Samuel Carpenter whom he eulogizes for his early public spirit, and that it 
was occupied by William Pcnn, on his second visit in the year 1700. One 
month after Penn's arrival, John Penn, called the "American," was born in this 
house. In 1703, the property was purchased by William Trent, the founder of 
Trenton — the capitol of New Jersey, for i)850. Watson quotes a letter from 
James Log'an in 1700 to Penn as follows: "William Trent designing- for Eng- 
land is about selling his house, (that he bought of Samuel Carpenter,) which thou 
lived in, with the improvement of a beautiful garden. I wish it could be made 
thine, as nothing in this town is so well fitting a Governor. His price is X900 
of our money, which it is hard thou can'st not spare." 

He could not spare it, however, and it became the property of a Mr. Norris, in 
whose family it still continues. — Ed. 



64 LODGING HOUSE GUESTS BARON DE KALB. 

might, from the hand of a good delineator, be both curious and 
amusing. Among these, were persons of distinction, and some 
of no distinction : many real gentlemen, and some, no doubt, who 
were merely pretenders to the appellation. Some attended by 
servants in gay liveries ; some, with servants in plain coats, and 
some with no servants at all. It was rarely without officers of 
the British army. It was at diffei ent times, nearly filled by those 
of the Forty-second or Highland regiment, as also by those of the 
Royal Irish. Besides these, it sometimes accommodated officers 
of other armies, and other uniforms. Of this description, was 
the Baron de Kalb, who visited this country probably about the 
year 1768 or 1769 ; and who fell a major-general in the army of 
the United States at the battle of Camden. Though a German 
by birth, he had belonged to the French service, and had returned 
to France, after the visit just mentioned. During our revolu- 
tionary contest, he came to tender us his services, and returned 
no more. The steady and composed demeanour of the Baron, 
bespoke the soldier and philosopher ; the man who had calmly 
estimated life and death, and who, though not prodigal of the 
one, had no unmanly dread of the other. He was not indeed a 
young man ; and his behaviour at the time of his death, as 1 have 
heard it described by Mons. Dubuisson, his aid-de-camp, was 
exactly conformable to what might have been supposed from his 
character.* 

*" The representation of the Baron,"^ — says the author in a MS. note — "as 
an enthusiast for liberty, whoso sacred cause lie crossed the Atlantic to espouse, 
is one of the ' lame and impotent conclusions ' of our republican fanatics. He 
cared just as much for our liberty, probably, as did the other French subjects 
who assisted us under the standard of the Count de Roehambeau. He, no doubt, 
thought the occasion favourable for crippling the power of Britain, and of avenging 
the loss of Canada. At the same time, he was politic enough to take the tone 
of the people he was acting with, and might, therefore, have talked of liberty 
with the rest, but he would have deemed it quite sufficient to his fame, to be con- 
sidered as at once faithful to France and her allies, and of having acquitted him- 
self as a brave and accomplished soldier; and this was all we had to require of 
him." 

Tiie Baron was born in Germany^ about the year 1717. When young, he 
entered into the service of France, in which he continued for forty -two years, and 
obtained the rank of brigadier-general. In 1757, during the war between Eng- 
land and France, he was sent, by the French government, to the American 



LADY MOORE. 65 

Another of our foreign guests, was one Badourin, who wore a 
white cockade, and gave himself out for a general in the Austrian 
service ; but whether general or not, he, one night, very unex- 
pectedly left his quarters, making a masterly retreat with the loss 
of no other baggage than that of an old trunk, which, when 
opened, was found to contain only a few old Latin and German 
books. Among the former, was a folio, bound in parchment, 
which I have now before me ; it is a ponderous tract of the mys- 
tical Robert Fludd, alias de Fluctibus, printed at Oppenheim in 
the year 1618, and in part dedicated to the duke de Guise, whom 
the author informs us he had instructed in the art of war. It is 
to this writer probably, that Butler thus alludes in his Hudi- 
bras: 

He, Anthroposoplius and Floud, 
And Jacob Behman understood. 

From this work of Mr. Fludd, which among a fund of other 
important matter, treats of astrology and divination, it is not im- 
probable that its quondam possessor Mr. Badourin, might have 
been a mountebank-conjuror, instead of a general. 

Among those of rank from Great Britain with whose residence 
we were honoured, I recollect Lady Moore and her daughter, a 

colonics, in order to learn the ])oints in which they were most vulnerable, and 
how far the seeds of discontent might be sown in tliem towards tlie mother 
country. He was seized, wliile in the performance of his commission, as a sus- 
pected person, but escaped detection. He then went to Canada, where he re- 
mained until its conquest by the British, after which he returned to France. In 
1777, during the war of the revolution, he came a second time to the United 
States, and offered his services to Congress. They were accepted, and he was 
soon after made a major-general. At first he was placed in tlie northern army, 
but, when the danger which threatened Charleston from the formidable expedition 
under Sir Henry Clinton, in 1778, rendered it necessary to reinforce the American 
troops in the Soutii, a detacliment was sent to them, consisting of the Maryland 
and Delaware lines, which were put under his command. Before he could arrive, 
however, at the scene of action. General Lincoln had been made prisoner, and the 
direction of the whole southern army devolved upon the Baron, until the appoint- 
ment of General G^tes. On the 15th of August, Gates was defeated near Cam- 
den by Lord Rawdon, and, in the battle, De Kalb, who commanded the right 
wing, fell, covered with wounds, while gallantly fighting on foot. A tomb was 
erected to his memory, by order of Congress, in the cemetery of Camden. — 
Ency. Amer. — Ed. 

6* 



66 LADY MOORE WOODWARD. 

sprightly Miss, not far advanced in her teens, and who having 
apparently no dislike to be seen, had more than once attracted 
my attention.* For I was just touching that age when such ob- 
jects begin to be interesting and excite feelings, which disdain the 
invidious barriers, with which the pride of condition would sur- 
round itself. Not that the young lady was stately ; my vanity 
rather hinted, she was condescendingly courteous ; and I had 
no doubt, read of women of quality falling in love with their in- 
feriors: Nevertheless, the extent of my presumption was a look 
or a bow, as she now and then tripped along through the entry. 
Another was Lady Susan O'Brien, not more distinguished by her 
title, than by her husband, who accompanied her, and had figured 
as a comedian on the London stage, in the time of Garrick, Mos- 
sop and Barry. Although Churchill charges him with being an 
imitator of Woodward,f he yet admits him to be a man of parts; 

* Sir Henry Moore, the last British governor of New York, that I remember, 
(says ]\Irs. Grant,) came up this summer to see Albany and the ornament of 
Albany, Aunt Schuyler; he brought Lady Moore and his daughter with him. 
This is the same family alluded to in the text, but I was not aware (says the 
author in, a MS. note) that Sir Henry was governor of New York. Mrs. 
Grant and myself, probably not differing much in age, appear nearly at the same 
time to have been looking back on the scenes of our youth, and to have brought 
to remembrance not only some of the characters, but to have coincided in our 
remarks on several subjects. The Miss Moore alluded to, I remember to have 
heard, was, some years after the time of this our joint recognition of her, consi- 
dered as an elegant woman in England, where, it was said, she led the fashions. 

t Woodward, endowed with various powers of face, 
Great master in the science of grimace, 
From Ireland ventures,, favourite of the town, 
Lur'd by the pleasing prospect of renown ; 
A squeaking Harlequin made up of whim. 
He twists, he twines, he tortures every limb, 
Plays to tlie eye witii a mere monkey's art 
And leaves to sense the conquest of the heart.. 
Wc laugi), indeed, but on reflection's birth. 
We wonder at ourselves, and curse our mirth, 
His walk of parts he fatally misplaced, 
And inclination fondly took for taste ; 
Hence hath the Town so often seen displayed 
Beau in burlesque, high life in masquerade, 
But when bold wits, not such as patch up plays, 
Cold and correct in these insipid days. 



LADY MOORE WOODWARD. 67 

and he has been said to have surpassed all liis cotemporaries in 
the character of the fine gentleman ; in his easy manner of tread- 
ing the stage, and particularly of drawing the sword, to which 
action he communicated a swiftness and a grace which Garrick 
imitated, but could not equal.* O'Brien is presented to my 
recollection as "a man of the middle height, with ef symmetrical 
form, rather light thart athletic. Employed by the father to in- 
struct Lady Susan in elocution, he taught her, it seems, that it was 
no sin to love ; for she became his wife, and, as I have seen it 
mentioned in the Theatrical Mirror, obtained for him, through the 
interest of her family, a post in America. But what this post was., 
or where it located him, I never heard. 

A third person of celebrity and title was sir William Draper,! 

Some comic character, strong.featiired, urge 

To probability's extremest verge, 

Wlicre modest judgment her decree suspends, 

And for a time, nor censures, nor commends, 

Where critics can't determine on the spot, 

Whether it is in Nature found or not, 

There Woodward safely shall his powers exert. 

Nor fail of favour where he shows desert. 

Hence he in Bobadil such praises bore. 

Such worthy praises, Kitely scarce had more. 

GhurchilVs Rosciad. — Ed. 
* Shadows beliind of Foote and WoodwARD came; 
Wilkinson this, O'Brien was that name. 
Strange to relate, but wonderfully true, 
That even shadows have their shadows too ! 
With not a single comic power endued 
The first a mere mere mimic's mimic stood. 

The last, by nature formed to please, who shows. 

In Johnson's Stephen, which way Genius grows ; 

Self quite put off,, affects, with too much art. 

To put on Woodward in each mangled part ; 

Adopt his shrug, his wink, his stare : nay, more, 

His voice and'croaks ; for Woodward croak'd before. 

When the dull copier simple grace neglects, 

And rests his Imitation in defects. 

We readily forgive ; but such vile arts 

Are double guilt in men of real parts. 

Churchill's Rosciad. — Ed. 
t Vide correspondence in the " Letters of Junius." In his celebrated contro- 
vcrsy with the " great unknown," sir William displayed a degree of ability and. 



CS SIR WILLIAM DRAPER — FRANK RICHARDSON. 

who made a tour to this country, a short time alter his newspaper 
encounter with Junius. It has even been sug-gested tliat this very 
incident sent the knight on his travels. Whether or not, it had 
so important a consequence, it cannot be denied, that sir WilUam 
caiio-ht a tartar in Junius ; and tliat when he commented his attack, 
he had evidently underrated his adversary. 

During his stay in Philadelphia, no one was so assiduous in 
his attentions to him as Mr. Richardson, better known at that 
time bv the name of Frank Richardson, then from England on a 
visit to his friends. This gentleman was one of the most singular 
and successful of American adventurers. The son of one of our 
plainest Quakers, he gave early indications of that cast of chai'acter 
which has raised him to his present station, that of a colonel in 
tlie British guai'ds. At a time, when such attainments formed no 
part of education in Pennsylvania, he sedulously employed him- 
self, in acquiring skill in tlie use of tlie small sword and the pistol, 
as if to shine as a duellist, had been the first object of his ambi- 
tion. Either for a contempt for tlie dull pursuits oi the "home 

skill that challenged the admiration even of his relentless adversary. He attained 
the rank of General in the British army. He was born at Bristol, (England) 
where his father held the post of collector of the customs. He was thoroughly 
educated at Eton and at Cambridge. In 1763, he was "couqucrer of Manilla." 
He arrived at Charleston, Sdfiith Carolina, in January, ITTO, and during- tlie sum- 
nier of that year visited Maryland where he was received witji much hospitality. 
From Maryland he passed into New- York, and while there, was married to 3Iiss 
De Lancey, who died in 1778, leaving him a daughter. In 1779, he was ap- 
pointed Lieutenant-Governor of Minorca. He died at Bath, January, 1787. 

Wraxall says he was " a man hardly better known to posterity by his cap- 
ture of Manilla, than by his correspondence with Jcxius. He was endowed 
with talents which, whether excited in the field or in the closet, entitled him to 
great consideration. His vanity, which led him to call his house at Clifton, near 
Bristol, " Manilla Hall," and there to erect a cenotaph to his fellow-soldiers, who 
fell before tint city during the siege exposed him to invidious comments. * * 
Jc.Niis's obligations to his oflicious friendship for the Marquis of Granby was 
indelible: for, however admirably written may be his letter of the 21st of Janu- 
ary, 1769, which opened the series of those celebrated compositions, it was Dra- 
per's answer, with his signature annexed to it, that drew all eyes towards the 
two literary combatants. Great as were Jcnics's talents, yet, if he had been 
left to exhale his resentment without notice or reply, he might have found it 
difficult to concenter on himself the attention of all England.— But, the instant 
that Sir William avowedly entered the lists as Lord Granby's champion, a new 
interest was awakened in the public mind." — Ed. 



ANECDOTE. 69 

keeping youth " of his day, or from tlic singularity of his propen- 
sities repelHng association, he was sohtary and rarely with com- 
panions. Fair and delicate to effeminacy, he paid great attention 
to his person, which he had the courage to invest in scarlet, in 
defiance of the society to which he belonged, in whose mind's 
eye, perhaps as to that of the blind man of Locke, this colour from 
their marked aversion to it, resembles the sound of a trumpet; 
and no less in defiance of the plain manners of a city, in which 
except on the back of a soldier, a red coat was a phenomenon, 
and always indicated a Creole, a Carolinian, or a dancing master. 
Willi these qualifications, and these alone, perhaps, Mr. Richard- 
son, at an early age, shipped himself for England, where soon, 
having the good fortune to establish a reputation for courage by 
drawing his sword in behalf of a young man of rank, in a broil at 
the theatre, he was received into the best company, and thence 
laid the foundation of his preferment. Such, at least was the 
generally received account of his rise. But whether accurate or 
not, his intimate footing with sir William, is an evidence of the 
style of his company whilst abroad, as w^ell as of the propriety of 
his conclusion, that his native land was not his sphere.* 

As the story went : on Mr. Richardson's first going to England, 
he happened to be in the same lodgings wdth Foote, the come- 
dian, with whom he became intimate. One day upon his coming 
out of his chamber, "Richardson," says Foote to him, " a person 
has just been asking for you, who expressed a strong desire to 
see you, and pretended to be an old Philadelphia acquaintance. 

But I knew better, for he was a d d ill-looking fellow, and I 

have no doubt the rascalwas a bailiff; so I told him you were 
not at home." But here either Foote's sagacity had been at fault, 
or he had been playing off a stroke of his humour, the visiter 
having really been no other than Mr. , a respectable 

* lie is the same Richardson alluded to in the following extract of a letter from 
General Wasliington to Mr. Reed, dated 14tli January, 177G: " Mr. Sayre has 
been committed to the tower, upon the information of a certain Lieutenant or 
Adjutant Richardson (formerly of your city,) for treasonable practices; an inten- 
tion of seizing his majesty, and possessing himself of the Tower, it is said in 
"The Crisis." But he is admitted to bail himself in five hundred pounds, and 
two sureties in two hundred and fifty pounds each." — Sjiarks'' Wriliiigs of Wash, 
ington, Vol. iii. p. 242.— Ed. 



r^ 



70 MAJOR ETHERINGTON. 

merchant of Philadelphia, though not a figure the most debonair 
to be sure. 

From Philadelphia, sir William passed on to New- York, where, 
if I mistake not, he married. During his residence in that city, 
he frequently amused himself with a game of rackets, which he 
played with some address ; and he set no small value on the talent. 
There was a mechanic in the place, the hero of the tennis court, 
who was so astonishingly superior to other men, that there were 
few whom he could not beat with one hand attached to the handle 
of a wheelbarrow. Sir William wished to play with him, and was 
gratified; the New-Yorker having urbanity enough to cede the 
splendid stranger some advantages, and even in conquering, to 
put on the appearance of doing it with difficulty : Yet, apart, he 
declared that he could have done the same with the incumbrance 
of the wheel-barrow. These are heresay facts : they come, how- 
ever, from persons of credit, in the way of being acquainted with 
tliem. 

But what imports it the reader to know, that sir William Draper 
was a racket-player? Nothing, certainly, unless we reflect, that 
he was a conspicuous character, the conqueror of Manilla, and 
still more, the literary opponent of Junius. Without granting 
something to celebrity of this latter sort, what possible interest 
could we take in learning that doctor Johnson liked a leg of pork, 
or that he could swallow twelve or more cups of tea at a sitting?* 

Major George Etherington, of the Royal Americans, was an 
occasional inmate of our house, from its first establishment on the 
large scale, until the time of its being laid down, about the year 
1774. He seemed to be always employed in the recruiting ser- 
vice, in the performance of which, he had a snug, economical 

* Much aUention was paid to sir William, in Philadelphia, and among other 
who waited on him was a Mr. WJiarton, an old Quaker who, from his pride an 
affected dignity of manner, received the title of Duke. Sir William obscrvin; 
that he entered the room and remained with his hat off, bcg-ged that as it wa' 
contrary to the custom of his society to do so, lie would dispense with thi 
unnecessary mark of respect. But the "Z)//A-e" feeling his pride piqued at th' 
Bupposition tliat he should uncover to Sir William Draper or to any other mari 
promptly corrected the mistake, into which Sir William's considerate politenes' 
had betrayed him, by bluntly giving him to understand that his being uncovered 
was not intended as a compliment to him, but was for his own convenience am.' 
comfort — the day being warm. — Ed. 



MAJOR ETHERINGTON. 71 

method of his own. He generally dispensed with the noisy cere- 
mony of a recruiting coterie ; for having, as it was said, and I 
believe truly, passed through the principal grades in its composi- 
tion, namely, those of drummer and sergeant, he was a perfect 
master of the inveigling arts which are practised on the occasion, 
and could fulfil, at a pinch, all the duties himself. The major's 
forte w^as a knowledge of mankind, of low life especially ; and he 
seldom scented a subject that he did not, in the end, make his 
prey. He knew his man, and could immediately discover a fish 
that w^ould bite : Hence, he wasted no time in angling in wrong 
waters. His superior height, expansive frame, and muscular 
limbs, gave him a commanding air among the vulgar; and, while 
enforcing his suit with all the flippancy of halbert elocution, he 
familiarly held his booby by the button, his small, black, piercing 
eyes, which derived additional animation from the intervention of 
a sarcastic, upturned nose, penetrated to the fellow's soul, and 
gave him distinct intelligence of what was passing there. In fact, 
I have never seen a man with a cast of countenance so extremely 
subtile and investigating. I have myself, more than once, 
undergone its scrutiny ; for he took a very friendly interest in my 
welfare, evinced by an occasional superintendance of my educa- 
don, in so far at least, as respects the exterior accomplishments. 
Above all things, he enjoined upon me the cultivation of the 
French language, of which he had himself acquired a smattering 
from a temporary residence in Canada; and he gave me a pretty 
sharp lecture upon a resolution I had absurdly taken up, not to 
learn dancing, from an idea of its being an effeminate and un- 
manly recreation. He combated my folly wdth arguments, of 
v/hich I have since felt the full force ; but which, as they turned 
upon interests, I was then too }'Oung to form conceptions of, they 
produced neither conviction nor effect. Fortunately for me, I 
had to deal with a man who was not thus to be baffled. He 
veiy properly assumed the rights of mature age and experience, 
and accordingly, one day, on my return from school, he accosted 
me with, " Come here young man, I have something to say to 
you," and with a mysterious air conducted me to his chamber. 
Here I found myself entrapped. Godwin, the assistant of Tioli, 
the dancing master, was prepared to give me a lesson. Ether- 



7.2 ,- ANECDOTE.rM- •-;.:- 

ington introduced me to him as the pupil he had been speaking 
of, and saying, he would leave us to ourselves, he politely re- 
tired. The arrangement with Tioli was, that I should be attended 
in the major's room until I was sufficiently drilled for the public 
school ; and the ice thus broken, I went on, and instead of stand- 
ing in a corner, like a goose on one leg (the major's comparison) 
" while music softens and while dancing fires," I became qualified 
for the enjoyment of female society, in one of its most captivating 
forms. 

Major Etherington had a brother in the rank of a captain, so 
like himself, as to realize the story of the two Socias, and to re- 
move half the improbability of the plot of Shakspeare's Comedy 
of Errors. Any one, at a first sight, might have mistaken the 
one for the other, at least I did, for a moment ; but on a close 
inspection it would be discovered, that the captain was more 
scant in his proportions, as well as several years younger than 
his brother. Tom, for so the captain was familiarly called by 
the major, had taken his turn to recruit in Philadelphia, while his 
superior was employed elsewhere. From a comparatively weaker 
discernment of human character, he had enlisted a lad and con- 
verted him into his waiting man, whom George, on a junc- 
tion which soon after took place, pronounced to be a fool, and 
wholly unfit for a soldier. This the captain denied strenuously, 
and the question became the frequent topic of good humoured 
altercation between them, until an incident occurred, which gave 
the major an unequivocal triumph. One morning very early, the 
brothers lodging in the same apartment, this recruit, and for the 
first time, common servant of the two, softly approached the bed 
of tlie major, and gently tapping him on the shoulder to awal^en 
him, very sapiently inquired, if he might clean his shoes. George, 
with infinite presence of mind, replied, that it was not material, 
but " go," says he, " and ask my brother Tom if you may clean 
his." The poor fellow did as he was bid, and probably as he 
would have done if he had not been bidden ; and Tom's slumbers 
became victims also, to the same momentous investigation. The 
major took care to relate the circumstance at the breakfast table, 
and, of course, obtained a unanimous suffi-age to his opinion, that 
the captain's recruit was not exceeding wise. 



MAJOR ETHERINGTON ANECDOTE. 73 

Although Etherington was extremely deficient in literature,^ few 
persons possessed more acuteness of intellect, or a happier talent 
for prompt replication. A warm dispute having one day taken 
place at the coffee-house, between Mr. Bradford, who kept it, 
and Mr. Delancey of New York, in which the parties appeared 
to be proceeding to blows, major Etherington stepped between 
them and separated them. The next day, on a supposition of 
partiality to Delancey, he was roundly taken to task by Bradford, 
He observed, that he had merely interfered as a common friend 
to both. "No sir," said Bradford, "you were the decided 
champion of Delancey, you laid your hands upon me, and kept 
your face to me, while your back was turned to him." "Very 
well then, sir," said Etherington, with quickness, "I treated you 
politely, and Mr. Delancey with a rudeness for which I owe him 
an apology." A ready, unexpected turn of this kind, has always 
a good effect on the bystanders, and they accordingly lent their 
aid in restoring good humour.* 

As I have said that the major commenced his military career in 
the humblest walks of his profession, the reader may expect to 
heai" of the exploits which produced his extraordinary promotion. 

* There is anotlier instance of his mental readiness, I had introduced into my 
manuscript, but vvhicli I was advised to suppress, as it was supposed to offer 
matter for malignant interpretation. But as I find my mother's character is 
well understood and remembered, I see no objection to introducing' it now ; nor 
for my own part, did I before. The major, one day, in passing- the kitchen door, 
received upon his clothes a little dirty water which Miss Ann Burgess, the elderly 
Quaker lady, already mentioned as one of the family, had, without seeing him, 
cast out of a bowl. The major was more disturbed at the accident than might 
have been expected from one of his character, and was not quite appeased by the 
evident concern and all the excuses the culprit could make, when she thought 
proper to set before him the conduct of Major Small, when a precisely similar 
accident vvhicli some time before had happened to him from the hands of my 
mother, aggravated, too, by the circumstance of his having been full dressed for 
an assembly, a toilet labour no less arduous with him-, than the five hours work 
of the haughty Celia of Swift. Instead, said she, of Major Small's refusing to 
be satisfied with her apologies, he made her a low bow, begged that she would 
be under no concern about the matter, and, very respectfully, walked up to her 
and kissed her. Then I am to kiss you, I suppose. Eh ! said Etherington. This 
lucky hit, while it alarmed and completely embarrassed the maidenly preciseness 
of the old lady, not aware *hat she liad given an opening for it, put EthcringtoTi 
into a good humour and amicably terminated tlie affair. 

7 



74 MAJOR ETHERINGTON. 

But it was not to martial prowess that he owed it. The world 
gave out, that a certain wealthy widow of the county of New 
Castle, became enamoured of him, and first purchased him a 
commission. His saving knowledge soon enabled him to pur- 
chase a better one, and from a captaincy, the station in which I 
first knew him, he had risen to that of a colonel, when I last saw 
him in Philadelphia, just at the approach of the w^ar. What then 
brought liim there is uncertain. He was, however, taken notice 
of by the committee of safety; required to hasten his departure, 
and in the mean time, put under his parole. He endeavoured to 
make a jest of the matter, by assuring them, that they need not 
be under the least apprehension of his going an inch nearer to the 
scene where fighting was to be looked for. He several times 
called to see us while in town, and observing me in the light in- 
fantry uniform, he undertook to recommend to me, between 
banter and earnest, that if I inclined to a military life, at once to 
get a commission in the British service, which he would charge 
himself to procure for me : That as to our idle parade of war, it 
would vanish in smoke, or, if seriously persisted in, would infalli- 
bly terminate in our disgrace, if not ruin. I asked him if he had 
been to see us exercise. "Oh no," said he, "that would be 
highly improper ; we make it a point in the army never to look 
at awkward men; we hold it unpolite." The colonel was no 
doubt correct in his opinion of our tactics ; though I was nettled 
a little at his contemptuous manner of treating us. But I here 
dismiss him with the observation, that he was a singular man, 
who knew the world and turned that knowledge to his advantage. 
He had certainly much mental ability, and of a cast, which he 
himself conceived would have well qualified him for the bar ; a 
profession, for which, he has told me, nature intended him. In 
this estimate of his talents, however, it is not improbable, that he 
might have attributed too much to management and chicane, 
which had essentially availed him in the business of recruiting : 
For he valued himself upon them here ; and I well remember 
that upon my mother's telling him of captain Anstruther, who 
had recruited in his absence, sending a drum about before he left 
the city, to proclaim, that if any one had been^ aggrieved by him 
or his party, to call upon him and he should be redressed, he re- 



GENERAL REID WARREN. 75 

plied — "And was'nt he a d d fool for his pains?" In men- 
tioning captain Anstruther it occurs to me, that he may be the 
same who is stated to have fallen as a general officer in the battle 
of Corunna. 

There were two other majors, with whose company we were a 
long time favoured. These were Majors Small and Fell ; and if 
names had any appropriation to the persons of those who bear 
them, these might very well have been interchanged ; for Small 
was a stout, athletic man, who might be supposed to possess a 
capacity for Jelling, while the other was one of the smallest men 
I have seen. Some one asking, one day, if major Small was at 
home? "No," says Fell, "but the small majo7^ is," Small is a 
principal figure in Trumbull's print of the death of Warren. He 
is represented in the humane attitude of putting aside with his 
sword, a British bayonet, aimed at the breast of the dying patriot.* 

Another officer of the British army, who was some time our in- 
mate, is suggested by a notice of his death in the Monthly Maga- 
zine of J\Iarch, 1807. This was General John Reid, who is stated 
to have died in his 87th year, the oldest officer in the service. In 
this account of him, it is said, that in the meredian of his life, 
he was esteemed the best gentleman German flute performer in 
England : that he was also particularly famed for his taste in the 
composition of military music, and that his marches are still ad- 
mired. This gentleman was a colonel at the time I speak of him. 
His fame as a performer on the flute i recollect, as also to have 
heard him play : but probably I was too little of a connoiseur to 
duly appreciate his talents. I cannot say that my expectations were 
fully answered ; his tones were low and sweet, but the tunes he 
played were so disguised and overloaded with variations, as with 
me to lose much of their melody. 

From these gentlemen of the army, I pass to one of the navy, 
rude and boisterous as the element to which he belonged. His 
name I think was Wallace, the commander of a ship of war on 
the American station, and full fraught, perhaps, with the ill humour 
of the mother country towards her colonies, which she was already 

* See Appendix C, for an interesting account of tiie battle of Bunker's 
Hill.— Ed. 



76 CAPTAIN WALLACE JOSEPH CHURCH. 

beginning to goad to independence. His character upon the 
coast, was that of being insolent and brutal beyond his peers; 
and his deportment as a lodger, was altogether of a piece with it. 
Being asked by my mother, who, by the desire of the gentlemen, 
was in the custom of taking the head of her table, if he would be 
helped to a dish that was near her, " Damme, madam," replied 
the ruffian, " it is to be supposed that at a public table every man 
has a right to help himself, and this I mean to do." Witli a tear 
in her eye she besought him to pardon her, assuring him that in 
future he should not be offended by her officiousness. 

At another time, when Joseph Church of Bristol, who has 
already been mentioned as a friend of the family, was in town 
and at our house, which, in his visits to the city, he always made 
his home, my mother mentioned to the gentlemen, who were 
about sitting down to supper, but three or four in number, of 
whom captain Wallace was one, that there was a friend of hers in 
the house, a very honest, plain man of the society of Friends, and 
begged to know if it would be agreeable to them that he should 
be brought in to supper. They all readily assented, and none 
with more alacrity than Wallace. Accordingly Mr. Church was 
introduced, and sat down. During supper, the captain directed 
his chief discourse to him, interlarded with a deal of very course 
and insolent raillery on his broad brim, &c. Church bore it all 
very patiently until after supper, when he at length ventured to 
say — " Captain, thou has made very free with rae, and asked me 
a great many questions, which I have endeavoured to answer to 
thy satisfaction : Wilt thou now permit me to ask thee one in my 
turn?" "Oh, by all means," exclaimed the captain, "any thing 
that you please, friend — what is it?" " Why, then, I wish to be 
informed, what makes thee drink so often ; art thou really dry 
every time thou earnest the liquor to thy mouth?" This was a 
home thrust at the seaman, whose frequent potations had already 
produced a degree of intoxication. At once, forgetting the 
liberties he had taken, and the promise he had given of equal 
freedom in return, he broke out into a violent rage, venting him- 
self in the most indecent and illiberal language, and vociferating, 
with an unlucky logic which recoiled upon himself — "What! do 
you think I am like a hog, only to drink when I am dry ?" But 



RIVINGTON, THE PRINTER. 77 

matters had gone too far for a reply; and the object of his wrath 
very prudently left the table and the room as expeditiously as 
possible. It cannot be denied, that there was some provocation 
in the question proposed : but he knows little of the Quaker cha- 
racter, who does not know, that the non-resisting tenent does 
not prohibit the use of dry sarcasm, which here was unquestion- 
ably in its place. 

It would be easy to extend these biographical details ; but my 
materials, at best, are too deficient in interest to warrant much 
presumption on the patience of the reader : I shall therefore only 
add to the list, the names of Hancock* and Washington, each of 
whom had at different times sojourned at our caravansary. 

Yet another, of some eminence, though not exactly in the same 
kind, whom I ought not to omit, was Rivington, the printer, of 
New York. This gentleman's manners and appearance were 
sufficiently dignified ; and he kept the best company. He was 
an everlasting dabbler in theatrical heroics. Othello, was the 
character in which he liked best to appear ; and converting his 
auditory into the " most potent, grave and reverend signiors" of 
Venice, he would deliver his unvarnished tale : 

" Her father lov'd me, oft invited me," &o. 

With the same magic by which the listening gentlemen were 
turned into senators, my mother was transformed into Desde- 
mona ; and from the frequent spoutings of Rivington, the officers 
of the 42d regiment, and others, wdio were then in the house, 
became familiarized to the appellation, and appropriated it. 
Thus, Desdemona, or rather Desdy, for shortness, was the name 
she generally afterwards went by among that set of lodgers ; and 
I recollect the concluding line of a poetical effusion of Lieute- 
nant Rumsey of the 42d, on occasion of some trifling fracas^ to 
have been — 

" For Desdy, believe me, you don't become airs !" 

In the daily intercourse with her boarders, which my mother's 
custom of sitting at the head of her table induced, such fami- 
liarities might be excused. They were only to be repelled, at 

* For a Sketch of the Lifo and Character of Hancock, see Appendix D. — Ed. 



78 RIVINGTON, THE PRINTER. 

least, by a formal austerity of manner, which was neither natural 
to her, nor for her interest to assume. The cause of umbrage 
was a midnight riot, perpetrated by Rumsey, Rivington and Doc- 
tor Kearsley, in which the doctor, mounted on horseback, rode 
into the back parlour, and even up stairs, to the great disturbance 
and terror of the family ; for, as it may well be supposed, there 
was a direful clatter. Quadrupedante sonitu quatit imgula 
domum. 



DANGERS OF IDLENESS. 79 



CHAPTER III. 

The Author mixes in new Society. — Is destined for the Law. — His characteristic 
Indolence. — American players. — Anecdotes. — Dramatic Poetry. — Author's pur- 
suits. — Debating- Society. — Metaphysical subtleties. — Causes of youthful fol- 
lies. — Letters of Junius. — Tanioc Caspipina. — Mr. Duche. 



About the year 1769 or 1770, my grandfather died. My in- 
attention to dates disqualifies me for fixing the year, nor is it ma- 
terial. His disorder was a complication of dropsy and asthma. 
I well remember being with him a few evenings before his death, 
and seldom saw him in better spirits. He was anticipating my 
future consequence in life ; and, as like too many others, I was 
destined in vain, 

D^une robe a longs plis halayer le barreau — 
To sweep, with fuU-sleev'd robe, the dusty bar.* 

He was making himself merry with the fancy of my strutting with 
my full-bottomed periwig and small sword, the costume he attached 
to a bannister of law, as he was pleased to term what in England is 
called a barrister. But it will be recollected, that I have already 
said that the old gentleman was a German, no great adept in English, 
and let me add, no great scholar in any language ; although his man- 
ners were those of a man of the world, and a frequenter of good 
company, somewhat blunt, however, and occasionally facetious. 
The story of the toper and flies, worked up into an ode by Peter 
Pindar, I have more than once heard related of him. The scene 
was laid in Philadelphia, where, being at a friend's house to dine, 

* This quotation would apply better, or at least more literally, if gowns had 
been worn at our bar.. 



80 DANGERS OF IDLENESS. 

and asked to take some punch before dinner, he found several 
flies in the bowl. He removed them with a spoon, took his drink, 
and wdth great deliberation was proceeding to replace them, 
"Why, w^hat are you doing, Mr. Marks,"* exclaimed the enter- 
tainer, "putting flies into the bowl ?" " Why, /don't like them," 
said he, "but I did not know but you might," — his mode of 
suggesting that the bowl should have been covered ; for decanters 
and tumblers, be it observed, are a modern refinement in the ap- 
paratus of punch drinking. Whether the story really originated 
with my grandfather, and travelled from the continent to the 
islands, where Doctor Wolcott picked it up ; or whether the hu- 
mour was of insular origin, and merely borrowed and vamped up 
by my grandfather, I pretend not to decide, but certain it is, that 
he had the credit of it in Philadelphia, many years before the 
works of Peter Pindar appeared. 

If want of occupation, as we are told, is the root of all evil, 
my youth was exposed to very great dangers. The interval be- 
tween my leaving the academy, and being put to the study of the 
law at about the age of sixteen, w^as not less than eighteen 
months ; an invaluable period, lost in idleness and unprofitable 
amusement. It had the effect to estrange me for a time from my 
school-companions, and, in their stead, to bring me acquainted 
with a set of young men, whose education and habits had been 
wholly different from my own. They were chiefly designed for 
the sea, or engaged in the less humiliating mechanical employ- 
ments ; and w^ere but the more to my taste for affecting a sort of 
rough independence of manners, which appeared to me manly. 
They were not, however, worthless ; and such of them as were 
destined to become men and citizens, have, with few exceptions, 
filled their parts in society with reputation and respectability. As 
I had now attained that stage in the progress of the mind, in 
which 

Neglected Tray and Pointer lie 
And covics unmolested fly, 

the void was supplied by an introduction into the fair society, 
with which these young men were in the habit of associating. It 

* Joseph Marks; the name might have been mentioned before. 



FEMALE SOCIETY LOVE. 81 

consisted generally of Quakers ; and there was a witching one 
among them, with whom, at a first interview in a party on the 
water, I became so violently enamoured, as to have been up, 
perhaps, to the part of a Romeo or a Pyramus, had the requisite 
train of untoward circumstances ensued. But as there were no 
feuds between our houses, nor unnatural parents to "forbid what 
they could not prohibit," the matter in due time, passed off with- 
out any dolorous catastrophe. Nor was it long before I was 
translated into a new set of female acquaintance, in w^hich I found 
new objects to sigh for. Such, indeed, I was seldom, if ever,, 
without, during the rest of my nonage ; and with as little reason, 
perhaps, as any one, to complain of adverse stars. Nevertheless, 
I should hesitate in pronouncing this season of life happy. If its 
enjoyments are great, so are its solicitudes; and although it 
should escape the pangs of "slighted vows and cold disdain," it 
yet is racked by a host of inquietudes, doubt, distrust, jealousy, 
hope deferred by the frustration of promised interviews, and 
wishes sickening under the w^eight of obstacles too mighty to be 
surmounted. In the language of the medical poet, 



" The wholesome appetites and powers of life 
Dissolve in Languor. Your cheerful days are gone ; 
The generous bloom tliat flusli'd your cheeks, is fled. 
To sighs devoted and to tender pains, 
Pensive you sit, or solitary stray, 
And waste your youth in musing." 



But the peril of fine eyes, was not the only one which beset 
me. During my residence in the State-house, I had contracted 
an intimacy with the second son of Doctor Thomas Bond, who 
lived next door ; a connexion Avhich continued for several years. 
He was perhaps a year older than myself, and had, in like man- 
ner, abandoned his studies, and prematurely bidden adieu to the 
college of Princeton. Handsome in his person, in his manner, 
confident and assured, he had the most lordly contempt for the 
opinion of the world, that is, the sober world, of any young man 
I have known ; as well as a precocity in fashionable vices, equalled 
by few, and certainly exceeded by none. Admiring his talents 



S2 RICHARD BOND. 

and accomplishments, I willingly yielded him the lead in our 
amusements, happy in emulating his degagee air and rakish ap- 
pearance. He it was who first introduced me to the fascination 
of a billiard-table, and initiated me into the other seductive arcana 
of city dissipation. He also showed me where beardless youth 
might find a Lethe for its timidity, in the form of an execrable 
potion called wine, on the very moderate' terms of two and six 
pence a quart. At an obscure inn in Race street, dropping in 
about dark, we were led by a steep and narrow stair-case to a 
chamber in the third story, so lumbered with beds as scarcely to 
leave room for a table and one chair, the beds superseding the 
necessity of more. Here we poured down the fiery beverage ; 
and valiant in the novel feeling of intoxication, sallied forth in 
quest of adventures. Under the auspices of such a leader, I 
could not fail to improve ; nor was his progress less promoted by 
so able a second. In a word, we aspired to be rakes, and were 
gratified. Mr. Richard Bond, was the favourite of his father, 
studied physic under him, and notwithstanding his addiction to 
pleasure, would probably have made a respectable figure in his 
profession : for he had genius, no fondness for liquor, no unusual 
want of application to business, and vanity, perhaps, more than 
real propensity, had prompted his juvenile excesses. But he was 
destined to finish his career at an early age, by that fatal disease 
to youth, a pulmonary consumption. H^ had a presentiment of 
this, and frequently said when in health, it would be his mortal 
distemper. Yet his frame seemed not to indicate it : he had a pro- 
minent chest, with a habit inclined to fulness. Our intimacy had 
ceased for some time before his death. I know not why, unless 
he had been alienated by a latent spark of jealousy, in relation to 
a young lady, for whom we both had a partiality ; mine, indeed, 
slight and evanescent ; his, deep and more lasting, and which, I 
have understood, only ended with his life. 

As it was necessary I should be employed, the choice of a 
vocation for me, had for some time engaged the attention of my 
near connexions. The question was, whether I should be a 
merchant, a physician, or a lawyer. My inclinations were duly 
consulted. I had no predilection for either, though I liked the 
law tlie least of the three, being sensible that my talents were not 



CHOICE OF A PEOFESSION. 83 

of the cast which would enable me to succeed in that profession. 
I searched my composition in vain, for the materials that would 
be required. If they were there, the want of fortitude to bring 
them forth, would be the same as if they were not ; and this 
seemed a deficiency I could never supply. To rise at the bar 
with due gravity and recollection ; to challenge the attention of 
the court, the jury, and the by-standers; to confide in my ability 
to do justice to a good cause ; to colour a bad one by the re- 
quisite artifice and stimulation ; and to undertake to entertain by 
my rhetoric, where I must necessarily fail to convince by my 
logic, I felt to be a task far beyond my strength ; and I shuddered 
at it, in idea only, even in my most sanguine, self-complacent 
moments. To what this infirmity, inaccurately termed diffidence, 
is owing, or whether it be a defect in the mental or bodily powers, 
is not, I believe, ascertained ; yet it exists to a degree scarcely super- 
able in some, while in others, it is a sensation almost unknown. 
It appears, however, to be considerably under the influence of 
education, since, if felt at all, it never shows itself in a thorough 
bred Quaker: neither do we suppose it to exist in a Frenchman, 
though the phrase mauvaise honte, is a proof that the imbecility 
has been recognised by the nation ; a circumstance we might be 
led to doubt, too, from the account given by Doctor Moore of the 
National Assembly.* He tells us, that of the great number of 
members of which it was composed, there appeared to be none 
who could not express themselves with perfect freedom and ease ; 
and that there seemed to be a continual competition for the pos- 
session of the tribune. How diflferent, he observes, from an as- 
sembly of Englishmen! I might add, of Americans! But that 
the feeling is natural, if indeed there could be a doubt of it ; that 
it was known to the ancients, and that it is not merely an effect 
of modern manners, is evinced from the following lines of Petro- 
nius on Dreams, in which the trepidation is not only recognised, 
but very strongly depicted. 

* There is a striking^ coincidence between these observations and the follow- 
ing', in Miss Edgeworth's novel of "Patronage." "Strange that France should 
give a name to that malady of mind which she never knew, or of which she 
knows less than any other nation, upon the surface of the civilized globe !" 



84 DIFFIDENCE — MAUVAISE HONTE. 

"Qui causas orarc solcnt, Icgesque forumque 
Et pavido cernunt inclusum corde tribunal." 

I have said it is inaccurately termed diffidence : it rather ap- 
pears to me, to proceed from too much pride and self-attention, a 
kind of morbid sensibility, ever making self the principal figure 
in the scene, and overweeningly solicitous for the respect of the 
audience : dreading, in equal degree, its contempt and the humi- 
liation of a failure. Hence, as one that is too fearful of falling 
will never excel in the hazardous exercises, such as riding and 
skating, so the destined public speaker who will not risk a fall, 
can never expect to succeed. If he is too fastidious to submit to 
occasional humihation, he must undergo the perpetual one of 
being really, as well as reputedly unqualified for his profession. 
Some diffidence or distrust of our powers, does, no doubt, attend 
the species of mauvaise honte we are speaking of; but it is more 
often, I believe, the distrust of being able to display tlie talents 
we possess, or at least ascribe to ourselves, than an underrating 
of tliem ; and appears to have its primary cause, as already said, 
in a temperament of too much susceptibility to shame, — and if so, 
tlie French have given it a very proper appellation. 

But notwithstanding my conviction of an inaptitude for the bar, 
it was, however, the profession assigned me. I had declared for 
tlie study of physic, and overtures had accordingly been made to 
a practitioner of eminence, but he happening at the time to have 
as many students as he wanted, declined taking another. Failing 
here, it was deemed inexpedient any longer to defer placing me 
somewhere. I had certainly been already too long unemployed ; 
and my uncle, (the executor of my father's will, in conjunction 
with my mother) who had all along been desirous that I should 
go to the bar, his own profession, again recommended it ; and 
proposed taking me into his own family, where, by his assistance, 
the use of his library, which was a very ample one, and an occa- 
sional attention to the business of his office, that of Prothono- 
tary of the Common Pleas, which he held as deputy of the late 
Governor Hamilton, then residing at Bushhill, I had the means of 
acquiring a knowledge of the law, both as to principle and prac- 
tice ; and the proposal being in many respects eligible and agree- 



AUTHOR BEGINS THE STUDY OF LAW. 85 

able, was embraced. I was sensible that it was no less to my 
advantage than reputation, that I should be doing something : 
there was no one, with whom, in the character of a master, I could 
expect to be more pleasantly situated than with my uncle, who 
was a man of unbounded benevolence and liberality; and my 
imagination went to castle-building in the remote prospect of a 
trip to England, for the purpose of completing my education at 
the temple ; for whatever may be the case now, this was the grand 
desideratum or summiim honum with the aspiring law-youth of 
my day. As to the sober part of the calculation, whether the 
occupation I was about to embrace was adapted to my talents, 
would command my application, and be likely to afford me the 
means of future subsistence, it was put aside for the more imme- 
diately grateful considerations already mentioned. I cannot 
venture to pronounce, however, that the medical profession would 
have suited me much better. In truth, I was indolent to a great 
degree ; and with respect to that heroic fortitude which subdues 
the mind to its purposes, withdraws it at will from the flowery 
paths of pleasure, and forces it into the thorny road of utility, 
the distinguishing trait in the character of Caesar, and which 
justifies the poet in designating him as " the world's great master, 
and his own,'''' I have very little to boast of, I was ever too easily 
seduced by the charm of present gratification, and my general 
mood in youth, was an entire apathy to gainful views. With the 
strongest inclination to be respectable in life, and even with am- 
bition to aspire to the first rank in my professsion, I yet felt an 
invincible incapacity for mingling in the world of business, the 
only means by which my desire could be gratified. My imagina- 
tion, almost ever in a state of listless, amorous delirium, 

Where honour still, 
And great design, against the oppressive load, 
By fits, impatient heaved, 

could rarely be brought down to the key of sober occupation, or 
attuned to the flat fasque nefasqiie of the sages of the law ;* and 

* This state of mind is admirably represented by this short passage in Wa- 
verley : "all thai was common-place, all that belonged to the evcry-day world, 
was melted away, and obliterated in these drt^ams of imagination." 

8 



86 



HIS CHARACTERISTIC INDOLENCE. 



my acquaintance with them, was of course, a very slight one. 
Were we justified in laying our unthriftiness on nature, I might 
say, that she never intended me for a man of business. If she 
has denied me the qualifications of an advocate, she has not cer- 
tainly been more liberal to me of those of a trafficker; for whether 
it be owing to pride, to dulness, to laziness, or to impatience, I 
could never excel in driving a bargain : And as to that spirit of 
commercial enterprise or speculation, which only asks the use of 
money to increase it, I never possessed a spark of it; and conse- 
quently, though I have sometimes had cash to spare, it rarely, if 
ever, was employed; for the very good reason, that commodities 
in my hands, always turned out to be drugs. In thus character- 
izmg myself, I aflfect not singularity: for the discomfort of my 
declining age, I but depict myself too truly. 

A short time before the epoch of my becoming a student of 
law, the city was visited by the company of players, since styling 
themselves, The old American company. They had for several 
years been exhibiting in the islands, and now returned to the 
continent in the view of dividing their time and labours between 
Philadelphia and New- York. At Boston, 

tlicy did not appear, 
So pecvisli was the edict of tlie may'r, 

or at least of those authorities which were charged with the cus- 
tody of the public morals. The manager was Douglas, rather a 
decent than shining actor, a man of sense and discretion, married 
to the widow Hallam, whose son Lewis, then in full culmination, 
was the Roscius of the theatre. As the dramatic heroes were all 
his without a competitor, so the heroines were the exclusive pro- 
perty of Miss Cheer, who was deemed an admirable performer. 
The singing department was supplied and supported by the 
voices of Wools and Miss Wainwright, said to have been pupils 
of doctor Arne ; while in the tremulous drawl of the old man, in 
low jest and buffoonery, Morris, thence the minion of the gallery, 
stood first and unrivalled. As for the Tomlinsons, the Walls, 
the Aliens, &c., they were your bonifaces, your Jessamys, your 
Mock Doctors, and what not. On the female side, Mrs. Douglas 
was a respectable, matron-like dame, stately or querulous as oc- 



PHILADELPHIA THEATRICALS. 



87 



casion required, a very good Gertrude, a truly appropriate lady 
Randolph with her white handkerchief and her w^eeds; but then, 
to applaud, it was absolutely necessary to forget, that to touch 
the heart of the spectator had any relation to her function : Mrs. 
Harman bore away the palm as a duenna, and Miss Wainwright 
as a chambermaid. Although these were among the principal 
performers at first, the company was from time to time essentially 
improved by additions: Among these, the Miss Storers, Miss 
Hallam and Mr. Henry, were valuable acquisitions ; as was also 
a Mr. Goodman, who had read law in Philadelphia with Mr. 
Ross. This topic may be disgusting to persons of gravity ; but 
human manners are my theme, as well in youth as in age. Each 
period has its play things; and if the strollers of Thespis have not 
been thought beneath the dignity of Grecian history, this notice 
of the old American stagers may be granted to the levity of me- 
moirs. 

Whether there may be any room for comparison between these, 
the old American company, and the performers of the present 
day, I venture not to say. Nothing is more subject to fashion 
than the style of public exhibitions ; and as the excellence of the 
Lacedemonian black broth, essentially depended, we are told, 
on the appetite of the feeder, so, no doubt, does the merit of 
theatrical entertainments : I cannot but say, however, that in my 
opinion, the old company acquitted themselves with most anima- 
tion and glee — they were a passable set of comedians. Hallam 
had merit in a number of characters and was always a pleasing 
performer. No one could tread the stage with more ease : Upon 
it, indeed, he might be said to have been cradled, and wheeled 
in his go-cart. In tragedy, it cannot be denied, that his decla- 
mation was either mouthing or ranting ; yet a thorough master of 
all the tricks and finesse of his trade, his manner was both grace- 
ful and impressive, " tears in his eyes, distraction in his aspect, a 
broken voice, and his whole function suiting with forms to his 
conceit." He once ventured to appear in Hamlet either at 
Drury lane or Covent Garden, and was endured. In the account 
given of his performance, he is said not to have been to the taste 
of a London audience, though he is admitted to be a man of a 
pleasing and interesting address. He was, however, at Philadel- 



ANECDOTE. 



phia, as much the soul of the Southwark theatre, as ever Garrick 
was of Drury lane ; and if, as doctor Johnson allows, popularity 
in matters of taste is unquestionable evidence of merit, we cannot 
withhold a considerable portion of it from Mr. Hallam, notwith- 
standing his faults. 

The subject of this old company, opens the door to a trifling 
anecdote of a very early origin. Over their stage, in imitation 
of the sons of Drury, they have fixed the motto of Totus mundus 
ngit histrionem — The whole world act the player. Some young 
ladies, one evening, among whom was one of my aunts, applied 
to the gentleman who attended them for the meaning of the words. 
Willing to pass himself off for a scholar, and taking for his clew, 
probably, the word onimdus, he boldly interpreted them into — 
''We act Mondays, Wednesdays and Fridays," and the ladies 
were satisfied. But, to the lasting disquiet of the unlucky beau, 
they were not long after undeceived by some of their more learned 
acquaintance. 

Although the theatre must be admitted to be a stimulous to 
those vices, which something inherent in our nature renders es- 
sential to the favoured hero of the comic drama and the novel, it 
was yet useful to me in one respect. It induced me to open 
Ijooks which had hitherto lain neglected on the shelf. A little 
Latin, and but a little, was the chief fruit of my education. I 
was tolerably instructed in the rudiments of grammar, but in no- 
thing else. I wrote a very indifferent hand, and spelled still 
worse than I wrote. I knew little or nothing of arithmetic; that, 
as a branch of the mathematics, being taught in the academy after 
the languages. But nov/ I became a reader of plays, and parti- 
cularly of those of Shakspeare, of which I was an ardent and un- 
affected admirer. From these I passed to those of Otway and 
Rowe, and the other writers of tragedy, and thence to the English 
poets of every description. Poetry, indeed, has continued to be 
my favourite reading; and when I feel disposed to read aloud, it 
is always my choice. From being wholly unapprised of the 
structure of the sentences, and the place of the pauses in prose, 
the reading of it requires much greater attention to the manage- 
ment of the breath ; and is therefore to me, much the most diffi- 
cult and laborious. Nor has my bias for metrical compositions 



DRAMATIC POETRY. 89 

been confined to the English authors. A small knowledge of 
French has enabled me to make acquaintance with the Henriade 
of Voltaire, the poems of Boileau, and those of some other writers ; 
and that it has not been more general, has principally been owing 
to want of books. Nevertheless, I cannot but subscribe to the 
decree of the English critics, that the French is not the language 
of the Muses, at least in their sublimer moods. What, for in- 
stance, can be more completely unharmonious and halting, than 
these lines in the Henriade, which appear to have been con- 
siderably laboured to the end of producing a grand effect ? 

" On entendoit gronder ces bombes cffroyablcs, 
De troubles de la Flandre cnfants abominablcs. 
Lc salt pf'-tre enfonce dans ces globes d'arain, 
Part, s'echauffe, s'enibrase, et s'ccarte soudain :" 

" Cannons and kettle drums — sweet numbers these." The term 
salt petre, though no doubt susceptible of elegance in French 
poetry, since it is used by one of its greatest masters, would in 
ours, set all collocation at defiance ; and could appear in no other 
metre than doggerel. Observations, however, of this kind should 
not be dogmatically urged, since how far our taste for melody 
may be natural or artificial, is not easy to ascertain. But cer- 
tainly the music of French numbers is extremely flat and mono- 
tonous to an English ear, though, to a French one, our best- 
sounding measure may be sing song no less vapid. 

In the Latin classics too, I have been a dipper; and the best 
of my progress in that language is to be ascribed to my fondness, 
for its poetry. Why was I not, when at school, imbued with the 
same relish! I might then have been a scholar, and the whole 
body of Roman poetry, the Corpus omnium veterum poetarum 
latinorum, (a huge, unwieldy tome, which had belonged to my 
father) in a chronological series from Andronicus and Ennius to 
Maurus Terentianus, might have been at my finger ends ; whereas 
now, only scraps of it are occasionally elicited with difficulty, 
either when disposed to learn, upon what subjects it was that Lu- 
cretius, Catullus, Tibullus, Propertius, Lucanus, Statins, &c. &c. 
had respectively employed their pens ; or when I would follow 
Mr. Gibbon in his references to the poets of later times, the Cal- 



9Q author's pursuits. 

phurnius's, the Nemesianus's, the Claudianus's, the Prudentius's 
and Sidonius's. Still, according to my manner, this was but a 
species of amusement, the duke without a particle of the utile, to 
me who had no manner of concern with the decline of the Roman 
empire or the songsters which belonged to it. It was not however 
Latin, but English poetry, which first led me astray: I did not, it 
is true, ^^en stanzas, but I often read them when I should have 
engrossed; I had, as Junius says of sir William Draper, "the 
melancholy madness of poetry without the inspiration." 

The only project I embraced which promised advantage to me 
in my profession, or indicated a serious design to pursue it, was 
my joining a society of young men, instituted for the purpose of 
disputing on given subjects, as well as of reciting passages from 
the English classics. It chiefly consisted of law students, though 
there were some among us who were designed for the pulpit; and 
the members were generally such as had obtained degrees in the 
seminaries either of Princeton or Philadelphia. The first question 
in which I was appointed to take a part, was that very hackneyed 
one, " Whether a public or a private education is to be pre- 
ferred." There were two on each side ; and our reasonings were 
reduced to writing and read in full assembly, where the president 
pro tempore made his decision. I soon discovered that the argu- 
ments I had to reply to, though proceeding from one of high 
reputation for scholarship, had been borrowed almost Avord for 
word from Rollins's belles-lettres. Restrained by delicacy from 
exposing the plagiarism, I answered them as well as I could from 
my own resources, and had some allowances made me, since it 
had become pretty well known, that Rollin was my real antago- 
nist. In fact, my opponent would hardly have ventured to put 
himself so much in my power by stealmg from so common a 
book, had he not calculated pretty largely on my unacquaintance 
with any books. It next fell to me to propound a question ; and 
having not long before met with one in a magazine which was 
suggested as a curious subject of investigation, I submitted it to 
the assembly. It was, "Whether there be most pleasure in the 
reception, or communication of knowledge." As proposer of the 
question I had the choice of my side, as well as the conclusion 
Qf the argument; and I declared for the "communication." As 



METAPHYSICAL SUBTLETIES. 91 

this was a subject on which school books gave no light, the dis- 
putants had to draw solely from their own funds ; and in some, 
there was a considerable falling off. To me the topic was as new 
as to any of them ; but my production had the good fortune to 
be approved, and to aid in obtaining the decision of the president. 
But I soon became weary of this scholastic employment. It ap- 
peared tome both puerile and pedantic; and the formality of 
addressing the chair with the feigned gravity of a pleader, re- 
quired a kind of grimace I felt myself awkward at. Indeed, the 
two orations I had written, like that of Cicero for Milo, were not 
delivered by their author, who did not appear; but tliey were 
read for me by my friend and fellow-student, Andrew Robeson. 
I once, however, w^ith this same gentleman, risked my declaiming 
powers, in a scene of Venice Preserved; but in what character I 
appeared I do not remember. 

I also involved myself about thi^ period, in metaphysical 
subtleties; and with Mr. James Hutchinson, the late Doctor 
Hutchinson, who then lived with Bartram, the apothecary, and 
with whom I had become intimate, I frequently reasoned upon 
fate, "fixed fate, free-will, fore-knowledge absolute," &c. Our 
acquaintance found cement in the circumstances of our both being 
Bucks county men and exactly of an age. The doctor's father, 
Randal Hutchinson, a Quaker, did the mason-work of my father's 
house at Fairview;* and agreeably to the custom in the country, 
resided with him while employed in it. From family tradition, 
for I do not remember old Randal, he was what might be called 
a queer jmt. Being once called upon for his song on occasion of 
a little merriment, he declined it with the dry remark that he could 
do his own singing : and so indeed it appeared, as he was in the 
habit every evening after work, of singing out in rustic drone to 
his hands assembled round him, a celebrated political poem of 
that time, entitled The washing of the Blackmoor white. It was 
levelled, if I do not mistake, at the aristocracy of the day ; and 
if so, the doctor had a sort of hereditary right to that zeal against 
the WELL BORN of his own, which has rendered his name a fa- 
vourite signature with democratic essayists. But for all this, he 

* Part of this farm was subsequently converted into an occasional race-ground. 



92 MORALITY OF FICTITIOUS HEROES. 

was a friendly man, and no foe to good company; and as to po- 
litical propensities, they seem in some men to be inherent in- 
stincts, wholly independent of the reasoning faculty, and no more 
to be resisted than a constitutional tendency to be fat or lean: A 
sort of restless spirits these, prone to act, to confederate and in- 
trigue ; and who, though not absolutely bad at heart, have yet a 
lamentable itch for mischief. If there are such men, my quondam 
friend was one of them. 

The old and the austere may declaim as they will against the 
follies and vices of youth, the natural propensities will still pre- 
vail ; and for one student of law that is restrained by the solid 
eloquence of Professor Blackstone from " whiling away the awk- 
ward interval from childhood to twenty-one," two or three per- 
haps are lead astray by the seducing rake of Doctor Hoadley. 
Ranger, returning to the temple in a disordered dress, after a 
night of riot and debauchery, has unfortunately, more allurements 
for a young man of metal, and still more unfortunately for the 
generality of young ladies, to whom it is his first desire to be 
agreeable, than the sober, orderly student, pale with the incipient 
lucubrations of twenty years, I will not undertake to say, that 
autliors are right in exhibiting such characters as a Dorimant, a 
Jones, a Pickle, a Ranger, or a Charles Surface, but in so doing 
they draw from nature, and address themselves to the taste of 
their readers. Has ever novel or comedy been popular, whose 
hero is a man of strict morality and virtue ? The Grandison of 
Richardson, the Bevil of Steel, and Henry of Cumberland, are 
but insipid characters in the eyes of those who are customers for 
the productions of the novelist and dramatist. Happy indeed, 
are they, who, without being lost to the feelings of youth, can yet 
indulge them with discretion and moderation ; and who do not 
forget, that although the fashionable gaieties may for a time re- 
commend them to the thoughtless of both sexes, it is application 
to business that must provide the means of ease, contentment and 
respectability in life. Such was not my case. I wanted strength 
of mind for the judgment of Hercules, and was for seizing the 
present moment with Horace. I might not live to be old, and if 
I did, what were its dull satisfactions in comparison of the vivid, 
entliusiastic enjoyments of youth! In this temper, I plunged deep 



DISSIPATION. 93 

into dissipation, with the exception of gaming, having never found 
much attraction in the fortuitous evohitions of a shuffled pack of 
cards, or a shaken dice box. But the pleasures of the table, the 
independence of tavern revelry, and its high-minded contempt of 
the plodding and industrious, were irresistibly fascinating to me. 
Though without the slightest addiction to liquor, nothing was 
more delightful to me than to find myself a member of a large 
bottle association sat in for serious drinking; the table officers 
appointed, the demi-johns filled, the bottles arranged, with the 
other necessary dispositions for such engagements ; and I put no 
inconsiderable value upon myself for my supposed, "potency in 
potting," or, in modern phrase, my being able to carry off a re- 
spectable quantity of wine. Although a grievous headach was 
the usual penalty of my debauch, the admonition vanished with 
the indisposition, while a play or some other frivolous reading, 
beguiled the hours of penance. I blush to think of the many 
excesses I was guilty of while involved in this vortex of intemper- 
ance. Wine rarely deprived me of my feet, but it sometimes 
inflamed me to madness ; and, in the true spirit of chivalry, the 
more extravagant an enterprize the greater was the temptation to 
.achieve it. Every occupation requires its peculiar talents,. and 
where mischief is the object, the spirit of noble daring is certainly 
an accomplishment. Hence, my energy on these occasions was 
duly appreciated by my companions. As to those convivial quali- 
fications, which are wont to set the table in a roar, I had never 
any pretentions to them, though few enjoyed them with more 
relish. But these talents are often fatal to the possessor and they 
hastened, if they did not induce, the catastrophe of poor Kinners- 
ley, a son of the already mentioned teacher at the academy. As 
he was several years older than myself, he belonged to an elder 
class in the school of riot ; yet I have sometimes fallen in with 
him. He had not indeed the gibes and flashes of merriment, 
which are attributed to the jester of Horwendillus'' s court; but of 
all men I have seen, he had the happiest knack of being gross 
without being disgusting, and consequently, of entertaining a 
company sunk below the point of attic refinement. Modest by 
nature, and unobtrusive, probably from a conviction that he thereby 
gave zest to his talents, he always suffered himself to be called 



94 Richardson's novels. 

upon for his song, \vliich he then generally accompanied with his 
violin, to the exquisite delight of his hearers. He possessed 
humour without grimace or buffoonery ; and in the character of 
the drunken man, which he put on in some of his songs, and 
w^hich may be endured as an imitation, he was pronounced by 
Hallam to be unequalled. But unfortunately, the character be- 
came at length too much a real one ; and it is to be lamented, 
that one whose exterior indicated a most ingenious disposition, 
should prematurely close his career by habitual intemperance. 

The study of the law, as may be supposed, went on heavily 
during this round of dissipation. I occasionally looked into 
Blackstone, but carefully kept aloof from the courts, where my 
attendance as a future candidate for the bar, was not to be dis- 
pensed with. Light reading was the day's amusement ; and, as 
already said, it chiefly consisted of poetry and plays. The novels 
of Fieldino- and Smollet I had read ; but as for those of Richard- 
son, I had some how talcen up the idea, that they were formal 
stuff, consisting chiefly of the dull ceremonials relating to court- 
ship and marriage, with which, superannuated aunts and grand- 
mothers torment the young misses subjected to their control. But 
taking up one evening the last volume of Clarissa, I accidentally 
opened it at a letter relating to the duel between Lovelace and 
Morden. This arrested my attention, and I soon found that the 
concerns of men, not less than those of the other sex, were both 
understood and spiritedly represented by the author. I immedi- 
ately procured the work, and read it with more interest than any 
tale had ever excited in me before. The cruel, unmerited mis- 
fortunes of Clarissa, often steeped me in tears : yet the unrelenting 
villany of her betrayer, was so relieved by great qualities, so en- 
tirely was he the gentleman when he chose to put it on, that the 
feeling' of destestation was intermingled with admiration and re- 
spect ; and had flgiu'e, rank, fortune, borne me out in the re- 
semblance, his, of all the characters I had met with, would in the 
vanity of my heart, have most prompted me to an imitation ; 
though abhorring as much as any one his vile plotting and obdu- 
racy. Like the young man mentioned in the letters of Lord 
Chesterfield, I almost aspired to the catastrophe, as well as the 
accomplishments of this libertine destroyed. Nor was I singular 



MORAL EFFECTS OF NOVELS. 95 

in this ambition : Lovelace has formed libertines, as MacHeath 
has formed highwaymen. A young American, when at the 
temple, between forty and fifty years ago, played the part of the 
former with too fatal success, of which, I have been told, he pre- 
served, and sometimes showed the story, written by himself: and 
that this character was the model which the young Lord Lyttleton 
prescribed to himself, appears to me evident from the cast of 
some of his letters. Rowe's Lothario, which Doctor Johnson 
tells us is the outline of Lovelace, is ever more favoured by an 
audience than the virtuous and injured Altamont whom, even the 
circumspect Mr. Cumberland brands with the epithet of wittol: 
And is there a young and giddy female heart, that does not beat 
in unison with Calista's when she exclaims : 

" I swear I could not see the dear betrayer 
Kneel at my feet, and sigh to be forg-iven, 
But my relenting heart would pardon all, 
And quite forget 'twas he that had undone me." 

Richardson, it is true, could not have made his story either 
natural or interesting without ascribing great qualities to Lovelace. 
So refined and all accomplished a woman as Clarissa, was not to 
be taken with an ordinary man ; yet what shall we say of the in- 
struction intended to be conveyed by the exhibition of such a 
character ! Villain as he is, I very much fear, that to the youth 
of both sexes, he is, upon the whole, more admired than detested. 
The probability therefore is, that after all our attempts at advice 
and reformation, the world wdll proceed according to its original 
impulse, and that each season of life will retain the propensities 
adapted to its destination. 

He who presumes to face the world in the character of his own 
biographer, ought to be armed with resolution for the encounter 
of great difficulties. To expose his follies, though but his very 
early ones, is far from a pleasant task ; and yet it is in some de- 
gree, imposed upon him by the obligation he is under to repre- 
sent himself truly. To do it lightly, as I have done, may argue 
with some, too much indulgence for vice ; and to treat the mat- 
ter as a subject for deep humiliation and contrition, would be to 
assume an austerity, I must confess I do not harbour. Still I can 



96 JUNIUS. 

say with truth, that the dehneation is painful ; and that I feel it to 
require an apology on the score of decorum. 

It was about this time that the letters of Junius appeared, and 
from the English gazettes found their way into ours. The cele- 
brity of these philippics excited general attention, and, of course, 
mine ; but the mere fashion of admiring them, would never have 
prevailed over my indifference to their subject matter, to induce 
me to read them, had they not possessed a charm unusual in 
such performances. I sought them with avidity, and read them 
with delight. Some diversity of opinion still exists with respect 
to their style. Cumberland gives us to understand, that he sees 
little to admire in them ; Johnson, however, seems to have thought 
differently ; and their continued popularity must be considered as 
something more than equivocal evidence of their merit.* Mr. 
Heron conceives their author, whoever he was, to have formed 
his style in a great measure, on Chillingworth, Swift, Bolingbroke 
and Shebbeare. I am unacquainted with the writings of Chil- 
lingworth, nor do I discern in Junius any great likeness to Swift ; 
but there is certainly a striking resemblance in his manner to The 
dedication to a noble lord, prefixed to the remarks on the History 
of England by Bolingbroke, and also to Angeloni's Letters by 
Doctor Shebbeare, which, when I read them many years ago, ap- 
peared to me to be wTitten with uncommon spirit, elegance and 
force. But if Junius formed his style upon these distinguished 
writers, he sometimes drew his observations from 'those who are 
nearly obsolete. In his fifteenth letter, which is addressed to the 
Duke of Grafton, there is an allusion to a sentiment in Bacori's 
Advancement of Learning, of which Mr. Heron does not seem 
to have been aware. " Yet, for the benefit of the succeeding age," 
says Junius in his concluding sentence, " I could wish that your 
retreat might be deferred until your morals shall happily be ripened 
to tliat maturity of corruption, at which the worst examples cease 
to be contagious." Bacon has it, that "men o'erspread with 
vice, do not so much corrupt public manners, as those that are 



* Their "merit" it were folly to deny. This is great, beyond dispute ; but 
certainly much of tlicir long continued popularity must be attributed to the still 
unrcvealed mystery of their authorship. — Ed. 



JUNIUS. 97 

half evil, and in part only." Pictredo serpens magis contagiosa 
est quam matura. I think in some of the early editions of this letter, 
the words "as philosophers tell us," were inserted between the 
words "which" and " the," reading thus — " at which, as phi- 
losophers tell us, the worst examples cease to be contagious." 

Were it warrantable to infer an imitation from a similitude in a 
single point, Mr. Heron might go back to the Latin classics, and 
add the names of Horace, Juvenal and Petronius to those of the 
English writers, whom Junius is supposed to have studied and to 
have had in his eye. That abrupt and indignant use of the im- 
perative mood, so frequent in him, is also to be met with in each 
of these Latin authors. "Content yourself, my lord, with the 
many advantages," &c. — "Avail yourself of all the unforgiving 
piety," &c. — "Return, my lord, before it be too late," &c. — 
"Take back your mistress" — "Indulge the people. Attend 
New Market," &c.' — "Now let him go back to his cloister," &c. 
Thus Horace — / ?wmc, argentum e.t marmor vefus, &c. — / 7mnc et 
versus tecum meditare canoros : and Juvenal, speaking of Han- 
nibal, I demens, et scevos curre per Jllpes ; — and in the eloquent 
reflections over the body of Lycas in Petronius, the speaker ex- 
claims, " Ite nunc mortales, et magni cogitationibus pectora implete. 
Ite cauti, et opes fraudibus capias jjer tnille aomos, disponite .'''' But 
whether Junius had models or not, he probably surpassed all who 
went before him in the graces of diction. He appears to have 
impaited an unknown music to English prose, and to have given 
it a fascination, in no wdse inferior to the language of Rousseau. 
The beginning of his sentences are no less harmonious than his 
cadences at their close ; nor, to my ear, can any lines in poetry, 
taking the preceding passage along with them, flow with more 
sweetness and ease, than do the following, in one of the letters to 
the Duke of Grafton. "You had already taken your degrees 
with credit in those schools, in which the English nobility are 
formed to virtue," &c., as do also the four concluding periods of 
the letter containing the remarked sentiment from Lord Bacon. 
I am aware it may be thought, that too much stress is here laid 
on mere sound ; but if we analyze the sources from which our 
relish of good composition is derived, we shall be compelled to 
acknowledge the great importance of the ear in the discernment 
9 



98 MR. DUCHE. 

of literary excellence. Cicero, as we are told by Lord Kames, I 
think, has even employed redundant words for the improvement 
of his harmony; and Rousseau informs us, that he has spent 
whole nights in constructing and rounding a period ; hence may 
be inferred the importance these great writers attached to this part 
of their art. 

As it was highly fashionable at this time to speak of Junius, he 
is descanted upon in the letters of Tamoc Caspipina, which came 
out in Philadelphia in the year 1771. In these, he is prettily de- 
nominated The knight of the polished armour, a fancy, with which 
the writer seems not a little pleased, since he has taken care that 
the idea shall not be lost for want of repeating.* These letters 
proceeded from the pen of the Rev. Mr. Duche, a very popular 
preacher of the Episcopal denomination. He had a fine voice 
and graceful delivery, but was never rated high in point of ability. 
His sermons were deemed flowery and flimsy, like the letters of 
Caspipina. 

Mr. Duche was a whig before, and, I believe, after the Decla- 
ration of Independence ; but being in Philadelphia when the 
British army took possession of it, and thinking, probably, that 
his country was in a fair way of being subdued, he changed sides, 
and wrote a very arrogant, ill-judged letter to General Washing- 
ton, in which he advises him to renounce a cause which had very 
much degenerated, and to " negotiate for America at the head of 
his army." Mr. Duche was weak and vain, yet probably not a 
bad man : His habits, at least, w^ere pious ; and, with the ex- 
ception of this pohtical tergiversation, his conduct exemplary. 
His whimsical signature of Tamoc Caspipina, is an acrostic on 
his designation, as. The Assistant Minister Of Christ's Church 
And St. Peters, In Philadelphia, In North America, f 

* " I find C — grows more and more dissatisfied witii Junius. He entreated 
Sir William Draper, who was at New York in October last, once more to enter 
the lists with this Knight of the polished armour. Sir William, however, very 
politely replied, that he had engagements on his hands at present of a more 
agreeable nature. Your Lordship lias doubtless seen Lady Draper before this 
time, so that you may guess what these engagements were." — Caspiiiina's Lett, 
to Rt. Hon. Viscount P., ith July, 1771.— En. 

t A gentleman well acquainted with Mr. Duchd in England, after the trans- 
actions alluded to, conceiving that his conduct was mistaken here, and particu- 



MR. DUCHE. 99 

larly as to his being a Whig after the Declaration of Independence, expressed 
liis wish tliat in tlie event of a second edition of these Memoirs, I would correct 
and alter the passage. But though willing to gratify this gentleman, I cannot 
do so at the expense of truth ; and I have no reason to suppose I have mis-stated 
any fact. As to my comments, they may not, perhaps, be warranted, but that 
must mucli depend on the political opinions of the time. Such a letter as the 
one alluded to might not, under some circumstances, have been arrogant, but 
from my impression of the character of Mr. Duche, and the part he acted, I am 
not induced to alter or suppress the epitliet. Although pious and exemplary in 
his deportment, as I have admitted, he was much of a courtier, and, in my view» 
a person of so liglit a character as to be carried away by the prevailing fashion 
of thinking among what are called the better sort, by whom, at this time, the 
Whig cause was considered vulgar and rapidly on tlie decline. If the justness 
of the American claims warranted the blood which had already been spilt for 
them, the battles of Lexington and Bunker's Hill, with the invasion of Canada 
and assault on Quebec, the Declaration of Independence was not a moral but 
simply a political question ; and whether the measure was judicious or not, it 
could not convert a cause, originally good, into a seditious and criminal rebellion. 
For this reason it certainly savoured of arrogance in Mr. Duche, to say the least 
of it, merely for this difference in opinion, to reproach his late associates with 
sinister views, and to advise General Washington to desert and betray them. 

See Appendix E, for this celebrated Letter, and others relating to the subject 
above referred to by Mr. Graydon. — Ed. 



100 AUTHOR REMOVES TO YORK. 



CHAPTER IV. 

The Author removes to York. — Society there. — A Maryland Parson. — Odd cha- 
racter. — Judo-e Stcdman. — Mr. James Smith. — Family circle. — Author returns 
to Philadelphia. — Prosecutes the study of the Law.— Fencing.— Mr. Pike. — 
City Tavern. — Singular case of mental derangement. — Retrospective reflec- 
tions. — Causes of the American War. — State of Parties. — Volunteer Com- 
panies. — Political consistency. — Preparations for War. — Anecdote. — Early 
attachment.— Dr. Kearsley. — Mr. Hunt.— Major Skene. 

My irregular course of life had much impaired my health, for 
the re-establishment of which, and to enable me to pursue my 
studies without interruption from my free-living companions, my 
imcle advised my spending the approaching summer in Yorktown. 
Mr. Samuel Johnson, the Prothonotary of that county, was his 
particular friend, a respectable man who had been in the practice 
of the law, and had a very good library. Having been apprised 
of the project, he kindly offered me the use of his books, as w^ell 
as his countenance and assistance in my reading. Accordingly, 
I submitted to become an exile from Philadelphia, with nearly 
the same objects and feelings of Propertius, when he left Rome 
for Athens. 

" Magnum iter ad doctas proficisci cogor Athenas — 
RomaniE turrcs, ct vos valeatis amici 
Qualiscunquc mihi, tuque pucUa vale." 

Not that York* was an Athens ; but I was sent thither for improve- 

* York, the seat of justice for York county, is interesting on account of the 
revolutionary associations here adverted to. It is situated on the banks of Co. 
dorua creek. It is a rich and Uiriving borough, with a spirited and intelligent 
population of over five thousand. Among the public buildings of the place, the 
new court-house, finished in 1842, at a cost of about $150,000, will at once 
attract attention. Congress retired to York from Philadelphia, immediately after 



YORK. 101 

ment, and there were various attractions in the city from which 
it was, no doubt, prudent to withdraw me. It was in the spring 
of 1773, that I was transferred to this pleasant and flourishing- 
village, situated about twelve miles beyond the Susquehanna. It 
was this circumstance which rendered it an eligible retreat for 
Congress in the year 1778, when General Howe was in posses- 
sion of the Capitol and eastern parts of Pennsylvania.* I w^as 



the battle of Brandy wine, in September, 1777, and for nine months occupied the 
old court-house, which stood, until 1841, in the centre of the public square. Its 
population, at the period of Mr. Graydon's residence, could hardly have ex- 
ceeded 1500. In the year 1800 tlie number of its inliabitants was 2500. — 
Rail roads afford convenient and daily access to Philadelphia, a distance of 83 
miles — and to Baltimore, distant 56 miles. The society of York is excellent, 
and the citizens of the borough are influential tliroughout the county and state. — 
Ed. 

* Or rather when the Capitol held possession of Sir William Howe. We learn 
from the "Memoirs" of Lee, that, " while Washington was engaged, without 
cessation, in perfecting his army in the art of war, and in placing it out of the 
reach of that contagious malady so fatal to man, Sir William was indulging) 
with his brave troops, in all the sweets of luxury and pleasure to be drawn from 
the wealthy and populous city of Philadelphia ; nor did he once attempt to dis- 
turb that repose, now so essential to the American geneial. Thus passed tlie 
winter; and the approaching spring brought with it the recall of the commander 
of the British army; who was succeeded by Sir Henry Clinton, heretofore his 
second." 

Wrax.\ll, indeed, says that the " Howes appear to have been either lukewarm, 
or remiss, or negligent, or incapable. Lord North's selection of those two com 
manders excited, at tlie time, just condemnation ; however brave, able, or meri- 
torious, they might individually be esteemed as professional men. Their ardour 
in tlie cause itself was doubted; and still more questionable was their attachment 
to the administration. Never, perhaps, in the history of modern war, has an 
army, or a fleet, been more profusely supplied with every requisite for brilliant 
and efficient service, than were the troops and ships sent out by Lord North's 
Cabinet in 1776, across the Atlantic. But, the efforts abroad, did not correspond 
with the exertions made at home. The energy and activity of a Wellington, 
never animated that torpid mass. Neither vigilance, enterprise, nor co-operation 
characterized the campaigns of 1776 and 1777. Dissipation, play, and relaxation 
of discipline, found their way into the British camp." 

Lee, with a just and generous regard for the reputation, even of an enemy, 
says, in his Memoirs, in reference to the earlier movements of Sir William in 
America, " it would be absurd to impute to him a want of courage, for he emi- 
nently possessed that quality. To explain, as some have attempted to do, his 
apparent supineness, by supposing him friendly to the Revolution, and, therefore, 
disposed to connive at its success, would be equally stupid and unjust, for no part 

9* 



102 YORK SOCIETY THERE. 

well received by Mr. Johnson, but with that formal, theoretical 
kind of politeness, which distinguishes the manners of those who 
constitute the better sort, in small secluded towns : and if, in these 
days, the Prothonotary of a coimty of German population, was 
not confessedly the most considerable personage in it, he must 
have been egregiously wanting to himself. This could with no 
propriety be imputed to my j^atron. Although apparently a mild 
and modest man, he evidently knew his consequence, and never 
lost sight of it, though to say the truth, I received full as much 
of his attention as either I desired or had a right to expect : He 
rtjH'ated die tender of his books and services, com2:)limented me 
witli a dinner, suggested that business and pleasure could not be 
well prosecuted together, and consigned me to my meditations. 

I established myself at a boarding-house, at whose table I found 
u practising attorney, a student of law, another of physic, and a 
young Episcopal clergyman, who had lately arrived from Dublin. 
The first was a striking instance of what mere determination and 
perseverance will do, even in a learned profession. He was an 
Irishman, a man of middle age — the extent of whose attainments 
was certainly nothing more, than in a coarse, vulgar hand, to 
draw a declaration ; and in equally vulgar arithmetic, to sum up 
the interest due upon a bond. His figure was as awlnvard as 
can well be imagined, and his elocution exactly corresponded 
with it. From the humble post of under-sheriff, he had lately 
emerged to his present station at the bar, and was already in good 
practice. By industry and economy, his acquisitions soon ex- 
ceeded his expenses ; and he died not long since, in pretty afl3u- 
ent circumstances. Justice, however, requires it should be added, 
that his want of brilliant qualities, was compensated by an ade- 
quate portion of common sense, by unblemished integrity, and 
liberality in his dealings with the poor. Nor should it be forgot- 
ten, that after having taken part with his adopted country in the 
struggle for her rights, he did not, like too many of his country- 
men, by a blind obedience to vindictive passions, much more than 

of Sir William's life is stained with a single departure from the lino of honour." 
It must be confessed, however, that at this time Sir William had not become 
acquainted with the allurements of Philadelphia society, where, '' snug as ajlea," 
as facetiously sung by the poet, he revelled long and luxuriously.— Eo. 



A MARYLAND PARSON. 103 

efface the merit of his services. — The law-student was from 
Wihnington ; an easy, good-natured young man, whose talents 
appeared to be misplaced in their present direction. They were, 
probably, better adapted to the army, into which he entered on 
the breaking out of the war, and was killed at the battle of Bran- 
dywine, holding the rank of a Major in the Pennsylvania line. — 
The student of physic, though with some rusticity to rub oft", was 
yet a pretty good scholar ; nor was he deficient in natural endow- 
ments. To these, he added a manly and honourable way of 
thinking, which made him respectable in the army, (which he 
also afterwards joined,) as well as in the path of civil life, in 
which he possesses an honourable station in the western country. 
The clergyman was only an occasional lodger, his pastoral 
duties often calling him to Maryland and elsewhere, which pro- 
duced absences of several weeks at a time. He had probably 
the propensities of that species of gownman, which I have heard 
Whitfield call a downy doctor ; as, whatever might have been 
his deportment on solemn occasions, in his intercourse with rae, 
he did not seem to be one who considered the enjoyment of the 
present sublunary scene, by any means unworthy of regard. One 
day, as I was strumming a tune from the Beggar's opera, upon a 
fiddle I had purchased, with a view of becoming a performer upon 
it, he entered my apartment. " What," says he, " you play upon 
the violin, and are at the airs of the Beggar's opera !" He imme- 
diately began to hum the tune I had before me, from which, turn- 
ing over the leaves of the note-book, he passed on to others, 
which he sung as he went along, and evinced an acquaintance 
with the piece, much too intimate to have been acquired, by any 
thing short of an assiduous attendance on the theatre. After 
amusing himself and me for some time with his theatrical recol- 
lections, " I am," said he, " to give you a sermon next Sunday, and 
here it is," pulling from his pocket a manuscript. Perusing the 
title page, he read, it was preached at such a time in such a place, 
and at another time in such a place, giving me to understand from 
the dates, that it was not of his own composition, and that he 
made no difficulty of appropriating the productions of others. In 

a word, Mr. L seemed in all respects to be what was then 

called in Pennsylvania a Maryland Parson; that is, one who 



104 MR. JAMES SMITH. 

could accommodate himself to his company, and pass, from 
grave to gay, from lively to severe," as occasion might require. 
Among his other accomplishments, he was no incompetent jockey ; 
at least I have a right to infer so, from the results of an exchange 
of horses between us, a short time before my return to the city : 
I do not, however, insinuate that he took me in, but merely that 
he had the best of the bargain. 

Besides my fellow boarders there were several young men in 
the town, whose company served to relieve the dreariness of my 
solitude ; for such it was, compared with the scene from which I 
had removed. These, for the most part are yet living, generally 
known and respected. There was also in the place an oddity, 
who, though not to be classed with its young men, I sometimes fell 
hi with. This was Mr. James Smith,* the lawyer, then in con- 
siderable practice. He was probably between forty and fifty 
years of age, fond of his bottle and young company, and pos- 
sessed of an original species of drollery. This, as may perhaps 
be said of all persons in this way, consisted more in the manner 
than the matter ; for which reason, it is scarcely possible to con- 
vey a just notion of it to the reader. In him it much depended 
on an uncouthness of gesture, a certain ludicrous cast of counte- 
nance, and a drawling mode of utterance, which taken in con- 
junction with his eccentric ideas, produced an effect irresistibly 
comical ; though on an analysis it would be difficult to decide, 
whether the man or the saying most constituted the jest. The 
most trivial incident from his mouth was stamped with his origi- 
nality, and in relating one evening how he had been disturbed in 
his office by a cow, he gave inconceivable zest to his narration, 

* Mr. Smith, was a signer of the Declaration of Independence. He was a 
native of Ireland, whence his father emigrated, it is supposed, between 1715 and 
1720. James Smith received his education at the College of Philadelphia. After 
Ills admission to the bar, he removed to the vicinity of Shippensburgh, and there 
established himself as a lawyer and surveyor, but soon after removed to York, 
where he continued to reside, during the remainder of his life. He held high 
rank at the bar and, was greatly distinguished for his wit and good humour. 
He was a member of several important conventions. In 1775, he was elected to 
Congress, and retained his scat in that body, until November, 1778, when he 
resumed his professional business, frcwn which he withdrew in 1800. He died 
in 180G.— Ed. 



JUDGE STEDMAN ANECDOTE. 105 

by his manner of telling how she thrust her nose into the door, 
and there roared like a JYumidian lion. Like the picture of Gar- 
rick between tragedy and comedy, his phiz exhibited a struggle 
between tragedy and farce, in which the latter seemed on the eve 
of predominating. With a sufficiency of various reading to fur- 
nish him with materials for ridiculous allusions and incongruous 
combinations, he was never so successful as when he could find 
a learned pedant to play upon : and of all men, Judge Stedman, 
when mellow, was best calculated for his butt.' The judge was 
a Scotchman, a man of reading and erudition, though extremely 
magisterial and dogmatical in his cups. This it was which gave 
point to the humour of Smith, who, as if desirous of coming in 
for his share of the glory, while Stedman was in full display of 
his historical knowledge, never failed to set him raving by some 
monstrous anachronism, such for instance, as " don't you remem- 
ber, Mr. Stedman, that terrible bloody batde which Alexander 
the Great fought with the Russians near the Straits of Babelman- 
del?" "What, sir!" said Stedman, repeating with the most 
ineffable contempt, " which Alexander the Great fought with the 
Russians! Where, mon, did you get your chronology?" "I 
think you will find it recorded, Mr. Stedman, in Thucidydes 
or Herodotus." On another occasion, being asked for his au- 
thority for some enormous assertion, in which both space and 
time were fairly annihilated, with unshaken gravity he replied, 
" I am pretty sure I have seen an account of it, Mr. Stedman^ 
in a High Dutch almanac printed at Aleepo,'''' his drawling way~ 
of pronouncing Aleppo. While every one at table was holding- 
his sides at the expense of the judge, he, on his part, had no 
doubt that Smith was the object of laughter, as he was of his own 
unutterable disdain. Thus e^ery thing was as it should be, all 
parties were pleased ; the laughers were highly tickled, the self- 
complacency of the real dupe was flattered, and the sarcastic vein 
of the pretended one gratified; and this, without the smallest 
suspicion on the part of Stedman, who, residing in Philadelphia, 
was ignorant of Smith's character, and destitute of penetration to 
develope it. 

York, I must say, was somewhat obnoxious to the general 
charge of unsociableness, under which Pennsylvania had always 



106 FAMILY CIRCLE. 

laboured : or if I wrong her, I was not the kind of guest that was 
calcuhucd to profit of lier hospitaUty. Perhaps I approached her 
under unfavourable auspices, those of a young man debauched 
by evil communications ; or perhaps there was a want of conge- 
niality between her manners and mine. Be it as it may, there 
was but a single house in which I found that sort of reception 
which invited me to repeat my visit ; and this was the house of a 
Jew. In this, I could conceive myself at home, being always 
received with ease, with cheerfulness and cordiality. Those who 
have known York, at the period I am speaking of, cannot fail to 
recollect the sprightly and engaging Mrs. E., the life of all the 
gaiety that could be mustered in the village : always in spirits, 
full of frohc and glee, and possessing the talent of singing agree- 
ably, she was an indispensable ingredient in the little parties of 
pleasure which sometimes took place, and usually consisted in 
excursions to the Susquehanna, where the company dined, and, 
when successful in angling, upon fish of their own catching. It 
was upon one of these occasions, the summer before I saw her, 
that she had attracted the notice of Mr. John Dickinson, the cele- 
brated author of the Farmer'' s Letters. He had been lavish in 
her praise in the company of a lady of my acquaintance, who 
told me of it, and thence inferred, how much I should be pleased 
with her when I got to York. I paid little attention to the in- 
formation, having no conception that I could take any interest in 
the company of a married woman, considerably older than myself 
and the mother of several children. The sequel proved how 
much I was mistaken, and how essential to my satisfaction was 
female society; the access to a house in which I could domesti- 
cate myself, and receive attentions, not the less grateful from ap- 
parently being blended with somewhat maternal. The master of 
the house, though much less brilliant than the mistress, was always 
good-humoured and kind ; and as they kept a small store, I re- 
paid as well as I could the hospitality of a frequent dish of tea, 
by purchasing there what articles I wanted. 

After whihng away about six months, the allotted time of my 
exile, reading a little law in the morning, and either fowling, 
riding or strolling along the banks of the Codorus, a beautiful 
stream which passes through the town, in the afternoon, I at 



AUTHOR RETURNS TO PHILADELPHIA. 107 

length set out on my return to Philadelphia. For the sake of 
company and yet more for the satisfaction of seeing the country, 
I took a circuitous route, crossing the Susquehanna at M'Call's 
ferry, at the Jfarrows. This place is rude and romantic to a 

great degree. The water is extremely deep, above 

fathoms,* as it is stated in Scull's map, and the current much 
obstructed by rocks, which rise above the surface in huge and 
shapeless craggs. Leaving the river, we crossed the Octararo, 
which discharges itself into it ; and thence, shaping our course 
through a pleasant country to Newark and Wilmington, we 
reached Philadelphia after a journey of three or four days, in the 
latter part of October. 

I cannot take my final leave of York before mentioning, that I 
visited it again when Congress held their session there, in the 
year 1778. Mr. Johnson, who had been a widower, was then 
married to a lady from Maryland. The laws having been silenced 
by arms, he was no longer Prothonotary ; and what was still 
more unfortunate for him, he had no chance of ever becoming so 
again, being much disaffected to the American cause, I found 
him extremely soured by the state of affairs : He was at no pains 
to conceal his disgust at it, and shook his head in fearful antici- 
pation of future calamities. Five years had produced a consider- 
able change in respect to the inhabitants of the town. The 
young men I had been acquainted with had been generally in 

the army, and were consequently dispersed. The E 's were 

not there ; or at least, I did not see them ; and if my memory 
does not mislead me, the family had removed to Baltimore. 

Although I had not made myself a lawyer, I returned to the 
city somewhat improved in health,, as well as in my habits of 
living. My disposition, however, was unaltered. I still affected 
the man of pleasure and dissipation ; had a sovereign contempt 
for matrimony, and was even puppy enough, with shame I yet 
think of it, to ape the style of Lovelace, in some of my epistolary 

* From the account of Tlieodorc Burr, who threw the immense arch of 360 
feet, 4 inches, over the river at this place, in the winter of 1814-15, the depth of 
the water is 150 feet. 

This noble bridge was, in part, carried away by the flood of March, 1846 — 
the greatest known within fifty years. — Ed. 



lOS PROSECUTES THE STUDY OF THE LAW. 

correspondencies. As my uncle was still bent on qualifying me 
for the practice of my profession, he proposed my pursuing my 
studies, for the winter, under the direction of Mr. James Allen. 
As this gentleman was without a clerk, my being there was con- 
sidered as a matter of mutual convenience. In return for the use 
of his books, I did the business of his office, which was not very 
burdensome, and left me sufficient time for reading. Mr, Allen, 
the second son of old Mr. William Allen,* the chief justice, and 
perhaps the richest and most influential person in the province, 
was a man of wit and pleasantry, who, for the gratification of his 
ambition, was determined also to be a man of business, the only 
road in Pennsylvania, to honours and distinction. For this pur- 
pose, he engaged in the practice of the law, in which, at this 
time, he was very assiduous and attentive. As he was very 
gentlemanly in his manners, good-humoured and affable, I passed 
my time with him altogether to my mind. His good sense and 
good breeding, suggested the true line of behaviour to one be- 
yond the age of apprenticeship, and who, though doing the busi- 
ness of a clerk, did not perform it for hire. He also took a 
friendly interest in my improvement, submitting the cases in 
which he was consulted to my previous examination and opinion, 
and treating the timidity which many feel on first speaking in 
public, as a weakness very easily overcome. In relation to the 

* The same gentleman alluded to by Howe in his " Narrative,^'' quoted by 
Sparks, in the Appendix, to the 4tli vol. of the writings of Washington, as 
Mr. William Allen, a gentleman who was supposed to have great family in- 
fluenee in the province of Pennsylvania; Mr. Clialmers, much respected in the 
three lower counties on the Delaware and in Maryland; and Mr. Clifton, the 
Chief of the Roman Catholic persuasion, of whom there was said to be many in 
Philadelphia, as well as in tlie rebel army, serving against their inclinations : 
these gentlemen were appointed commandants of corps, to receive and form for 
service all the wcll-afTectcd that could be obtained, (meaning loyalists, of course,) 
and what was the success of these efforts?" — To the honour of tiie American 
name, and with native pride — I answer in Howe's own language, — " In 3Iay, 
1778, when I left America, Colonel Allen had raised oflly 152 rank and file; 
Colonel Chalmers, 336, (a goodly proportion, however, for the three patriolic coun- 
ties on the Delaware !) and Colonel Clifton, 180; which, together with three 
troops of Light Dragoons, consisting of 132 troopers, and 174 real volunteers from 
Jersey, under Colonel V'andyke, amounting in the whole to 974 men, constituted 
all the force that could be collected in Pennsylvania, after the most indefatigable 
exertions during eight months." — Ed. 



DR. SKINNER. 109 

subject, he gave me, I remember, a very laughable account of 
his own coup d'essai in conjunction with the facetious Harry 
Elwes, at Easton. 

To have been regular in the history of my education I should 
have mentioned, that I had already acquired sufficient knowledge 
of French to be able to read it with tolerable facility. I now 
undertook to learn the use of the small sword of a Mr. Pike, who 
had lately arrived in Philadelphia, and was much celebrated for 
his ability both as a dancing and fencing master. Amusement 
and exercise were my inducements to the undertaking, little 
thinking that I was acquiring professional skill, and that a sword, 
in a year or two, would be a badge of my calling. From what I 
have since seen, I do not think that Mr. Pike, although, like 
Rousseau's master, sufficiently ^er de Part de tuer im homme, was 
an accomplished swordsman. He nevertheless probably taught 
the science very well, and had certainly a knack of close pushing, 
which I have never met with in any other ; that is, in the exercise 
of quarte and tierce, by placing the point of his foil near the guard 
of his adversary's, he could disengage and thrust with such quick- 
ness, as with certainty to hit the arm of the assailed. I laboured 
in vain, for six or eight months to acquire this dexterity: from 
continued practice, however, the slight of hand came at last, 
upon which I valued myself not a little, and was equally valued 
by others. There was but one other pupil in the school who had 
been equally successful, and this was my particular friend the 
reverend Mr. Clay, of New-Castle, who was then a merchant, 
and who, in respect of his present clerical function, might say, 
non lios qucesitum mumis in usus. This accomplishment had 
nearly brought me, when in the army, into perilous contact with 
a Doctor Skinnerj* who had the fame of a duellist, and having 

* Alexander Skinner. — He is depicted at large, by General Henry Lee, in 
liis "Memoirs of the War in the Southern Department of the United States." 
"He was a native of Mai^Jand. He was virtuous and sensible; full of original 
humour of a peculiar cast; and eccen^.ric in mind and manners. In person and 
in love of good cheer, as well as in dire objection to the field of battle, he resem- 
bled, with wonderful similitude, Shakspeare's FalstafF. Yet Skinner had no 
hesitation in fighting duels, and liad killed his man. When urged by his friends 
to explain why he, who would, when called upon by feelings of honour to risk 
his life in single combat, advance to the arena with alacritj^, should abhor so 

10 



110 DR. SKINNER. 

already killed his man. A Mr. Hanson of Maryland, who had 
been a scholar of Pike, and knew what I could do, had made a 
considerable bet with the doctor, that he would find a person in 
the army, who in spite of him, would hit him in thrusting tierce, or 
rather quarte over the arm. He called upon me, when the army 

dreadfully, the field of buttle, — he uniformly, in substance, answered, that he 
considered it very arrogant in a surgeon (whose province it was to take care of 
the sick and wounded) to be aping the demeanour and duty of a commissioned 
officer, whose business it was to fight : an arrogance which he cordially con- 
temned, and of which he should never be guilty. Moreover, — he would add, — 
he was not more disposed to die than other gentlemen; but that he had an utter 
aversion to the noise and turmoil of battle. It stunned and stupified him. How- 
ever, when Congress should think proper to honour liim with a commission, lie 
would convince all doubters that he was not afraid to push the bayonet." General 
Lee, in describing an action near a stream over which his dragoons could not 
pass — being too wide for their horses to leap, and too deep in mud for them to 
attempt to ford — it was impossible to pursue the advantage his troops had gal- 
lantly gained, and "having only sabres to oppose to tiie enemy's fire, and tliose 
sabres withiield from contact by the interposing chasm, he was forced to draw 
off from the vain contest, after several of his dragoons had been wounded, 
among whom was Dr. Irvin, surgeon of the legion cavalry," states, that such 
was Dr. Skinner's unvarying objection to Irvin's custom of risking his life, 
whenever he was with the corps going into action, that, kind and amiable 
as he was, he saw with pleasure, that his prediction, often communicated to 
Irvin to slop his practice, (which, contrasted with his own. Skinner felt as a bitter 
reproach) was at length realized, when Irvin was brought in wounded ; and he 
would not dress his wound, although from his station he had a right of preference, 
until he had attended upon all tiie privates— reprehending with asperity Irvin's 
custom, and sarcastically complimenting him, occasionally, with the honourable 
scar he might hereafter show. 

Surely he was the Dr. Sitgreaves of Cooper ! 

When he first appeared in the lower country, he wore a long beard and huge 
fur cap, the latter through necessity, the first through some superstitious notion, 
the meaning of which it was impossible to penetrate. An officer who really 
esteemed him, asking him " why he suffered his beard to grow to sucli an unusual 
length," he tartly replied, " It is a secret, sir, betwixt my God and myself, that 
human impertinence shall never penetrate." On a night alarm at Ninety-Six, as 
Colonel Lee was hastening forward to ascertain the cause, he met Skinner in 
full retreat, and stopping him, sai+1, " what is the matter Doctor, whither so fast 
— not frightened I hope V " No, Colonel, no," replied Skinner, " not absolutely 
frightened, but, I candidly confess, most damnably alarmed." 

Being once asked which of the ladies of South Carolina possessed in his esti- 
mation, the greatest attractions? he replied, "The widow Izard beyond all com- 
parison. I never pass her magnificent sideboard, but the plate seems ready to 
tumble into my pocket." — Ed. 



MR. BRADFORD MR. ROBINSON. Ill 

lay at Haerlem heights, to know if I would push : With some 
reluctance I consented, but before the time appointed arrived, 
some movement took place, which separated me from Mr. Skin- 
ner, and the question was not decided. The instruction I re- 
ceived from Pike, I considerably improved by practice, and began 
to grow vain of my skill, until I met with Major Clow (or Clough) 
of Colonel Baylor's dragoons, who had been a pupil of Angelo 
and others of the best masters in Europe. He soon convinced 
me that I had still much room for improvement ; though he was 
pleased to assure me, that I was by far the best fencer he had met 
with in America, and much superior to Benson, a fencing master 
in New York. 

During the time of my being with Pike, Mentges, who was 
afterwards a Colonel in our service, had opened a fencing school. 
Among his scholars were Messrs. Robeson* and Bradford;! then 

* Pcrliaps the son of him — -mentioned as Robinson, by Watson, whose ortho- 
sraphy in names, like the style of his inimitable " Armals " is sui generis ! 

The gentleman, referred to by Watson, " was Clerk of the Provincial Council, 
and owner of the first hired prison. In 1685 he gave offence to the council, and 
they resolved 'that the words spoken by him, concerning the impeachment against 
Judge Moore, was drawn hab nah, which expression of his we do unanimously 
declare to be undecent, unallowable, and to be disowned.' " Soon after, it was 
farther resolved, that Patrick Robinson could not be removed from his Clerk*s 
office until he was legally convicted of the offence. They, however, determine 
''that he shall be readily dismissed from any public office of trust in this govern- 
ment." — Ed. 

t Bradford commenced his professional career at a very early age, and his 
instructive history is deserving of the attention of those, especially, upon wliom 
adverse fortune has laid her depressing hand. His circumstances were exceed- 
ingly restricted, and he was several years at the Bar with few or no clients; and 
so discouraging appeared his prospects, that at one time he seriously contem- 
plated the abandonment of his professional liopes, and the adoption of the sea as 
his new and perilous home. 

Mr. Bradford was buried in the grave-yard of St. Mary's, in the ancient, rural 
city of Burlington, New-Jersey ; and his monument bears the following beautiful 
and comprehensive inscription, which supersedes the necessity of farther biogra- 
phical details : 

"Here lies the remains of William Bradford, Attorney-General of the United 
States, under tlie Presidency of Washington ; and previously Attorney-General 
of Pennsylvania, and a Judge of the Supreme Court of that State. In private 
life he had acquired the esteem of all his fellow-citizens. In professional attain- 
ments he was learned as a lawyer, and eloquent as an advocate. In the execu- 



112 COL, MENZIES. 

students of law, the former already spoken of, and the latter of 
whom became a Judge of the Supreme Court of the State, and 
afterwards Attorney- General of the United States. Coming into 
the school I was asked to take a foil, and in succession contended 
\vith each of these gentlemen ; but the result was unlucky for 
Mentges,* as it too plainly evinced his incapacity for the business 
he had undertaken, and of course, soon deprived him of his 
pupils. 

At the city tavern, which had been recently established, and 
was in great vogue, I often spent my evenings. It was at this 
time much frequented by Mr. William Hockley, a gentleman of 
fortune, who was liable to fits of mental derangement ; and while 
these prevailed, was a prominent figure at all public places: for 
as he was perfectly harmless, it was not thought necessary to re- 
strain him from going abroad. . The effects of this misfortune 

tion of his public offices, he was vigilant, dignified and impartial. Yet, in the 
bloom of life ; in the maturity of every faculty that could invigorate or embellish 
the human tnind; in the prosecution of the most important services that a citizen 
could render to his country ; in the perfect enjoyment of the highest honours 
that public confidence could bestow upon an individual ; blessed in all the 
pleasures which a virtuous reflection could furnish from the past, and animated 
by all the incitements which an honourable ambition could depict in the future — 
be ceased to be mortal. A fever, produced by a fatal assiduity in performing his 
official trust at a crisis interesting to the nation, suddenly terminated his public 
career, extinguished the splendour of his private prosperity, and on the 23d day 
of August, 1795, in the 40th year of his age, consigned him to the grave — La- 
mented, Honoured and Beloved." — En, 

* The CoT.ONFX Menzies, of Garden ; who relates the following amusing anec- 
dote : " Sometime previous to the evacuation of Charleston, Colonel Menzies, of 
the Pennsylvania line, received a letter from a Hessian officer within the garrison, 
who had once been a prisoner, and treated by him with great kindness, express, 
ing an earnest desire to show his gratitude, by executing any commission with 
which he would please to honour him. Colonel Menzies replied to it, requesting 
him to send twelve dozen Cigars ; but, being a German, and little accustomed 
to express himself in English, he was not very accurate in his orthography, and 
wrote Sizars. Twelve dozen pairs oT Scissors were accordingly sent him, which, 
for a time, occasioned much mirth in the camp, at the Colonel's expense ; but no 
man knew better how to profit from the mistake. Money was not, at the period, 
in circulation; and by the aid of his runner, distributing his scissors over the 
country, in exchange for poultry. Colonel Menzies lived luxuriously, while the 
fare of his brother officers was a scanty pittance of famished beef, bull-frogs 
from ponds, and cray-fish from the neighbouring ditches." — Ed. 



SINGUAR CASE OF MENTAL DERANGEMENT. 113 

appeal too forcibly to humanity, to be considered as the subject 
of merriment, otherwise the flights of this gentleman might, for a 
short time, have been truly amusing. His fancies were the most 
lively and brilliant that can be imagined. He had full persuasion 
that he excelled in every thing that was worthy of attention, though 
the turf and the theatre were the chief scenes of his glory. Some- 
times he achieved the exploits himself; at others, he only wit- 
nessed their performance, and, like Horace's haudignobilis Argis^ 
conceived he had been the hearer of the most wonderful actors. 

"Se crcdcbat miros auuire trajcdos." 

Whatever he chose to do, that he chose to do best : Hallam 
was but a fool to him when he chose to be a player ; he had more 
than once, when a fencer, disarmed Pike with a pipe shank ; and 
had taken, when a sportsman, all the purses at all the race-grounds 
between Savannali and New York. His vivid conceptions sup- 
plied him wnth a stud ; and he would run over the names of his 
horses and their pedigrees, descanting, as he went along, on the 
respective merits of his riders with astonishing volubility, and 
with a gaiety and sprightliness of manner, that even Garrick, if 
he could have equalled, could not have excelled: And this rodo- 
montade was occasionally accompanied by so peculiarly agreeable 
and animated a laugh, as might have served for a model, to a 
performer of genteel comedy. Yet, notwithstanding these wild 
coruscations of genius, Mr. Hockley, when himself, was remark- 
ably dull and phlegmatic ; one, who never perhaps had had a foil 
in his hand, and who had little or no relish for races or plays. 
His case would almost induce a belief, that there was really "a 
pleasure in being mad, which none but madmen know ;" and that 
however deplorable the condition of the melancholy or raving 
maniac, there is a malady of the mind, which, in its paroxysms, 
is nothing more than a delightful illusion, Mentis gratissimus. 
error. 

I suppose the time I have now arrived at, to be the winter of 
1774-5. From this era, although I could not look back upon 
my conduct with approbation, I could yet do it w-ithout anguish 
or remorse. I had spent much time unprofitably, but had been 
guilty of no baseness : I had been rather dissolute in my habits 

10* 



114 RETROSPECTIVE REFLECTIONS. 

— too indulgent to gay profligacy, and had even sometimes asso- 
ciated with it to the disadvantage of my character, but had hap- 
pily preserved myself free from its contagion. I neither liked liquor 
nor gaming; I had contracted no debts — used no unwarrantable 
means to obtain money or credit ; nor, among my vanities and 
follies, had I ever committed an action, which might tend to de- 
prive me of that self-respect, which is the best security for a future* 
course of honourable and moral conduct. I was open, however, 
to a galling, self-reproach, in that at the age of nearly twenty- 
three, instead of being in a situation to maintain myself, I w'as 
still dependant upon my mother, not only for necessaries, but my 
pocket-expenses, which though not extremely profuse, were less 
limited than they ought to have been.* 

But a period was now approaching which tended equally to 
interrupt the pursuits of pleasure and of business ; and, inasmuch 
as it did the latter, to lessen my chagrin at being disqualified for 
engaging in it. Pennsylvania, hitherto so tranquil and so happy, 
was in common with her sister provinces, about to experience the 
calamities, which sooner or later, seem the inevitable destiny of 
exevj region inhabited by man. Her golden age was at its 
close ; and that iron era which w^as to sever the ties of friendship 
and of blood; to set father against son, and brother against 
brother, with many other frightful evils in its train, w^as about to 
supervene. The ministry seemed resolved upon enforcing their 
assumed right of taxing the colonies, and there was an equal de- 
termination on the part of America, to resist the pretension. The 
supremacy of the mother country, it was held, on the one hand, 
necessarily involved the right of legislatingADver, and consequently 
of imposing taxes on, every part of her dominions ;f while it was 

* Even tills reproach I niiglit have spared niysclf, had I reflected that there 
was exclusively due to me from my father's estate about 170/. the proceeds 
of a prize drawn in the Academy lottery, by a ticket presented to me by my 
grandHither, and for vvhicii, he, as trustee for me, took a bond from my father, re- 
ceiving- the money, dated Sept. 14th, 1756, and whicli money I never demanded. 
IJut what is this to the world ? Not much to be sure. Still it is something to a 
proscribed man, interested in mitigating as much as possible his atrocities. 

t My doctrine has ever been, that legislation involves in it every possible 
power and exercise of civil government. — Lord Lyttelton' s Letters. 

The same doctrine is maintained by General Burgoyne in his Letters to Gene- 
ral Lee, and elsewhere. 



CAUSES OF THE REVOLUTION. 115 

contended on the other, to be a fundamental principle of the con- 
stitution, that no money could be drawn from the people without 
their consent, signified throug-h the medium of a representation 
in parliament ; and that as the colonists had no such representa- 
tion, they were not subject to parliamentary taxation. An excep- 
tion was, however, made with respect to the regulation of trade, 
and a distinction was taken between internal and external taxes ; 
the latter of which only, not having revenue for their object, it 
was said, could be constitutionally laid. The discussion of the 
points in controversy, only served to put the parties farther 
asunder. To the Americans, it disclosed the disadvantages of a 
dependance on a power so remote as that of Britain, and so op- 
pressed by a weight of debt. It was also perceived, that as we 
were not, so neither could we be, efficiently represented in her 
parliament ; and that, in any shape, therefore, to admit her right 
to tax us, would be to throw ourselves entirely on the generosity 
of a nation, tempted to large exactions from the consideration 
that she would be relieved in proportion to what she could draw 
from us,* and prompted to invigorate the arm of coercion from 
her observation of our rapidly increasing strength, which, if not 
speedily repressed and held in subjection, might soon defy con- 
trol, f A similar view of the subject, no doubt, led the ministry 

* The American war, said Mr. Windiiam, lie was afraid had been undertaken 
for no belter reason, than the hope of saving ourselves, by taxing America. — 
Speccii in 1792. 

"May Is/, 1774." 

t " There is a great business in agitation, and has been for some time ; but, 
without the thorough-bass of opposition, it makes no echo out of Parliament. 
Its Parliamentary name is — Regulations for Bosto.v. Its essence, the ques- 
tion o^ sovereignty over America. Shall I tell you in one word, my opinion? If 
the Bostonians resist, tiie dispute will possibly be determined in favour of the 
crown by force. If thoy temporize or submit, wailing for a more favourable 
moment, and preparing for it, the wound, skinned over, will break out hereafter 
with more violence, not that I lay any stress on my conjectures. People collect 
their guesses from what they have read, heard, or seen, but times are unlike; 
and a single man can sometimes give a new colour to an age." 

" November ^Uh 1774." 
"Don't tell me I am grown old and peevish and supercilious— name the ge- 
niusses of 1774, and I submit. The next Augustan age will dav^m on the other 
side of the Atlantic. Tlicre will, perhaps, be a Thucydides at Boston, a Xeno- 



116 CAUSES OF THE REVOLUTION. 

to appreciate the importance of retaining in due dependance so 
fruitful a field of exaction ; and to conceive, that if the application 
of force should be necessary for the purpose, the sooner it should 
be applied the better. All things considered, they had certainly 
some grounds to calculate upon success: And as to the proposal, 
of raising by our own legislatures, the supplies that might be 
asked for, besides, that an acquiescence in it, would very strongly 
resemble a renunciation of sovereignty, it is scarcely in the nature 
of power to condescend to petition for that which it supposes 
itself able to compel ; and pride is ever more gratified in the ex- 
ercise of generosity, than in the performance of justice. The 
ministry had the support of a great majority of the nation at 
home. Interest, which made resistance popular with us, made 
compulsory measures popular w'ith them. It was this collision, 
that at this time, severed the two countries; though nature, which 
had placed the Atlantic ocean between^ them, had thereby inter- 
posed an insurmountable bar to .a much longer .colonial connexion 
on constitutional principles.* In another view, when the nur- 
turing season is past, the young of all kinds are left to act for 
themselves. Even man, by a law of his own, pursuing that of 
nature, has appointed a time for the enfranchisement of youth-; 
and America had perhaps completed her years of minority. But 
waving analogies, that may be fitter for illustrations than argu- 
ments, the merits of the question, were, I think, on the side of the 

phon at New York, and, in time» a Virgil at Mexico, and a Newlon at Peru. 
At last, some curious traveller from Lima will visit England and give a descrip- 
tion of the ruins of St. Paul's, like the editions of Balbec and Palmyra; but am 
I not prophesying, contrary to my consummate prudence, and casting horo- 
scopes of empire like Rousseau? Yes; well, I will go and dream of my visions." 
ii— Walpolc's Letters to Horace Mann. — Ed. • 

* Dr. Franklin, writing in his journal on the 14th December, 1774, says, " In 
the course of conversation, more than sixteen years ago, long before any dispute 
with America, the present Lord Camden, then Mr. Pratt, ^id to him : 'For all 
what you Americans say of your loyalty, and alFuhat, I kftow you will one day 
throw off your dependence on^ this country ; and, notwithstanding your boasted 
affection for it, you will set up for independence.' " Dr. Franklin said that he 
answered him, "No such idea was ever entertained by the Americans, nor will 
any such ever enter their heads, unless you grossly abuse them." "Very true," 
replied Mr. Pratt, that is one of the main causes I sec will happen, and will 
produce the event." — E». 



MR. JOSEPH GALLOWAY. 117 

colonies; and the inference, that the authority contended for by 
Britain, would uUimately reduce them to vassalage, was by no 
means chimerical. This being generally perceived and assented 
to, a great proportion, and perhaps a great majority of the most 
wealthy and respectable in each of the provinces, was arrayed in 
opposition to the ministerial claim. I speak of the early stages of 
the contest. In Pennsylvania, this was certainly the case, though 
as to the extent to which the opposition should be carried, there 
was doubtless a great diversity of opinion ; many sincere whigs 
considering a separation from the mother country as the greatest 
evil that could befal us. The merchants were on the whig side, 
with few^ exceptions ; and the lawyers, who, from the bent of theiv 
studies, as well as their habit of speaking in public, were best 
qualified to take a lead in the various assemblies that became ne- 
cessary, were little less unanimous in the same cause. 

A few, indeed, of the oldest and most conspicuous practitioners 
in Philadelphia w^ere either disaffected or lukewarm. Among 
these, Mr. Joseph Galloway,* though a member of the first Con- 
gress, w^as known to be a disapprover of the measures pursuing. 
By obtaining a seat in Qpngress, therefore, his design undoubtedly 
was, to impede, if he could not divert the current of affairs ; but 
finding no matter to w^ork upon, and taking the hint, probably, 
from a halter coiled up in a box, that w^as said to be sent to him, 
he gave up the contest, and went off to the invading army, as 
soon as an opportunity offered. From Mr. Chew^,f Mr. Tilghman,| 

* See Appendix F, for a biograpliical notice of I\Ir. Galloway. — Ed. 

+ Mr. Chew was prominent in early times. In 1772 he was preferred to the 
Bench. Perhaps no one exceeded him in an accurate knowledge of Common law» 
or in the sound exposition of Statutes; his solid judgment, tenacious memory, and 
persevering industry, rendered him a safe and steady guide. At the bar his 
language was pertinent and correct)»but seldom characterized by effusions of elo- 
quence ; his arguments were close, and frequently methodized on tiie strict rules 
of logic; his object always seemed to be to produce conviction, not to obtain ap- 
plause." — Watson''s Annals. -^ 

The name will be remembered from its association with "Cliew's House," and 
the Battle of Germantown. He was the owner of the property, which still (1846) 
remains in the family. — Ed. 

X Mr. I. Tilghman, futiier of Mr. Edward Tilghmau and of Mr. William 
Tilghman, late Chief Justici/ of Pennsylvania. — Ed. 



118 



STATE OF PARTIES. 



and Mr. Shippen,* no activity was expected or claimed, as 
they were what was called Proprietary men, and in the enjoy- 
ment, under that interest, of offices of trust and importance. 
Their favourable disposition to the American cause, was, however 
inferred, from the sons of the first two having joined the military 
associations, Mr. John Ross, who loved ease and Madeira, much 
better than liberty and strife, declared for neutrality, saying, that 
let who would he king, he well knew that he should be subject. An 
observation, which, judging only from events, may be thought by 
some, to contain as much intrinsic wisdom as the w^hole of the 
Farmerh Letters, with all the legal, political, and constitutional 
knowledge they display. But tlie abuse of libert}, ought not to 
induce apathy to oppression, however it may dispose us to delibe- 
rate before we plunge into a new order of things. Mr. James Al- 
len was also suspected of having no very cordial affection for the 
cause, although he shouldered a musket in the ranks of the mi- 
litia. What chiefly led to the suspicion, was, that he had laboured 
to organize a committee of privates, which, however accordant 
such a measure might be, with the republican spirit, that was 
coming in fashion, it was, to say the least of it, a very question- 
able experiment on military subordination and discipline. As 
business had, for some time, been entirely laid aside, I no longer 
attended his office, and consequently had less opportunity of 
knowing his real sentiments. His brother, Mr. Andrew Allen, the 
attorney-general, was more ardent, and considered also to be more 
sincere. He liad attached himself to the corps of city Cavalry, 
commanded by Mr. Markoe ; but not long after, recognising his 
error, he withdrew, giving out that he would hang up his cap and 
regimentals as monuments of his folly, and upon the declaration 
of independence, he sought an tisylum with General Howe. 
These were the principal gentlemen of standing in the profession 
who may be considered as exceptions to the temper of the Penn- 
sylvania bar. 

On the whig side of the question, Mr. John Dickinson, always 
in the political antipodes of Mr. Galloway, was, at this time, 

* Edward Shippen, Cliicf Justice of Pennsylvania, born 1729, died April 15, 
1806. He was a cousin of Kr. Wm. Shippen of the University, and father of Mrs. 
General Arnold. — Ed. 



JOHN DICKINSON. GENERAL REED. 119 

most prominent and distinguished. By his Farmer's Letters, he 
had acquired a high reputation, both for patriotism and abiUty ; 
though he was, if I mistake not, among the disapprovers of inde- 
pendence, and thence fell under a cloud, which obscured him all 
the war, and even involved him in the suspicion of disaffection 
and toryism.* Next in conspicuousness to Mr. Dickinson, 
among the members of the city bar, were Mr. Reedf and Mr. 

* For a Sketch of the Life and Character of Mr. Dickinson, see Appendix G. — 
Ed. 

t Mr. Reed was the son of Mr. Andrew Reed, from Ireland, "engaged in trade 
in the town of Trenton," and was born there in 1742. 

In 1775, at the age of 33 years, he was elected President of the Provincial 
Convention. In the same year he was appointed Military Secretary to Wasiiixg- 
TON, who appears to have entertained a high opinion of his talents and patriotism. 
In June, 1776, he was, at the suggestion of Washington, appointed by Congress 
Adjutant-General of the Continental Army. The Appendix to the fourth volume 
of Sparks' " Life and Writings of Washington " contains a correspondence be- 
tween General Washington and Mr. Reed, upon the subject of a misunderstand- 
ing between them, to which the reader, who may feel an interest in the matter, is 
referred. 

On the 12th of May, 1777, Reed was elected a brigadier by Congress, and in 
September of the same year, he was elected to the Continental Congress. " Such, 
however, was the active interest which he took, in the operations of the campaign 
in Pennsylvania, that he did not join the delegation in Congress at all under this 
election. But just at the close of the campaign, a new election took place on the 
10th of December when he was again chosen, Franklin and Robert Morris being 
in the same delegation." The attempt to bribe General Reed by Governor John- 
stone, one of the Britisli Commissioners, who arrived in 1778, is detailed at length 
in the modest and appropriate "Life of Joseph Reed " by his grandson Mr. Henry 
Reed, of Philadelphia. Associated as Commissioners with Mr. Johnstone, were 
the Earl of Carlisle, and Mr. William Eden, afterwards Lord Aukland. They 
left England in April, 1778. Walpole alludes to them on the 5th of March, in his 
letter to Horace Mann. "You will have been impatient for the consequences of 
Lord North's Conciliatory Plan. The substantial consequences cannot, you are sen- 
sible, be known till the Commissioners arrive in America and return the answer 
of the Congress." It is to the son of the Earl of Carlisle, who fell at Waterloo, that 
Byron beautifully and penitentially alludes in the third Canto of Cliilde Harold : 

" Their praise is hymn'd by loftier harps than mine ; . •/ 

Yet one I would select from tiiat proud throng, 
Partly because they blend me with his line, 
And partly that I did his Sire some wrong" 

In October 1778, Walpole again writes, "Governor Johnstone is returned, the 
other two Commissioners remain to make peace, to which we are told the Ameri- 



120 MR. m'kean. 

M'Kean,* each of whom was distinguished both during and after 
the revolution. The young gentlemen of the profession with a 

cans are disposed ; a proof of which is our sending another army thither." Tiie 
reason for Joiuistonc's return is tliiis accounted for by the P^ditor of Walpole's 
Letters : " Governor Johnstone had been charged by the Congress with an attempt 
to corrupt and bribe General Reed with the sum of ten thousand pounds and a 
public situation in tlie Colonies ; to which offer the General is said to have 
answered, 'that he was not worth purchasing, but, such as lie was, the King of 
England was not rich enougii to do it.' In consequence of this, the Congress in- 
terdicted all intercourse and correspondence with the Commissioners while 
Governor Johnstone continued one of tliem. He therefore resigned and returned 
to England." 

In a letter to George Selwyn, of the (Uh of November, Mr. Charles Townshend 
says, "Governor Johnstone is as mad as a bull. He foams at the mouth, and 
swears that he will impeach Lord Howe and Sir William, for not reducing 
America. Wcdderburn says, he talks in a very manly style ; and he is hiuch 
caressed by ministers whom he has abused in so coarse a style to the Americans : 
You may be sure he caresses them in his turn. He puts me in mind of a charac- 
ter of King James I., given by an old Scotch Lord at his accession : ' Ken you 
an ape I If I'se hold him he will bile you; if you hold him, he will bite 
me.' General Reed, by the unanimous vote of both branches of the state govern- 
ment was, in 1778, elected "President" of Pennsylvania. He was subsequently 
re-elected to Congress, and died, at Philadelphia, in March 1785, in his forty-tliird 
year. 

His career, — his public career especially, was short but truly brilliant. Like 
bis illustrious friend, William Bradford, of whom mention has already been made, 
and whose pre-eminent abilities he was among the first to discover and appreciate, 
he lived at a stirring period, fruitful in great events, many of which were crowded 
into the brief time allotted to him here, and with which his name is honourably 
and permanently associated. — Ed. 

* Thomas McKean — afterwards Chief Justice and also Governor of Ponnsyl- 
vania — an able and ardent politician of the ultra democratic school, althougli his 
training and associations in early life were of a character to influence to the 
adoption of an opposite i)o]itical creed. He was a zealous revolutionary patriot 
and, in his earlier political career especially, is entitled to warm commendation. 
He was born at Chester, in Pennsylvania, in 1734, and commenced the practice 
of his profession at the age of twenty-one. In October, 1762, he was elected a 
member of the Assembly for the county of New Castle, and was annually 
returned for seventeen successive years, although he resided in Philadelphia for 
the last s'lK years of that period. He was a delegate to the General Congress, 
which met at New York in l765. In the same year he was appointed Judge of 
the Court of Common Pleas and of the Orphan's Court for the county of New 
Castle. In November term, I'/G.'), and February term, 17G6, he was one of the 
bench that ordered the officers of the court to proceed in their duties, as usual, 
on unstamped paper. In 1771 he was appointed Collector of the port of New 
Castle. He was appointed a delegate to the General Congress of 1774, from the 



MR. m'kEAN. 121 

few exceptions, were also in whig politics ; and accordingly fell 
into some of the associations which were forming for the purpose 
of acquiring a knowledge of tactics. In the country the same 
spirit was prevalent at the bar, the members of which, some of 
whom were of the first eminence, distinguished themselves by 
their zeal in opposition to the ministerial claims ; and as these 

lower counties of Delaware, and he continued to serve in that body until 1783. 
He was President of Congress in 1781, and, although a member of that body, ho 
held and executed the office of Chief Justice of Pennsylvania, from the year 1777. 
He was exceedingly active in promoting the Declaration of Independence, which 
he signed, and soon after that event marched with a battalion, of which he was 
Colonel, into New Jersey, to support General Washington^ and acquitted himself 
gallantly in several dangerous skirmishes, while he remained witli the army. 
Upon his return to Delaware, lie drew up, in a single night, a Constitution for 
that State, which, on the following day, was. unanimously adopted by the As- 
sembl3\ In 1777 he acted as "President" ofthe state of Delaware. "At that period," 
as he relates, " he was hunted like a fox by the enemy ; and was compelled to remove 
his family five times in the course of a few months, and at length placed them 
in a little log house on tlie banks of the Susquehanna." While here he was 
treated with great deference by the country people, and the straggling Indians^ 
who had their village in that vicinity. The Chief Justice, when on the Bencli, 
wore an immense cocked-hat, and was dressed in a scarlet gown. He discharged 
the office of Chief Justice for twenty-two years, and "gave striking proofs of 
ability, impartiality and courage." 

"He was a member of the Convention of Pennsylvania that ratified the Con- 
stitution of the United States, and made a masterly speech in its support." He 
was also a member of the Convention that formed the first Constitution of Penn- 
sylvania ; a body composed of some of tlie purest and ablest men of any age or 
nation, but whose wise and patriotic labours became unpalatable to the '■'■pro- 
gressive democracy'''' of recent and more enlightened times ; and Pennsylvanians 
have now the privilege and the honour of living under a Constitution, the work 
of men, previously "unknown to fame," and whose magnificent labours will, it is 
believed, prove satisfactory to the " democracy," however " progressive," for seve- 
ral years to come ! 

In 1779, Judge MeKean was elected Governor of Pennsylvania, and held the 
office during tlie constitutional period of nine years, having been twice re-elected. 
In 1803 it was proposed to hira to become a candidate for the Vice-Presidency — 
a post of honour then, as it had previouslyj been filled by men who had earned the 
respect of their country — but he declined. "In 1 808 he retired from public life, in 
which he had been engaged for fifty years, and died in June, 1817, in his 84th 
year. He was one of the fathers of the Republic, and in this quality will be 
honoured, aside from the resentments which his proceedings as a jjarty-politician 
engendered." — Ed. 

11 



122 ^^OLUNTEER COMPANIES. 

very forcibly appealed to the pocket, the great body of Genrtam 
farmers, extremely tenacious of property, were readily gained. 
Exceptions however were to be found: The Menonists and some 
other sects were generally disaffected. As to the genuine sons of 
Hibernia, it was enough for them to know that England was the 
antagonist. Stimulants here, were wholly superfluous ; and the 
sequel has constantly shown, that in a contest with Englishmen, 
Irishmen, like the mettlesome coursers of Phaeton, only require 
reining in. Lfibor est inhibere volentes. The spirit of liberty 
and resistance being so generally diffused, it seems scarcely ne- 
cessary to mention, that it drew into its vortex the mechanical 
interest, as well as that numerous portion of the community in 
republics, styled The People; in monarchies, The Populace; or 
still more irreverently. The Rabble or Canaille. But notwith- 
standing this almost unanimous agreement in favour of liberty, 
neither were all disposed to go the same lengths for it, nor were 
they perfectly in unison in the idea annexed to it. Wilkes had 
just rendered the term popular in America; and, though perhaps 
there is not any one in our language more indefinite, yet the sense 
in which it was doubtless most generally received, was that which 
brings it nearest to licentiousness and anarchy, since hallowed by 
the phrases of Equality, and the Rights oj" Man. 

The Quakers, as a society, were charged witli disaffection, and 
probably with truth. They were desirous, however, of screening 
themselves under their non-resisting principles and known aver- 
sion to war; and in this, although they might not have been sin- 
cere, they at least were consistent. But notwithstanding their 
endeavour to keep aloof from the contest, a good number of their 
young men swerved from their tenets ; and affecting cockades and 
uniforms, openly avowed themselves fighting men. They went 
so far as to form a company of light infantry, under the command 
of Mr. Copperthwaite,* which was called The Quaker Blues, and- 
instituted in a spirit of competition with The Greens, or, as they 
were sneeringly styled, The silk stocking company, commanded by 

* Joseph Cowpekthwait. — He was Sheriff of Philadelphia County, and sub- 
3eq.uently a Justice of the Peace. A gentleman of intelligence and influence. — 

Ed. 



VOLUNTEER COMPANIES. 123 

Mr. John Cadwalader,* and which having early associated, had 
ah-eady acquired celebrity. This nickname evinced, that the 
canker worm, jealousy, already tainted the infantile purity of our 
patriotism. The command of this company, consisting of the 
flower of the city, was too fine a feather in the cap of its leader to 
be passed by unenvied: it was, therefore, branded as an aristo- 
cratic assemblage, and Mr. (since general) Mifflin, had the credit 
of inventing the" invidious appellation. To this association I be- 
longed. There were about seventy of us. We met morning and 
evening, and from the earnest and even enthusiastic devotion of 
most of us to learn the duty of soldiers, the company, in the 
course of a summer's training, became a truly respectable militia 
corps. When it had attained some adroitness in the exercises, 
we met but once a day. This was in the afternoon, and the place 
of rendezvous the house of the captain, where capacious demi- 
johns of Madeira, were constantly set out in the yard where we 
formed, for our refreshment before marching out to exercise. The 
ample fortune of Mr. Cadwalader had enabled him to fill his cel- 
lars with the choicest liquors; and it must be admitted, that he 
dealt them out with the most gentlemanly liberality. He probably 
meant it, in part, as an indemnification for our voluntary submis- 
sion while under arms, to all the essential points, as well as the 
little etiquette of subordination, requii'ed of privates under the 
most regular discipline. 

On taking a retrospect of the company, and looking round for 

* John Cadwalader was, subsequently to this period, appointed Colonel of one 
of the City Batt^-lions, from which rank he rose to that of Brigadier-General, and 
was entrusted with the command of the Pennsylvania troops in the Winter cam- 
paign of '76 and '77. He acted in this command, and as a volunteer, in the 
Battles of Princeton, Brandy wine, Gcrmantown, Monmouth, and on other occa- 
sions, and received the thanks of Washington, wiiose confidence and esteem he 
alvvaj's possessed. He was appointed to command one of the divisions into which 
the army was separated when Washington determined to attack the enemy at 
Trenton ; but in consequence of the ice in the river, neither he nor Cccneral 
Irvine, the commander of another division, could cross the river in time. But, 
the day after Washington's return, he effected the passage, supposing him still 
on the Jersey side, and pursued the vanquished enemy to Burlington. In 1778, 
he was appointed by Congress, General of Cavalry — an appointment which he 
declined on the score of being more useful in the station which he occnpied. He 
died Feb. 10, 1786, in the 44th year of his age. — Ency. Amer. — Ed. 



124 POLITICAL CONSISTENCY. 

Ihose who remain of it, I see a few Avho are yet alive and in re- 
spectable situations. Much the greater number, however, have 
resigned their places to that posterity, for whose interests it was 
the fashion of seventy-six to be extremely concerned. It is to be 
hoped, therefore, that posterity will continue to pay the easy re- 
compence of an annual toast to the memory of those departed 
friends, who no longer stand in their way. But I am chiefly 
struck with the strong tendency to evaporation, which inheres in 
a fiery zeal ; as well as with the utter insignificance of that dull 
quality, consistency, on the versatile scale of republican virtue. I 
have a gentleman in my eye who was ever among the foremost 
in patriotism, and for volunteering our services on every occasion. 
Was there an enterprise in view, replete wuth difficulty and dan- 
ger! The Gi'eens, in his opinion, should monopolize, or at least 
partake of the glory. Was there a sacrifice to be made to 
economy ! They should be the first to set an example of frugality 
to their countrymen. In short, were it "to fight, to fast, to drink 
up Elsil, eat a crocodile, heVl do't." Yet this gentleman, so full 
of zeal in seventy-five, was so thoroughly emptied of it in seventy- 
six, as to translate himself to the royal standard in New York ; 
for which, however, he found a salvo in the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence. On the conclusion of the war, he w^as, in conside- 
ration of his youtli and inexperience when he committed the^aux 
pas, permitted to return to the bosom of his country, and adroitly 
falling in with the views of the prevailing party, he obtained a 
subordinate appointment in the Treasury Department, during the 
Presidencies of Washington and Adams: when again wheeling 
about with the public sentiment, which ushered into office first 
M'Kean and then Jefferson, he obtained, upon the principle pro- 
bably of a quid pro quo, an office from each of them, the latter of 
which he yet retains, and, like the French revolution, returning 
to the point from which it set out, he is now as pure a patriot as 
he was at the commencement of his career. It must be confessed, 
that the gentleman has had a serpentine course : Yet, without ar- 
raigning his motives, which may have been good, though diver- 
sified, I shall content myself with observing, that he has had the 
singular fortune to behold with equal eye, the carting of the tories 
in Philadelphia in the yeai' 1775; the sad havoc of the whigs in 



PREPARATIONS FOR WAR ANECDOTE. 125 

New York, in the year 1776 ; the discomfiture of the anti-fede- 
ralists, in the years 1790 and 1794; then the overthrow and per- 
secution of the federaHsts in the year 1800 : In each and every of 
these turmoils, he has contrived to be uppermost, and still rides 
triumphant on the surface of the tempestuous sea^ an unequivocal 
proof of his fitness for the times in which he has been destined to 
appear. This instance would not have been adverted to, were it 
not that in an illustration of the times, it was too remarkable to be 
omitted. 

In preparing for the scene of war that was approaching, no 
martial employment was neglected. It was even deemed of con- 
sequence to be a marksman with a pistol ; and connected with 
this object, I recollect an unpleasant incident, which might also 
have proved a serious one. Captain Biddle and myself having 
gone out to take a shot, and posted ourselves in a situation, 
thought convenient and safe, we marked our target on a board 
fence, in a cross street, between Arch and Race streets. We had 
fired several times, and were loading again, when a man suddenly 
coming upon us, out of breath, pale as ashes, without his hat 
and his hair standing on end, exclaimed, that we had killed his 
child. This information, as may be supposed, put a stop to our 
amusement; and we immediately accompanied him to his house, 
with feelings not to be envied. When we arrived, however, we 
found matters not so bad as had been anticipated. The child was 
crying in its mother's arms : it had been struck upon the body ; but 
the force of the blow had been broken by a loose, linsey petticoat. 
The ball had passed through a pane of glass ; and from the ap- 
pearance of the hole exactly corresponding to its size without di- 
verging cracks, it must have had considerable force, though dis- 
charged at a distance which we thought greater than our pistols 
would carry. By expressions of concern for the accident and the 
accompaniment of a few dollars, our transgression was overlooked, 
and all perturbation composed. 

The daily unremitted course of exercise which my military 
duties and my fencing, at this time composed, had thoroughly 
established my health. The serious aspect of the times, had alsa 
brought temperance into fashion ; and instead of tavern suppers, 
I generally passed my evenings with my female acquaintance, 

11* 



126 DR. KEARSLEY. 

among whom there was one to whom' my affections were deeply 
and permanently engaged. The attachment was reciprocal ; and 
the din of arms which threatened us with a separation, involving a 
cruel uncertainty in respect to the destiny of our love, but served to 
render it more ardent and more tender.* Vows of constancy were 
mutually plighted ; and we gave so much of our time to each other, 
that I had little to spare to my quondam companions, whom I 
was really desirous of shaking off, and who, on their part, com- 
plained that I had turned dangler, and become good for nothing. 
There was a time when their raillery might have had some effect, 
but now it was entirely thrown away, and, like a true knight, I 
wholly devoted myself to my mistress and my country. 

Among the disaffected in Philadelphia, Doctor Kearsley was 
pre-eminently ardent and rash.f An extremely zealous loyalist, 
and impetuous in his temper, he had given much umbrage to the 
whigs ; and if I am not mistaken, he had been detected in some 
hostile machinations. Hence he was deemed a proper subject 
for the fashionable punishment of tarring, feathering and carting. 
He was seized at his own door by a party of the militia, and, in 
the attempt to resist them, received a wound in his hand from a 
bayonet. Being overpowered, he was placed in a cart pro- 
vided for the purpose, and amidst a multitude of boys and 
idlers, paraded through the streets to the tune of the rogue's 
march. I happened to be at the coffee-house when the concourse 
arrived there. They made a halt, while the Doctor foaming with 
]-age and indignation, without his hat, his wig dishevelled and 
bloody from his wounded hand, stood up in the cart and called 
for a bowl of punch. It was quickly handed to him ; when, so 
vehement was his thirst, that he drained it of its contents before 
he took it from his lips. What were the feelings of others on 
this lawless proceeding, I know not, but mine, I must confess, 

* "And flinty is Lcr heart can view, 
To battle march a lover true, 
Can hear, perchance, his last adieu, 
Nor own her share of pain." 

t Nephew of the celebrated Dr. .Tolin Kearsley— founder of "Clirist Church 
Hospital for Poor Widows." A jrentlonian nuieli distinguished for his public 
spirit, and architectural taste." — Eb. 



MAJOR SKENE. 127 

revolted at the spectacle. I was shocked at seeing a lately re- 
spected citizen so cruelly vilified, and was imprudent enough to 
say, that had I been a magistrate, I would, at every hazard, have 
interposed my authority in suppression of the outrage. But this 
was not the only instance which convinced me, that I wanted 
nerves for a revolutionist. It must be admitted, however, that 
the conduct of the populace was marked by a lenity which pecu- 
liarly distinguished the cradle of our republicanism. Tar and 
feathers had been dispensed with, and excepting the injury he 
had received in his hand, no sort of violence was offered by the 
mob to their victim. But to a man of high spirit, as the Doctor 
was, the indignity in its lightest form was sufficient to madden 
him : it probably had this effect, since his conduct became so ex- 
tremely outrageous, that it was thought necessary to confine him. 
From the city he was soon after removed to Carlisle, where he 
died during the war. 

A few days after the carting of Mr. Kearsley, Mr. Isaac Hunt, 
the attorney, was treated in the same manner, but he managed the^ 
matter much better than his precursor. Instead of braving his 
conductor like the Doctor, Mr. Hunt was a pattern of meekness 
and humility ; and at every halt that was made, he rose and ex- 
pressed his acknowledgments to the crowd for their forbearance 
and civility. After a parade of an hour or two, he was set down 
at his own door, as uninjured in body as in mind. He soon after 
removed to one of the islands, if I mistake not, to Barbadoes, 
where, it was understood, he took orders.* 

Not long after these occurrences, Major Skene of the British 
army, ventured to show himself in Philadelphia.! Whatever 

* He did take orders, and upon his return to England, became a tutor in the 
fliuiily of the Duke of Chandos. He was the father of Mr. Leigh Hunt, cele- 
brated for his poetic genius, and for many valuable contributions 'to English 
literature. — Ed. 

+ We are glid not to lose sight of this truly loyal and facetious gentleman. 
In the Appendix to the 3d volume of Sparks^ Life and Writings of Washington, 
is the following notice of him : 

"Major Skene had been appointed Governor of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, 
and empowered to raise a regiment in America. On this ground he was taken 
into custody, when he arrived in Philadelphia, June, 1775; his papers were ex- 
amined by order of Congress, and he was retained as a prisoner. He had been 



128 MAJOR SKENE. 

might have been his inducement to the measure, it was deemed 
expedient by the newly constituted authorities, to have him 
arrested and secured. A guard was accordingly placed over him 
at his lodgings, at the city tavern. The officer to whose charge 
he was especially committed, was Mr. Francis Wade, the brewer, 
an Irishman of distinguished zeal in the cause, and one who was 
supposed to possess talents peculiarly befitting him for the task of 
curbing the spirit of a haughty Briton, which Skene undoubtedly 
was. I well recollect the day that the guard was paraded to 
escort him out of the city on his way to some other station. An 
immense crowd of spectators stood before the door of his quarters, 
and lined the street through w^hich he w^as to pass. The weather 
being warm, the window sashes of his apartment were raised, and 
Skene, with his bottle of wine upon the table, having just finished 
his dinner, roared out in the voice of a Stentor, " God save great 
George our king P^ Had tlie spirit of seventy^five in any degree 
resembled the spirit of Jacobinism, to which it has been unjustly 
compared, this bravado would unquestionably have brought the 
Major to the lamp-post, and set his head upon a pike; but as, 
fortunately for him, it did not, he was suffered to proceed with 
his song, aud the auditory seemed more generally amused than 
offended. 

many years in the army ; was an ensign at Cartliag-ena and Porto Bello, under 
General Wcntworth; he served in Flanders; was a Lieutenant at the battle of 
CuUoden ; served under Sir .Tnffrcy Amherst in Canada; was first Major of Bri- 
gade at the conquest of Martinique and Havana, at which latter place he entered 
the breach when it was stormed ; was often wounded; was appointed to run a 
line between Canada and the Britisii Colonies, and to superintend tlie settlement 
of the border country, then uninhabited ; and, in 1773, he applied to Lord Dart- 
mouth to recommend him to the King for the appointment of Governor of Ticon- 
deroga. Crown Point, and their dependencies, where he, at that time, commanded 
a rorps of militia, having lands and a residence at the southern extremity of 
Lake Champlain." — Ed. 



CONGRESS. 129 



CHAPTER V. 

Congress Assembles.— Continental Battalions.— State of Parties.— Mr. Richard 
Penn. — His Character.— Levy of Troops. — Officers. — Adventure. — Patriotism- 
— Recruiting. — 111 Success. — Discipline. — Author sent on a Mission. — Baron 
Woedtke. — Military Preparations. — Road to Albany. — Saratoga. — Fort Edward. 
— Lake George.— General Schuyler. — His Character. — Author returns to his 
Regiment. — Judge Livingston. 

In the spring of 1775, Congress assembled in Philadelphia. It 
was in every respect a venerable assembly ; and although Penn- 
sylvania had delegated to it some of her most distinguished cha- 
racters, they were supposed to be eclipsed by the superior talents 
which came from the southward and eastward. New England 
had sent her Adams's, and Virginia her Lee's and Henry's ; all 
of whom were spoken of as men of the first rate abilities. Not 
long after the organization of this body, their president, Peyton 
Randolph of Virginia, died, and John Hancock, of Boston, was 
selected to supply his place. Towards the close of the year, they 
passed a resolution for levying some continental battalions, four 
of which were to be raised in Pennsylvania. One had already 
been raised and officered by the province ; but as the applicants 
for commissions in this, were not of my set of acquaintance, I did 
not apply. Upon the promulgation, however, of this resolution 
of Congress, I signified to the committee of safety, in whom the 
power of appointment was lodged, and of which body my uncle 
was a member, my wish to be employed. The appointments 
were made, and in a list of thirty-two captains, I ranked the six- 
teenth, and accordingly received my commission from Congress, 
dated January the 6th, 1776. Upon this nomination of the com- 
mittee of safety, which also extended to all the inferior commis- 
sioned officers, the field officers, who had already been assigned 



130 CONTINENTAL BATTALIONS. 

to particular battalions, had a meeting for the purpose of selecting 
their captains and subalterns. In this arrangement, it fell to my 
lot to be attached to the third battalion, under the command of 
Colonel John Shee, and of which Mr. Lambert Cadwalader, the 
younger brother of ]\Ir. John Cadwalader, already mentioned, was 
Lieutenant-Colonel. It appeared to have been the primary object 
of these gentlemen, to select as much as possible their officers 
from tlie city and its neighbourhood, of whom they had a greater 
proportion than w^as to be found in either of the other regiments, 
respectively commanded by St. Clair, Wayne and Magaw. But 
this circumstance, though it might have a propitious influence on 
the discipline of the regiment when raised, was certainly un- 
favourable to the business of recruiting, since, as the country was 
chiefly to be depended upon for men, country officers would of 
course, have the best chance of obtaining them. 

But two gentlemen of w^hat might be called our principal fami- 
lies, had come forward on this occasion. These w^re Mr, Cad- 
walader, and Mr. William Allen, who was appointed Lieutenant- 
Colonel of the regiment of St. Clair : so that of four sons, the 
eldest alone, Mr. John Allen, was an acknowledged disapprover 
of our proceedings. The father, too old to be active, was yet 
supposed to lean to the whig side. It would appear, however, 
from the sequel, that this family were either never cordial in the 
cause, or that they had inconsiderately imagined that its object 
might be obtained by a resolute show of resistance, merely ; since 
upon the adoption of the measure of independence, all the sons, 
excepting James, joined General Howe in New York. He re- 
mained at home, and took his chance with his native country, 
though wholly inactive. I remember once seeing him on New 
York island, towards the close of the summer of 1776, where he 
probably came to see how the land lay. But he was then in 
declining health, and in somewhat more than a year after, was 
relieved from all sublunary solicitudes ; as was his father also, 
before the close of the war. The revolution was fatal to this 
family, precipitating it from the very pinnacle of importance in 
Pennsylvania, down to the lowest depth of insignificance with 
both parties. Its early whigism had perhaps as much disgusted 
the tories, as its final defection had exasperated the whigs ; and 



RICHARD PENN ANECDOTE. 131 

the British array, though it yielded it protection, afforded it httle 
of respect. Mr, Wilham Allen endeavoured to recover his con- 
sequence by raising, or endeavouring to raise, a regiment on the 
royal side in Philadelphia in the year 1778, very pompously 
heading his recruiting advertisement with the words, nil desperan- 
dum Teucro duce, et auspice Teucro. It is to be presumed, how- 
ever, that this swaggering motto referred to General Howe, and 
not to himself. 

Nor, in adverting to the mutability of human affairs, can we 
overlook the unfavourable tendency of the contest to the proprie- 
tary family. Both the brothers, John and Richard Penn, had been 
governors of Pennsylvania ; the former being in office at the be- 
ginning of hostilities. By yielding to the torrent, which it would 
have been impossible to withstand, he gave no offence, and avoided 
reproach ; though it was deemed expedient to have him secured 
and removed from Philadelphia, on the approach of the royal army 
in the year 1777. Mr. Richard Penn, having no official motives 
for reserve, was even upon terms of familiarity with some of the 
most thorough-going whigs, such as General Lee and others : An 
evidence of this was the pleasantry ascribed to him, on occasion 
of a member of Congress, one day observing to his compatriots, 
that at all events "they must hang together:" "If you do not, 
gentlemen," said Mr. Penn, " I can tell you that you will be very 
apt to hang separately."* 

Of all the governors of Pennsylvania under the old regime, he 
was probably the most popular, though his popularity might not 
have been precisely of the kind which irradiates a favourite of the 
present day. It was, it must be confessed, a good deal confined 
to the city; and perhaps rather much to that description of per- 
sons, who are not the chosen people of Virginian repuljlicanism. 

* This witticism is claimed for Franklin by Sparks, wlio tlius relates it in his 
Life of Franklin, page 408. It was at the signing of the Declaration of Indepen- 
dence. 

"We must be unanimous," said Hancock; "there must be no pulling different 
Ways ; we must all hang together." " Yes," replied Franklin, "we must, indeed, 
all hang together, or most assuredly we shall all hang separately." 

It has been ascribed also to Mr. John Penn, one of the signers of the Declara- 
tion of Independence, and a member of Congress from North Carolina. Who 
§hall settle the knotty point! — Ed. 



132 OFFICERS. 

But it was such as was then in fashion, and good and substantial 
enough for those who knew no better. It required, however, 
fewer sacrifices ; and might yiekl possibly as much pleasure on 
retrospection, as that enjoyed by the most idolized of our demo- 
cratic worthies.* 

Against the expected hostilities, Pennsylvania had made im- 
mense exertions. Prior to tlie four regiments of St. Clair, Shee, 
Wayne and Magaw, that of De Haas, and Hand's rifle regiment, 
were already raised and equipped ; and afterwards, Irvine's, and 
two provincial battalions, respectively commanded by Miles and 
Atlee, in the whole, nine regiments, complete and very reputably 
officered. Had all the other provinces done as much in proportion 
to their ability, and the men been enlisted for the war, we might 
have avoided the hair-breadth 'scapes which ensued. 

To return to smaller concerns. An anxiety little inferior to that 
of the colonels, in procuring what they thought good officers for 
their regiments, at this time, agitated the commanders of com- 
panies, in respect to the subalterns that should be assigned them. 
My second lieutenant, Mr. Forrest,! who had served his appren- 
ticeship to an apothecary in Philadelphia, I well knew to be active, 
capable, and more than commonly adroit in the military exercises ; 
but my first lieutenant, I had not yet seen, I was not, however, 
long in the dark, and when he appeared, I cannot say that his 
exterior was the most prepossessing ; or that it announced those 
qualities we at first look for in the soldier. He was tall, extremely 
thin, and somewhat lounging in his appearance ; and to add to its 
uncouthness, he wore an enormous fur cap. Colonel Shee used 



* Richard Pcnn was tlic brotlicr of.Tolin Pcnn, Governor of Pennsylvania, at 
tlie cotnmencement of iiostilitics. He is described in Watson's Annals, as " a 
fine portly lookinfr man, — a bon vivant, very popular. He died in England in 
1811, at the age of 77 years. — Eu. 

t Subsequently known as Colonel Forrest, and distinguished for zeal and ac- 
tivity during the revolution. He was in several engagements, and had the cha- 
racter of being a brave and skilful olficer. After the war he resided at German- 
town, where his opinions underwent a remarkable change. He attached himself 
to the society of Quakers, adopting their language and garb. He was a man 
of considerable humour, arul of manners agreeable to the " sovereign people," who, 
in 1815, elected him to Congress. He died in the year 1826, at the age of eighty- 
three years. — Ed. 



RECRUITING ADVENTURE. 133 

to describe somewhat humourously, his first impression upon him ; 
and when he was first seen by a httle Scotch servant boy of my 
mother's, who afterwards became my drummer, he emphatically 
exclaimed : Well, sic an a spindle ! Yet for all this, any man 
might have thought himself honoured in having Mr. Edwards for 
his lieutenant. Though born in Pennsylvania, he was recent from 
a college in Rhode Island. Possessing good sense, a remarkable 
aptitude to take a polish, and talents to recommend himself to his 
Superiors in command, he soon obtained the favour of the colonels 
of the regiment, with whom he was upon a very familiar footing. 
He was, besides, a man of courage ; and in the course of the war, 
became the aid- de-camp and particular friend of General Lee ; so 
much so, that he was one of the principal devisees in the will of 
that officer. Of my ensign, it will be enough to say, that he was 
a plain and unaspiring man, who, in the walk of humble duty, 
" kept the noiseless tenor of his way." 

The object now was to raise ray company, and as the streets of 
the city had been pretty well swept by the preceding and contempo- 
rary levies, it was necessary to have recourse to the country. My 
recruiting party was therefore sent out in various directions ; and 
each of my officers as well as myself, exerted himself in the busi- 
ness. Among the many unpleasant peculiarities of the American 
service, it was not the least that the drudgery, which in old mili- 
tary establishments belong to sergeants and corporals, here de- 
volved on the commissioned officers ; and that the whole business 
of recruiting, drilling, &c., required their unremitted personal at- 
tention. This was more emphatically the case in recruiting ; since 
the common opinion was, that the men and the officers were never 
to be separated, and nence, to see the persons wlio were to com- 
mand them, and above all, the captain, was deemed of vast im- 
portance by those inclining to enlist : for this reason I found it 
necessary, in common with my brother officers, to put my feelings 
most cruelly to the rack ; and in an excursion I once made to 
Frankford, they were tried to the utmost. A number of fellows 
at the tavern, at which my party rendezvoused, indicated a desire 
to enlist, but although they drank freely of our liquor, they still 
held offi I soon perceived that the object was to amuse them- 
selves at our expense, and that if there might be one or two among 
12 



134 PATRIOTISM. 

them really disposed to engage, the others would prevent them. 
One fellow in particular, who had made the greatest show of 
taking the bounty, presuming on the weakness of our party, con- 
sisting only of a drummer, corporal, my second lieutenant and 
myself, began to grow insolent, and manifested an intention to 
begin a quarrel, in the issue of which, he no doubt calculated on 
giving us a drubbing. The disgrace of such a circumstance, pre- 
sented itself to my mind in colours the most dismal, and I re- 
solved, that if a scuffle should be unavoidable, it should, at least, 
be as serious as the hangers which my heutenant and myself car- 
ried by our sides, could make it. Our endeavour, however, was 
to oruard amiinst a contest : but the moderation we testified, was 
attributed to fear. At lenglh the arrogance of the principal ruffian, 
rose to such a height, that he squared himself for battle and ad- 
vanced towards me in an attitude of defiance. I put him by, with 
an admonition to be quiet, though with a secret determination, that, 
if he repeated the insult to begin the war, whatever might be the 
consequence. The occasion was soon presented; when taking 
excellent aim, I struck him with my utmost force between the 
eyes and sent him staggering to the other end of the room. Then 
instantly drawing our hangers, and receiving the manful co-opera- 
tion of the corporal and drummer, we were fortunate enough to 
put a stop to any farther hostilities. It was some time before the 
fellow I had struck, recovered from the blow, but when he did, 
he was quite an altered man. He was as submissive as could be 
wished, begging my pardon for what he had done, and although 
he would not enlist, he hired himself to me for a few weeks as a 
fifer, in which capacity he had acted in the militia ; and during 
tlie time he was in this employ, he bore about the effects of his 
insolence, in a pair of black eyes. This incident would be little 
worthy of relating, did it not serve in some degi'ee to correct the 
error of those who seem to conceive the year 1776 to have been a 
season of almost universal patriotic; enthusiasm. It was far from 
prevalent in my opinion, among the lower ranks of the people, at 
least in Pennsylvania. At all times, indeed, licentious, levelling 
principles are much to the general taste, and were of course popu- 
lar with us ; but the true merits of the contest, were little under- 
Stood or regarded. The opposition to the claims of Britain origi- 



RECRUITING. 135 

nated with the better sort : it was truly aristocratic in its com- 
mencement; and as the oppression to be apprehended, had not 
been felt, no grounds existed for general enthusiasm. The cause 
of liberty, it is true, was fashionable, and there w^ere great prepara- 
tions to fight for it ; but a zeal proportioned to the magnitude of 
the question, was only to be looked for in the minds of those 
sagacious politicians, who inferred effects from causes, and who, 
as Mr. Burke expresses it, " snuffed the approach of tyranny in 
every tainted breeze."* 

Certain it was, at least, that recruiting went on but heavily. 
Some officers had been more successful than others, but none of 
the companies were complete ; mine perhaps contained about 
half its complement of men, and these had been obtained by 
dint of great exertion. In this situation, Captain Lenox of Shee's 
regiment also, suggested the trying our luck on the eastern shore 
of Maryland, particularly at Chester, situated on the river of that 
name. It having been a place of some trade, it was supposed 
there might be seamen or long shore men there, out of employ. 
We accordingly set out on the expedition, making our first effort 
at Warwick, an inconsiderable village, a few miles w^ithin the 
boundaries of Maryland. Here we remained a day or two, our 
stay having been prolonged by bad weather. At the tavern we 
put up at, we made acquaintance with a gentleman of note, vrho 
resided in the neighbourhood, and pretty generally known by the 
familiar name of Dan Heath. He seemed to like our company, 
as he was continually with us while we staid. Mr. Heath was a 
sportsman, and apparently too little interested in political con- 
cerns, to be either much of a whig or a tory, though from the in- 
difference he evinced, we rather concluded him the latter. He 
helped us, however, to recruit, a fellow, he said, who would do 
to stop a bullet as w^ell as abetter man, and as he was a truly worth- 

* "The American Revolution is, universally, admitted to have begun in the 
upper circles of society. It turned on principles too remote and abstruse for vul- 
gar apprehension or consideration. Had it depended on the unenlightened mass 
of the community, no doubt can be entertained, that the tax imposed by parlia- 
ment, would have been paid without a question. Since, then, the upper circle of 
society did not take its impulse from the people, the only remaining- inquiry is 
who gave the Revolutionary impulse to that circle itself? It was unquestionably 
Patrick Henry." — Wirfs Life ofHeiiry. — Ed. 



136 RECRUITING. 

less dog, he held, that the neighbourhood would be much in- 
debted to us for taking him away. When we left Warwick, he 
f'ultilled his promise of accompanying us some miles under pre- 
tence of aiding us in getting men, but as he showed us none, 
we were convinced that he attended us more for his own sake 
than ours, and that having nothing to do, probably, he had availed 
himself the opportunity to kill a little time. He gave the tone to 
the conversation on the road, which generally turned on the 
sports of the turf and the cockpit ; but he never spoke with so 
much animation, as when expatiating on those feats of human 
prowess, wlierein victory is achieved by tooth and nail^'m. modern 
phrase, by biting and gouging: and pointing out to us one of the 
heroes of these direful conflicts: "There," says he, " is a fellow 
that has not his match in the country : see what a set of teeth he 
has, a man's thumb would be nothing to them." 

On bidding good morning to Mr, Heath, with whose vivacity 
v/e were amused, we pursued our course to Chester, and as soon 
as we arrived there, delivered our letters of introduction. The 
gentlemen to whom they were addressed, received us with the 
utmost politeness, and declared their w^armest wishes for the 
success of our errand, though accompanied with expressions of 
regret, that they could not give us encouragement to beat up 
in their town, as well because there were few, if any, in it, that 
were likely to enlist, as that their own province was about 
raising troops ; and as that was the case, it would not be taken 
well should they assist in transferring any of their men to the 
line of Pennsylvania. With such unfavourable prospects in 
Maryland, it would have been folly to have proceeded far- 
ther: we therefore, set ofl" on our way home the next morning, 
declining several invitations to dinner. W^e found this country 
well deserving of its reputation for hospitality. Between War- 
wick and Georgetown, we were taken home to lodge by a gen- 
tleman of the name of Wllmer, whom we had never seen be- 
fore : We were warmly pressed by Mr. Harry Pierce, with whom 
we met by accident on the road, to spend some time with liim 
at his residence in the neighbourhood, and met with no less cor- 
dial'ty, from Mr. Thomas Ringold, of Chester, who had once 
when very young, lodged at my mother's. Returning by War- 



THE author's success IN RAISING MEN. 137 

wick, we sent forward our solitary recruit, for whom we tossed 
up; and in winning, I was, in fact, but a very small gainer, 
since his merits had been set at their full value by Mr. Heath ; 
and he was never fit for any thing better than the inglorious post 
of camp colour man. 

After this unsuccessful jaunt, I bent my course to the Four-lane 
ends, Newtown, and Corryell's ferry ; thence passing into Jersey, 
I proceeded to the Hickory tavem, to Pittstown, Baptisttown, 
Flemmingtown, and other towns, whose names I do not remem- 
ber. As Captain Stewart (the late General Walter Stewart) of 
our regiment, had recently reapt this field, I was only a gleaner: 
In the whole of my tour, therefore, I picked up but three or fouf 
men: and could most sincerely have said, 

That the recruiting- trade, witii all its train, 
Of endless care, fatigue, an-d endless pain, 

I could most gladly have renounced, even without the very pre- 
ferable alternative of Captain Plume. My number of privates 
might now have amounted to about forty, but these were soon 
augmented by the noble addition of one and twenty stout native 
Americans, brought by Lieutenants Edwards and Forrest from 
Egg Harbour. 

Towards spring, our battalion was complete; and already, 
from the unremitted attention that had been paid to it by the of- 
ficers of every grade, it had made, for so short a time, a very 
laudable progress in discipline. Besides partial drillings it was 
exercised every morning and evening; and what was of still 
more importance, habits of obedience and subordination were 
strictly inculcated and maintained. We were comparatively 
well armed, uniformed and equipped ; audit is but justice to. 
say, that in point of all the exteriors, by which military corps are 
tested, ours was on a footing with the most promising on the con- 
tinent. W^e were quartered in the barracks, together with the 
other battalions that were raising; and by way of counteracting 
the general gloom, not diminished by the practice of fiist-days 
and sermons, borrowed from New England, we promoted balls 
and other amusement. Had the contest been a religious one, 
and our people been inflamed by a zeal on points of faith like 

12* 



138 AUTHOR SENT ON A MISSION. 

the Crusaders or the army of Cromwell, this might have been 
the proper method of exciting them to acts of heroism; but they 
were to be taken as they were, and as this was not the case, it 
was certainly not the mode to make soldiers in Pennsylvania. 
The puritanical spirit was unknown among us; and the endea- 
vour to promote it, did but conflict with other propensities on 
which a military ardour might be engrafted. It might, how- 
ever, have been wholly difTerent in New England; but whether 
so or not, General Lee, with his usual profaneness, treated their 
solemnities with ridicule, telling them, in the spirit of the ancient 
fable of Hercules and the wagoner, that Heaven ivas ever found 
favourable to strong battalions. 

About the close of the month of May, I w^as appointed to carry 
a sum of money in specie to General Schuyler at Lake George, 
for the purpose of promoting the operations in Canada ; and I 
owed my nomination to this service to the friendly intentions of 
President Hancock, who had particularly designated me. Ensign 
Stout was the officer assigned by Colonel Shee to accompany me.* 
We accordingly set out in a chair, that being thought the most 
ronvenient mode of carrying the money, which was enclosed in 
two or three sealed bags. One soldier mounted and armed in 
addition, constituted the escort; and we were furnished with 
credentials for obtaining fresh horses as often as they might be 
necessary. To see the country between New York and the Lake, 
which was entirely new both to my companion and myself, was 
highly agreeable ; but we did not so well like the responsibility 
of our charge. It is obvious that it might have been wrested from 
us, without great diificulty, even though each one of the triumvi- 
rate had possessed the bravery of Csesar. Hence, policy cuctated 

* Colonel John Shee. He was, I think, from Lancaster county. He had tlic 
confidence of Washington, who, in a letter to the President of Congress, of 10th 
June, 1 77G, says, 'HoCon.orress I suhmit the propriety of keeping- the two Continental 
battalions, under Colonels Slice and Magaw, at Philadelphia, where there is the 
greatest probability of a speedy attack upon this place from the King's troops." 

It will be seen, hereafter, that, having obtained leave of absence to visit his 
family, he " converted that leave into an entire abdication of his command." An 
extraordinary procedure, certainly, on the part of an officer who had proved his 
capacity and zeal, and who had enjoyed^ in a high degree, the confidence and 
esteem of his superiors..— Ed. 



BARON WOEDTKE. 139 

the concealment of the treasure, so far as might consist with the 
requisite vigilance. At Princeton, where we dined on the second 
day of our journey, we thought proper to have our bags brought 
into our room. The inn-keeper, like the generality of his profes- 
sion, was loquacious and inquisitive; and being an extremely 
good whig into the bargain, took the liberty of sounding us re- 
specting the contents of our bags, of which he had formed a very 
shrewd guess. We did not think it necessary to deny that they 
contained money, or to conceal from him the object of our mis- 
sion, which he was equally desirous of knowing. Upon learning 
that the destination was Canada, he entered into a dissertation 
upon our affairs in that quarter, telling us among other things, 
that the Prussian General, the Baron Woedkie, had been a few 
days before at his house, on his way to that country. But he 
reprobated the Baron in very hard terms, repeatedly exclaiming 
with a most significant emphasis, that he was no general ; and in 
the sequel, favouring us with his reasons for this opinion, gave us 
to understand, that he (the Baron) had made his servant grease 
with a feather a certain part, to which he gave its very coarsest 
appellation, that had suffered from the friction of riding. Whe- 
ther our host had become acquainted with this circumstance by 
looking through a key-hole, or by what other means, we were not 
informed, but its unlucky effect upon him, convinced me of the 
justness of the observation, that no man is a hero to his valet de 
chanibre. This same Baron it was, who, finding liberty, one day, 
the impassioned theme of some members of Congress and others, 
exclaimed — Jlh, liber dy is a fine ding ; I likes liber dy ; der koenig 
von Prusse is a great man for liherdy! and so no doubt lie was, 
for his own liberty or importance as a member of the Germanic 
body; and it might puzzle many a flaming demagogue to show a 
better title to the character.* 

* The honest Baron, however, was not more absurd than was tlic sticklers for 
Bonaparte, who always connected liberty witli liis name and views, as the same 
men did those of Robespierre, when riding- at the top of the revolutionary wheel. 
With them liberty appeared to mean hostility to all regular, legitimate govern, 
ment; which, in the same vocabulary signifies tyranny. New power creates 
new men, ergo, the devotion to it of all ambitious insignificants. 

Brigadier-General the Baro\ de Woedtke. — Wilkinson in his Memoirs 
gives some account of this Prussian officer ; but it is, by no means, flattering. 



140 NEW YORK MILITARY PREPARATIONS. 

But notwithstanding this requisite for our service, evinced by 
the Baron's love of liberty, I believe he did not very well suit us ; 
and that although Tlie Prussian General made a great noise upon 
his first appearance, the public mind in respect to him, whether 
correct or not, pretty well accorded with that of our host, who, at 
parting with us, expressed much anxiety for our safety and that 
of our charge, recommending to us in future, not to take our bags 
out of the chair, where we breakfasted and dined. The propriety 
of this advice we were aware of, and observed it where practica- 
ble ; tliat is, where the treasure was sufficiently under our eyes 
without removal. 

At New York, we spent about an hour in a slight survey of the 
barricades, which General Lee had caused to be thrown across 
some of the streets ; and on our way out of town, fell in with 
a New England regiment at exercise. Its commander was ex- 
tremely busy, in instructing his troops in street firing, at that day, 
our most favourite manffiuvre ; as we simply supposed that all 
our great battles were to be fought in our cities. We surveyed 
these men with all the respect that was due to the gseat military 
reputation of their country; but, we were obliged to confess, 
that they did not entirely come up to the ideas we had formed 
of the heroes of Lexington and Bunker's hill. This, we took 
to be a militia corps, from the circumstance of its not being a 

He liad been sent with instructions to tlie Baron, to detach 500 men, to cover 
General Arnold's retreat from Montreal. In his search for the Baron, he en- 
countered dilRculties and hardships, which are graphically described: "After a 
night's rest in a filthy cabin, I resumed my march, and the first officer of my 
acquaintance whom I met, was Lieutenant-Colonel William Allen, of the second 
Pennsylvania regiment, who, to my incjuiry for Dc Woedtke, replied, he had '^no 
doubt the least was drunk, and in front of the army J I then informed him of my 
orders for a detachment. Ilis reply was remarkable': 'This army, Wilkinson, is 
conquered by its fears, and I doubt whetlier you can draw any assistance from 
it; but Colonel Wayne is in tlie rear, and if any one can do it, he is the man,' 
On this I quickened my pace, and half an hour iifler met that gallant soldier, as 
much at his ease as if he was marcliiiig to. a parade of exercise ; he confirmed 
Allen's report respecting Dc Woedtke, and witliout hesitation determined to exe- 
cute the order." 

"Tlie Baron," says Sparks, "had been for many years an ofiiccr in the army 
of the King of Prussia, and had risen to tlie rank of Major. Coming to Phila- 
delphia with strong letters of recommendation to Dr. Franklin from persons of 
eminence in Paris, he was appointed by Congress a Brigadier-General. He died 
at Lake George in the summer of 1776." — Ed. 



SARATOGA CANADA COMMISSIONERS. 141 

whit superior, in any visible respect, to the worst of ours. How- 
ever, thought we, these men may nevertheless have some knack 
at fighting, w^iich only discloses itself in the moment of action. 

After leaving New York, we passed through a number of 
villages between that city and Albany ; but these, of which the 
almanacs will give a much more accurate account than I can, I 
shall neither undertake to name or locate. Poughkeepsie, how- 
ever, must be excepted ; as here we quartered for a night, under 
the hospitable roof of old Doctor Baird, so called to distinguish 
him from his son of the same profession. The doctor was a re- 
lation of Mr. Stout's, and on my being made known to him, I had 
the satisfaction to find that he had formerly been acquainted wdth 
both my father and mother, of whom he spoke in tlie warmest 
and most friendly terms. My mother, he was pleased to say, he 
remembered, the finest girl in Philadelphia ; and that she had the 
manners of a lady bred at a court. The old gentleman was one 
of those who went under the denomination of tories ; but if it 
was justly applied, he possessed too much liberality to permit his 
politics, in any degree, to interfere with the duties of hospitality. 
He considered us probably as young men, deluded but not sedi- 
tious ; as accessary to, but not responsible for, the calamities 
which w^ere about to befal the country; and in addition to a good 
supper, entertained us with the military exploits of the Duke of 
Marlborough, who appeared to be his favourite hero. 

In the morning betimes we pursued our journey, and in the 
course of it, reached Albany about noon. Here we dined with a 
gentleman in regimentals bearing the title of major ; though I do 
not either recollect his name, or the corps to which he belonged, 
if indeed he belonged to any, for majors and captains had by this 
time, become very good travelling appellations. He had just re- 
turned from Canada, and drew^ a most lamentable picture of our 
affairs in that country, descanting upon men and things with equal 
freedom and satire. He delivered himself with unusual flip- 
pancy ; and wound up a very animated philippic upon our mili- 
tary operations in that quarter, with an, " in short, gentlemen, we 
have commissaries there without provisions ; quarter-masters with- 
out stores; generals without troops ; and troops without discipline, 
bv G— d." 



142 LAKE GEORGE. 

Leaving Albany, ^ve passed by Stillwater, Saratoga, and other 
places, which have since acquired interest from the defeat and 
surrender of General ]5urgoyne and his army. Near to Fort Ed- 
ward we met Doctor Franklin, Mr. Carroll, and (I think) Mr. 
Chase, returning from Canada, to which they had been deputed 
commissioners from Congress.* We delivered them a letter from 
that body, as we had been enjoined to do in case of meeting 
them, as also to take their orders in respect to our ulterior pro- 
ceedings : As they made no change in our destination, we went 
on. Immediately beyond Fort Edward, the country assumed a 
dreary, cheerless aspect. Between this and lake George, a dis- 
tance of about twelve miles, it was almost an entire wood, ac- 
quiring a deeper gloom, as well from the general prevalence of 
pines, as from its dark, extended covert being presented to the 
imagination as an appropriate scene for the "treasons, stratagems 
and spoils" of savage hostility ; to which purpose, it had been de- 
voted in former days of deadly dissension. It was in this tract 
of country that several actions had been fought ; that Baron Dies- 
kau had been defeated ; and that American blood had (lowed, as 
well as English and French ; in commemoration of which, the 

* The commissioners were Dr. Franklin, Snmucl Cliasc, and Cliarlcs Carroll 
of ("arrolllon, all signers of llie Declaration of Independence ; and the Reverend 
John Carroll, afterwards Romish Archbishop of Baltimore, wliose religious pro- 
fession and cliaracter, and French education peculiarly fitted him, it was sup- 
posed, " to exercise a salutary influence with the priests in Canada, who were 
known to control the people." Mr. Chase was greatly distinguished l)y his 
eloquence, abilities, and zeal in the revolutionary cause. In 1791, he was ap- 
pointed Ciiicf .Justice of the general Court of Maryland ; and five years afterwards 
was promoted by Washington, to the ofiice of an associate judge of the Supreme 
Court of the United States. Having, in his official conduct, given much offence 
to the Democratic party, he was impeached by the House of Representatives* 
His trial before the Senate "is memorable on account of the excitement which 
it produced, the ability witli which he was defended, and the nature of his ac- 
quittal." 

He continued the exercise of his judicial functions, with signal ability, until 
his decease, on the 19th of June, 1811. 

Charles Carroll of Carrollton, the last of the signers of thp Declaration, was 
born in 17.37. He was a member ofCdngress for several years. He served in 
the United States from 1788 to 1791, from which time until 1801, he was an 
active member of the Senate of Maryland — his native state. He died on tiie 14th 
of November, 1832,— Eo. 



LAKE GEORGE GENERAL SCHUYLER. 143 

terror we attach to the adventitious circumstances which seem to 
accelerate man's doom, had given to a piece of standing water 
near the road, the name bloody pond. The descending sun had 
shed a browner horror on the wilderness ; and as we passed the 
dismal pool, we experienced that transient emotion of commissera- 
tion, which is natural to the mind when contemplating past events, 
involving the fall of friends, the fortune of war, and the sad lot of 
human kind. Denique oh casus bellorum, et sortem hominum. 

At length, after a journey of three hundred and thirty miles, 
arriving at the quarters of General Schuyler, on the border of the 
Lake, w^e acquitted ourselves of our charge. He proposed to 
me, if agreeable, to go on with it ; but in addition to attractions of a 
private nature, which drew me to Philadelphia, the wish to be 
there in- order to make provision for our march to New York, 
orders for which had been daily expected before we set out, in- 
duced me to decline the opportunity of seeing the country beyond 
the Lake, as well as my friends in the northern army. We there- 
fore only staid at this post, until the return despatches to Congress 
were prepared, which was the third day after our arrival. 

Though General Schuyler has been charged with such haughti- 
ness of demeanour, as to have induced the troops of New Eng- 
land to decline serving under his command, as stated in Marshall's 
Life of Washington, the reception we met with, was not merely 
courteous but kind. His quarters being contracted, a bed was 
prepared for us in his own apartment, and we experienced civili- 
ties that were flattering from an officer of his high rank. Though 
thoroughly the man of business, he was also a gentleman and 
man of the world ; and well calculated to sustain the reputation 
of our army in the eyes of the British officers, (disposed to de- 
preciate .it,) as is evideirced by the account given by General 
Burgoyne of the mafmer in which he was entertained by him at 
Albany. But that he should have been displeasing to the Yankees^ 
I am not at all surprised: he certainly was at no pains to conceal 
the extreme contempt he felt for a set of officers, who were both 
a disgrace to their stations and the cause in which they acted!* 

* Peabody, in his Life of Sullivan, speaks of General Schuyler " as a brave 
and indefatigable officer, whose unpopularity through a large portion of the 



144 CHARACTER OF GEN. SCHUYLER. 

Being yet a stranger to the character of these men, and the con- 
stitution of that part of our mihtary force which in Pennsylvania 
was considered as the bulwark of the nation, I must confess my 
surprise at an incident which took place while at dinner. Besides 
the General, the members of his family and ourselves, there were 
at table a lady and gentleman from Montreal. A New England 
Captain came in upon some business, with that abject servility of 
manner, which belongs to persons of the meanest rank : he was 
neither asked to sit or take a glass of wine, and after announcing 
his wants, was dismissed with that peevishness of tone we apply 
to a low and vexatious intruder. This man, in his proper sphere, 
might have been entitled to better treatment ; but when presuming 
to thrust himself into a situation, in which, far other qualifications 
than his were required, and upon an occasion too which involved 
some of the most important of human interests, I am scarcely 
prepared to say, it was unmerited.* 

The day we spent at this station was employed in taking a 
view of the remains of Fort William Henry, and in sauntering 



country it is not easy to explain." Mr. Graydon has briefly solved tlie mystery. 
Of the justice of the above observations, respecting New England officers, we 
have no means of judging. It cannot, however, fiiil to excite a feeling of regret 
that such severity of expression was considered necessary in regard to them, what, 
ever may have been their demerits. Our New England brethren nobly performed 
their whole duty throughout the entire war, and well have they since sustained 
their republican institutions and character. 

General Schuyler had the reputation of being cold and reserved in his intercourse 
with officers and men. Such was his natural disposition. But he was a brave, 
accomplished and devoted patriot, and iiis name and reputation will ever be dear 
to his country. 

General Wilkinson's impressions, however, appear to have been of a different 
and more favourable character. He says, "Schuyler was an cleve of Major- 
Gencral Bradstreet in the seven years' war, possessed a strong, fertile and culti- 
vated mind ; with polislied manners he united tlie most amiable disposition and 
insinuating address, and his convivial pleasantry never failed to interest and 
enliven his society ; in the discharge of his military duties, he was able, prompt, 
and decisive, and his conduct in every branch of service marked by active in- 
dustry and rapid execution." — Ed. 

* Sec in Appendix H, a letter from General Washington to President Reed, 
ilated " Head Quarters, Passaic Falls, 18tli Oct., 1780," on the subject of Ge- 
neral Schuyler and General Arnold, also showing that he never had any particular 
consideration for, or confidence in, the latter. — Ed. 



RETURN OF THE AUTHOR JUDGE LIVINGSTON. 145 

along the margin of the immense fountain of pure water which 
constitutes Lake George. We were much indebted upon this 
occasion to the polite attentions of Mr. Brockolst Livingston,* 
who was at this time one of the Aids-de-camp of Gen. Schuyler, 
and who so far dispensed with his avocations as to show us what 
was worthy of being seen. We lost no time in setting off, as 
soon as the despatches were ready for us ; and returned with ail 
possible expedition, in order to prepare ourselves for the expected 
march of our regiment to join the main army under the Commander- 
in-chief. Orders for that purpose had already been received, and 
were complied with in about a week after our return. The troops 
were transported by water to Trenton ; from whence marching to 
Elizabethtown, they were again embarked in vessels which carried 
them to New York. 

* Son of the celebrated William Livingston — Governor of New Jersey. He 
was entered as a student at Nassau Hall, Princeton, but left the College, in 
1776, for the field, and became one of the family of Gen. Schuyler. He was 
afterwards attached to the suite of Gen. Arnold, with the rank of Major, and 
shared in the honour of the conquest of Burgoyne. 

In 1779 he accompanied Mr. Jay to Spain, as private Secretary. In 1802 he 
was called to the Bench of the Supreme Court of New York, and in 1806, was 
transferred to that of the Supreme Court of the United States, which station he 
lield, with distinguished ability, until his decease in March, 1823, in the 66th 
year of his age. — Ed. 



13 



146 THE AUTHOR LEAVES PHILADELPHIA. 



CHAPTER VI. 

The Author leaves Philadelphia. — Appearance of the Army. — Character of the 
Soldiers. — Erection of Fort Washington. — Fort Lee. — Character of General 
Mifflin. — An odd Character. — Connecticut Light Horse. — Character of the 
Army. — Declaration of Independence. — Statue of George IIL — British land on 
Long Island. — Action with the Enemy. — New York. — Privations of Soldiers. — 
Long Island. — Entrenchments. — Skirmishing. — Midnight Scene in Camp. — 
Retreat to New York. — Reflections. — Wasliington vindicated. — General Howe. 
— Conduct of tiie British. 

The much deprecated event of marching from Philadelphia, 
was not the less afflicting for having been foreseen. The reader 
is acquainted with the attraction which existed there; and it is 
for those alone who have felt the eflervescence of the passions, 
to form a just conception of the pangs, attendant on this separa- 
tion from it. To say it was a disruption of my heart strings, 
would be a language neither too forcible nor figurative for the 
occasion. The other absences imposed by the demands of impe- 
rious duty, were not without disquietude; but they were cheered 
by the prospect of a speedy termination. This, before me, was 
a toiling sea without a shore ; a dreary, illimitable void ; and in 
subjecting myself to the stern mandate which now forced me 
away, I recognise a sacrifice which imparts some merit to my 
poor exertions in behalf of my country. If equal deprivations 
were sustained by others, I venture confidently to affirm, that es- 
timated by the measure of sufTering, none were greater than my 
own. On account of my late service interfering with the neces- 
sary preparations for the march, I liad been permitted for about 
a week, to defer the moment of exile. When no longer to be 
postponed, I took my passage in the stage, where, indifferent to 
all around me, I sat ruminating on scenes of happiness departed, 
cheerless and lost to every hope of their return. Dreams of glory, 
it is true, sometimes crossed my imagination, but discordant to 



APPEARANCE OF THE ARMY. * 147 

the tone of the predominant passion, the images were painful, and 
deeply tinged with despair. In so desolating a frame of mind, 
I perceived the necessity of active duty, which should leave me 
no time for reflection ; and under this impression, as I approached 
my place of destination, became as impatient for its attainment 
as I had been reluctant in setting out for it; eager to immerse 
myself in martial occupations, 

" As in the hardy camp and toilsome march, 
Forget all softer and less manly cares." 

A considerable portion of our motley array had already as- 
sembled in New York and its vicinity. The troops were chiefly 
from the eastern provinces; those from the southern, with the 
exception of Hand's, Magaw's, and our regiment, had not yet 
come on. The appearance of things was not much calculated to 
excite sanguine expectations in the mind of a sober observer. 
Great numbers of people were indeed to be seen, and those who 
are not accustomed to the sight of bodies under arms, are al- 
ways prone to exaggerate them. But this propensity to swell 
the mass, had not an equal tendency to convert it into soldiery; 
and the irregularity, want of discipline, bad arms, and defective 
equipment in all respects, of this multitudinous assemblage, gave 
no favourable impression of its prowess. The materials of which 
the eastern battalions were composed, were apparently the same 
as those of which I had seen so unpromising a specimen at Lake 
George. I speak particularly of the officers, who were in no 
single respect distinguishable from their men, other than in the 
coloured cockades, which, for this very purpose, had been pre- 
scribed in general orders ; a different colour being assigned to 
the officers of each grade. So far from aiming at a deportment 
which might raise them above their privates, and thence prompt 
them to due respect and obedience to their commands, the ob- 
ject was, by humility, to preserve the existing blessing of equa- 
lity : an illustrious instance of which was given by Colonel Put- 
nam, the chief engineer of the army, and no less a personage than 
the nephew. of the Major-General of that name. " What," says a 
person meeting him one day with a piece of meat in his hand, 
" carrying home your rations yourself. Colonel !" " Yes," says 



148 *" CHARACTER OF THE SOLDIERS. 

he, " and I do it to set the officers a good example." But if any 
aristocratic tendencies had been really discovered by the Colonel 
among his countrymen, requiring this wholesome example, they 
must have been of recent origin, and the effect of southern con- 
tamination, since I have been credibly informed, that it was no 
unusual thing in the army before Boston, for a Colonel to make 
drummers and fifers of his sons, thereby, not only being enabled 
to form a very snug, economical mess, but to aid also considera- 
bly the revenue of the family chest. In short, it appeared, that 
the sordid spirit of gain was the vital principle of this greater 
part of the array.* The only exception I recollect to have seen, 
to these miserably constituted bands from New England, was 
the regiment of Glover from Marblehead.f There was an ap- 

* Tiiis scutirnent is supported by a passage in a letter from General Washing- 
ton to General Reed, dated Cambridge, 10th February, 1776. 

"Notwitlistanding all the public virtue which is ascribed to these people, there 
is no nation under the sun that pays more adoration to money than they do." 

1 am aware that these references to General Washington's sentiments will be 
strongly repulsive to the feelings of many worthy men, from the consideration 
that tlie General's character stands particularly higii in New England, and that 
in that quarter of the Union are found not only the greatest number of his admirers, 
but also many of the ablest defenders of his policy and fame. But can these con- 
fidential declarations of his opinions, emanating from an ardent love of his coun- 
try and zeal in her cause, justly lessen him in the estimation of a single man of 
liberality and understanding? Is truth to be eternally muffled up and the mate- 
rials of fiiithful history suppressed, lest her exposure in certain instances may be 
displeasing to some good men and grateful to a malignant faction ? for useful it 
cannot be. To the promulgation indeed of these truths, the retribution is ccrtairi. 
His book, " llie unkindest cut of all," to an autlior, will not sell. It will be shunned 
like a pestilence in those places, where the truths it holds out, are unwelcome. 
For this reason I have been given to understand that my publication will not do 
at all for a New England market. Some repugnance of the same kind would 
Fcem to exist against it in New York, as not long since a book-seller of that city 
informed me he could not dispose of a single copy. Even in its birth-place, Penn- 
sylvania, it is very illy calculated for popularity ; and as for Virginia and her 
dependencies sweeping the whole Southern States to Louisiana inclusive, it must 
then be, if not too contemptible for notice, a subject of the bitterest execration. 
Nevertheless, I am consoled by the invincible pride of conscious honesty and the 
major arnica Veritas, in a collision with all other friendships. 

t John Glovkr, a nativcof Marblchead, in Massachusetts, a Brigadier-General 
in the army of the United States. With his command he formed the advance of 
the army in its passage of the Delaware, and was, of course, at tiic Battle of Tren- 
lon. lie conducted Burgoync's army, after its surrender, through the New Eng- 



CHARACTER OF THE SOLDIERS GENERAL GLOVER. 149 

pearance of discipline in this corps; the officers seemed to have 
mixed with the world, and to understand what belonged to their 
stations. Though deficient, perhaps, in polish, it possessed an 
apparent aptitude for the purpose of its institution, and gave a 
confidence that myriads of its meek and lowly brethren were in- 
competent to inspire. But even in this regiment there were a 
number of negroes, which, to persons unaccustomed to such as- 
sociations, had a disagreeable, degrading effect. >, 

If there were any troops here, at this time, from Jersey, I do not 
recollect seeing them ; and those of New York, appeared not to be 
very numerous. They, however, afforded officers, who might 
have been distinguished without a badge ; and who were suffi- 
ciently men of the world, to know that the levelling principle w^as 
of all others, the most incompatible with good soldiership. Colo- 
nel Hamilton* had been furnished by this province, making his 
debut in the new career as a captain of artillery ; but I never saw 
him in this capacity, and I believe he was soon taken into the 
family of the Commander-in-chief. Reinforcem.ents were yet ex- 
pected from the southward. Among these were Miles'sf and 

land States. He enjoyed, in a very liigli degree, the confidence and esteem of the 
Coinmander-in-cliief, whose commendation was warmly bestowed. He served 
throughout the war with high reputation. — En. 

* Alexander Hamilton, a name not very dear to the "progressive democracy '' 
of our party.ridden country, but nevertheless, one of the brightest and greatest that 
ever adorned the annals of any nation. His personal appearance is graphically 
described by Sullivan in his " Familiar Letters," already quoted : " He was under 
middle size, thin in person, but remarkably erect and dignified in his deportment. 
His hair was turned back from his foreliead, powdered, and collected in a club 
behind. His complexion was exceedingly fair, and varying from this only by the 
almost feminine rosiness of his cheeks. His might be considered, as to figure 
and colour, an uncommonly handsome face. When at rest, it had rather a severe 
and thoughtful expression ; but when engaged in conversation, it easily assumed 
an attractive smile. When he entered a room it was apparent, from the respect- 
ful attention of the company, that he was a distinguished person. 

His appearance and deportment accorded with the dignified distinction to which 
he had attained In public estimation." At the period of his death, in July, 1804, 
he was in his 48th year. — Ed. 

t Miles is mentioned by Washington in his letter to the President of Congress, 
dated New York, August 12th, 1776: 

"The enemy have made no movements of consequence, nor have we any farther 
intelligence of their designs. Colonel Smallwood and his battalion got in on 

13* 



150 CHARACTER OF THE SOLDIERS. 

Atlee's provincial regiments from Pennsylvania; Hazlet's* from 
Delaware, and Smalhvood'sf from Maryland, both, I think, on the 
♦•ontinental establishment; and in addition, large drafts from the 
militia of Pennsylvania. All these were assembled in time for the 
opening of tlie campaign : but although the multitude, of which 
they were apart, contained some excellent raw materials, and Was 
not without officers of spirit, possessing feelings suitable to their 
situation, yet diffused throughout the mass, they w'ere certainly 
extremely rare. The eye looked round in vain for the leading 
gentry of the country ; those, most emphatically pledged to the 
cause, "by life, by fortune, and by sacred honour ;"| and taking 
the army in the aggregate, with its equipments along with it, he 
must have been a novice or a sanguine calculator, who could sup- 
pose it capable of sustaining the lofty tone and verbal energy of 
Congress, In point of numbers merely, it was deficient; though 
a fact then little known or suspected. Newspapers and common 
report, indeed, made it immensely numerous ; and it was repre- 
sented that General Washington had so many men, that he wanted 



Friday ; and Colonel Miles is also here with two battalions more of Pennsylvania 
Fiflcmen." 

* Colonel John Haslet : He distinanished himself at the Battle of Lon^ Island. 
In 1776, with seven hundred and fifty men, he attacked the encmy^s outposts at 
the Village of Mamaronee, and forced their guards, taking thirty. six prisoners, a 
pair of colours, and si.xty stand of arms. He was killed at the Battle of Prince- 
ton. 

T Colonel William Smallvvood was at the action of Wliite Plains. He was pro- 
moted to tlie rank of general, and, in 1777, was despatched to take command of 
tiie Maryland Militia on the Western Shore. He joined tlie main army in Sep- 
tember of the same year, and was at the Battle of Germantown. In 1785, he was 
elected to Congress, and the same year, Governor of Maryland. He died, Febru- 
ary, 179-2.— Ed. 

t Congress, to be sure, were privileged; and there must be civil functions as 
well as military. But these were a good deal a matter of choice; and as the war 
was a common cause, the very creature of association, its rubs should have been 
somewhat equalized. Thoughts of this kind, however, would sometimes intrude into 
minds soured by hard duty, Anotiicr thing whicii also tended to lessen the number 
of young men of figure was, that many prudent men tliought the time extremely 
convenient for sending their sons to Europe for education. There they could be 
better taugljt and were out of harm's way; and upon the wliole, one is justified in 
saying as Cornelius Ncpos docs of the Atlienians, in his Life of Tlirasybulus, 
nam jam illis temporibus fortius boni pralibertalc lori.uebanlur, nuam pugnabunt. 



FORT WASHINGTON. COLONELS MAGAW AND PUTNAM. 151 

no more, and had actually sent many home, as superfluous. It 
is true, there were men enough coming and going ; yet his letters 
of that day demonstrate how truly weak he was in steady, perma- 
nent soldiers. 

It was probably between the twentieth and twenty-fifth of June, 
that I arrived in this busy scene ; in a few days after which, our 
regiment and Magaw's* were marched towards Kingsbridge, and 
encamped upon the ground on which Fort Washington was 
erected. We were here under the command of General Mifflin, 
and immediately employed in the construction of that fortress, 
under the direction of Colonel Putnam, who, as already men- 
tioned, was our principal engineer, and, considering his want of 
experience, not destitute, perhaps, of merit in his profession. As 
a man may be a rhetorician or a logician though unacquainted 
with the terms of the art, so might Mr. Putnam have been a good 
practical artist, though misterming the Gorge the George. But 
this was merely a mistake in pronunciation ; and I will not per- 
mit myself to question, that he had real science enough to have 
smelt out Moliere's jest about a demi-lune and a luiie toute en- 
tier e.j 

* Colonel Robert Magaw. — He was appointed to the command of Fort 
Washington. When General Howe demanded the surrender of tlie garrison. 
Colonel Magaw returned the following gallant answer to tlie British Adutant- 
General : — 

"15i/« November, 1776." 
" Sir, if I rightly understand the purport of your message from General Howe, 
communicated to Colonel Swoope, this post is to be immediately surrendered, or 
put to the sword. I think it ratlicr a*mistake, than a settled purpose of General 
Howe, to act a part so unworthy of himself, and of the British nation. But give 
me leave to assure his Excellency, that, actuated by the most glorious cause that 
mankind ever ftught in, I am determined to defend this post to the very last ex- 
tremity. — Robert Magaw." — Eji. 

1 Colonel RuFUS Putnaji. — In regard to his qualifications as an engineer. 
General Washington, in his letter to Congress of 20th December, 1776, says, "I 
have also to mention, that, for want of some establishment in the department of 
engineers, agreeably to the plan laid before Congress, in October last, Colonel 
Putnam, who was at the head of it, has quitted, and taken a regiment in Massa- 
chusetts. I know of no other man tolerably well qualified, for the conducting 
of that business. None of the French gentlemen, whom I have seen, with ap- 
pointments in that way, appear to me, to know any thing of the matter." And 
again in his letter to Congress, from Pompton Plains, in July, 1777, he remarks,, 



152 FORT WASHINGTON. 

In the course of some weeks, our labours had produced im- 
mense mounds of earth, assuming a pentagonal form, and finally 
issuing in a fort of five bastions. As Caesar, in his operations, 
has been said to have made great use of tlie spade, I shall not 
insist upon the improbus labor being beneath the dignity of a 
soldier ; but certain it is, that we then thought it so, and that the 
continual fatigue-duty we were subjected to, was not only extremely 
irksome, but unfavourable also to our improvement in tactics, 
which, nevertheless, was assiduously attended to. The perpe- 
tual clouds of dust which the dry weather of the season occa- 
sioned, gave us the appearance of scavengers ; a circumstance 
sadly at variance with the neatness of person inculcated by 
Colonel Shee, and of which he was an enthusiastic admirer : it 
made our duty also extremely severe, and gave me an inflamma- 
tion in my eyes, which was the only indisposition I experienced 
during the campaign. Sickness, however, on the approach of 
fall, prevailed among our men to a great degreee ; and little 
more than half our number, was at any time fit for duty. Thus, 
without fighting, are armies " skiggishly melted away." 

One of the chief objects in building Fort Washington is under- 
stood to have been, to prevent the enemy passing up the Hudson, 
on whose eastern bank it stood, on very commanding ground. 
On the opposite side of the river, Fort Lee, in the same view, 
was afterwards erected : and these, with the sinking of some 
hulks in the channel, were expected, or at least hoped, to be 
sufficient for the purpose. But the inefficacy of these impedi- 
ments was soon evinced by two frigates, that taking advantage 
of a favourable wind, sailed by us with great gallantry, in English 
phrase, returning our fire in great style. We were too high for 
their guns to be brought to bear upon us with any certainty ; 
though one ball was thrown into the fort. Our elevated situation 
was nearly as unfavourable to the success of our fire upon them ; 

"Colonel Putnam, I imagine, will be with him (General Schuyler) before this, as 
his regiment is part of Nixon's brigade, who will answer every purpose he can 
possibly have for an engineer at this crisis." 

Colonel Putnam served well and faithfully, throughout the war; at its close he 
held the rank of Brigadier-General, and was, subsequently, one of the first set- 
tlers in the North Western territory. — ^Pd, 



GENERAL MIFFLIN. 153 

to remedy which in future, a battery was constructed below, in a 
very advantageous position. But this w^as attended with no better 
effect; as two other frigates, not long after, passed in defiance of 
the guns of both batteries, and apparently without having sus- 
tained the slighest injury. I afterwards learned, however, when 
prisoner in New York, that upon one of these occasions, one of 
the frigates had been hulled, and some men killed and wounded ; 
among the latter, a midshipman, a son of Mr. Courtland Skinner, 
of Amboy, lost his arm. 

To have been regular, I should have mentioned the arrival of 
the hostile forces, and their occupancy of. Staten Island as a pre- 
paratory station. From the uncertainty in what quarter they 
might invade us, the utmost vigilance was inculcated every where, 
and observed at our post. The lines were manned every morn- 
ing an hour before day-light ; we were several times formed for 
action; and once marched to Bloomingdale in full expectation 
of meeting the enemy, who it was confidently asserted, had made 
good a landing there, or in the neighbourhood. The intelligence 
proved untrue, if such indeed had been received. But it is not 
improbable, that it was merely a contrivance of General Mifflin, 
to inure us to alarms and render us alert, objects, that to a certain 
extent, were not without utility ; but the General was a bust- 
ler, who harassed us unnecessarily ; and, considering the un- 
avoidable severity of our duty, to the real injury of the health of the 
troops. His manners were better adapted to attract popularity 
than to preserve, it. Highly animated in his appearance, and 
possessing in an eminent degree the talent of harranguing a mul- 
titude, his services in giving motion to the militia, were several 
times, in the course of the war, felt and acknowledged ; but that 
he was equally calculated to keep alive military ardour and con- 
fidence, cannot be affirmed. He was full of activity and appa- 
rently of fire ; but it rather resembled the transient blaze of light 
combustibles, than the constant, steady flame of substantial fuel : 
though in saying this it should be mentioned, that I have no 
ground to insinuate that his fortitude was not equal to any de- 
mand that might have been made upon it. He assumed a little 
of the veteran from having lain before Boston ; was very fond of 
telling us that he would bring us into a scrape ; and it must be 



154 AN ODD CHARACTER. 

confessed, that he was considerably happy in the display of that 
apathy to human carnage, which is affected by great commanders, 
in the spirit of which the great Frederick tells us, that "When 
sovereigns play for provinces, the lives of men are but as coun- 
ters." So much 'tis better to direct the game, than be a compo- 
nent part of its machinery! But whatever might have been 
Mifflin's deficiencies, he had many qualifications for his station 
that too many others, placed in higher ones, wanted. He was a 
man of education, ready apprehension and brilliancy ; had spent 
some time in Europe, particularly in France, and was very easy 
of access with the manners of genteel life, though occasionally 
evolving those of the Quaker. In delineating both men and 
events, my object is truth ; otherwise the friendly attention I 
never fail to receive from this gentleman, might have led me into 
a strain of less qualified encomium.* 

The first frigates that passed us, took their station in Tappan 
sea, where an attempt was made to set them on fire. It failed as 
to the larger vessels, but a tender was destroyed. One of the 
persons who embarked in this service as a volunteer, was the 
surgeon's mate of our regiment, a singular character and degene- 
rate son of Mordecai Yarnall, a Quaker preacher. I was amused 

* General Thomas Mifflin. — He was appointed Qiiarter-master-General by 
Washington, in 1775. Richard Henry Lee, in his reply to Washington's letter 
informing him of this, says : — " I think you could not possibly have appointed a 
better man, to his present office than Mr. Mifflin. He is a singular man, and 
you certainly will meet with the applause and support of all good men, by pro- 
moting and countenancing real merit and public virtue, in opposition to all private 
interests and partial affection." He distinguished himself at the siege of Boston 
by his coolness and intrepidity, and, at the age of 32, was appointed by Con- 
gress, a Brigadier. In 1777 he was promoted to the rank of Major-General. 
In 1783, he was elected to Congress from Pennsylvania, his native state, and 
presided, with ability and dignity, over the deliberations of that body. In 1785, 
lie was speaker of the Legislative Assembly, and subsequently, president of the 
Supreme Executive Council. He had been a member of tlie convention which 
framed the Constitution of the United States, and, in 17i)9, assisted as president 
of the convention, in forming the new Constitution of the Slate. He was the first 
Governor under this Constitution, and held the office for nine years, liaving been 
thrice elected. As president of Congress, he received, at Annapolis, the resigna- 
tion of General Washington, as Commander-in-chief, delivering on tlie occasion, 
a brief, but eloquent address in reply to the speech of Washington, He died, at 
Lancaster, on the 21st of January, 1800, aged 56. — En. 



CONNECTICUT LIGHT HORSE. 155 

with his oddities, and sometimes listened to his imitations of his 
father's manner of preaching, as well as that of many others of 
the public friends. Though a temporary apostate from the prin- 
ciples of his forefathers, in which he had been strictly brought 
up, I never doubted that they had taken root in him; and that 
if he was not prematurely cut off, they would vegetate and fruc- 
tify in due season: nor was I mistaken. Many years after, I 
saw him zealously sustaining his paternal vocation, surrounded 
by a circle of friends. He had come to preach in the town in 
which I resided: I went to hear him, and had the pleasure of 
taking him home with me to dinner with several of his atten- 
dants, where every thing passed with as much gravity and de- 
corum, as if I had never seen him in any other character. Mr. 
Yarnall's former profaneness could not but have occurred to him 
on this occasion ; but whatever might have been his recollec- 
tions, he dissembled them admirably. 

Among the military phenomena of this campaign, the Connec- 
ticut light horse ought not to be forgotten. These consisted of 
a considerable number of old fashioned men, probably farmers 
and heads of families, as they were generally middle aged, and 
many of them apparently beyond the meridian of life. They 
were truly irregulars; and whether their clothing, their equip- 
ments or caparisons were regarded, it would have been difficult 
to have discovered any circumstance of uniformity; though in 
the features derived from " local habitation," they were one and 
the same. Instead of carbines and sabres, they generally carried 
fowling pieces; some of them very long, and such as in Pennsyl- 
vania, are used for shooting ducks. Here and there, one, "his 
youthful garments, well saved," appeared in a dingy regimental 
of scarlet, with a triangular, tarnished, laced hat. In short, so 
little were they like modern soldiers, in air or costume, that, 
dropping the necessary number of years, they might have been 
supposed the identical men who had in part composed Pepperil's 
army at the taking of Louisbourg. Their order of march corre- 
sponded with their other irregularities. It " spindled into longi- 
tude immense," presenting so extended and ill-compacted a 
flank, as though they had disdained the adventitious prowess 
derived from concentration. These singular dragoons were vo- 



156 CHARACTER OF THE ARMY. 

lunteers, who came to make a tender of their services to the 
Commander-in-chief. But they staid not long at New York. 
As such a body of cavalry had not been counted upon, there 
was in all probability a want of forage for their jades, which, in 
the spirit of ancient knighthood, they absolutely refused to de- 
scend from; and as the general had no use for cavaliers in his 
insular operations, they were forthwith dismissed with suitable 
acknowledgments for their truly chivalrous ardour.* An un- 
lucky trooper of this school had by some means or other, found 
his way to Long Island, and was taken by the enemy in the bat- 
tle of the 27th of August, The British officers made themselves 
very merry at his expense, and obliged him to amble about for 
their entertainment. On being asked, what had been his duty 
in the rebel army, he answered, that it was to fiank a little and 
carry tidings. Such at least was the story at New York among 
the prisoners. 

But notwithstanding the unwarlike guise of the troops from 
New England, there was no part of the continent perhaps, in 
which so little impression could be made, or in which the enemy 
was so cautious of advancing. Their numbers and zeal ren- 
dered them formidable when fighting on their own ground pro 
aris etfocis; and pitiful as was the figure the eastern men made 
this campaign, the defence of Bunker's hill was worthy of the 
bravest veterans. f I attempt not to assign a cause for the falling 

* It appears from a letter of General Washington, that they refused fatigue 
duty, because it was beneath the dignity of troopers. 

t General Washington writes under date of 10th February, 1776, to Joseph 
Reed: "Tlie party sent to Bunker's Hill had some good and some bad men en- 
gaged in it. One or two courts have been held on the conduct of part of them. 
To be plain, these people are not to be depended upon if exposed ; and any man 
will fight well if he tliinks himself in no danger. I do not apply this only to these 
people. I suppose it to be the case with all raw and undisciplined troops." — 
Sparks, Vol. iii. p. 285. 

With no other motive than a love of justice, a protest must here be entered 
against a judgment so severe as that expressed by our author in the text. What- 
ever may have been the deficiencies of a portion of the New England troops in 
equipment and discipline — deficiencies by no means peculiar to them — tiie cou- 
rap-e, fortitude, and self sacrificing zeal with which the trials and difficulties of the 
Revolution were fnet, endured, and finally overcome, ought not to be questioned. 
All tliis is matter of history. The country that could furnish such " exigent 



CHARACTER OF THE ARMY. 157 

off; and should even be fearful of recognising it, were there not 
documents in existence, and hundreds yet alive to attest the 
truth of my representations. I have in vain, endeavoured to ac- 
count for the very few gentlemen and men of the world, that at 
this time appeared in arms from this country, which might be 
considered as the cradle of the revolution. There were some 
indeed, in the higher ranks; and here and there a young man of 
decent breeding, in the capacity of an aid-de-camp or brigade 
major; but anything above the condition of a clown, in the 
regiments we came in contact with, was truly a rarity. Was it 
that the cause was only popular among the yeomanry? Was it 
that men of fortune and condition there, as in other parts of the 
continent, though evidently most interested in a contest, whose 
object was to rescue American property from the grasp of British 
avidity, were willing to devolve the fighting business on the 
poorer and humbler classes ? Was it, in short, that they held 
the language of the world, and said, 

"Let the guH'd fools the toils of war subdue. 
Where bleed the many to enrich the few?" 

Or was it, that that simple way of thinking and ill appreciation 
of military talent, which had made a drivelling deacon,* second 

men " as Prescott, Warren, Greene, Knox, Putnam, Lincoln, Stark, and Sulli- 
van ; an Adams, a Hancock, an Otis and a Quincv, cannot be supposed to be defi- 
cient in enlightened patriotic zeal, or in men with " hearts to do and dare " all that 
brave and patriotic men may do and dare, in defence of their liberties and rio-hts- 
and the page of History glows v/ith the story of their services, sufFerino-s and 
worth. — Ed. 

* This was General Ward,* with whose resignation and that of Brigadier Frye 
General Washington makes himself merry in a letter to General Lee, published 
in the Memoirs of the latter. So little does the character of the time appear to 
be known at present, that 1 deem it necessary to fortify my remarks. 



* General Artemas Ward. — He had been appointed, by the Provincial Con- 
gress of Massachusetts, commander of all the forces raised by that Colony. He 
was the first Major-General in the American army. He graduated at Harvard 
in 1748. " For several years he was an active and useful member of the General 
Court, and, in 1774, one of the Provincial Congress. He served in the war pre- 
vious to the peace of Paris, and when the Revolutionary struggle commenced 
was appointed Major-Goneralj and was even thought of as Generalissimo. 

14 



158 GENERALS WARD AND FRYE. 

in command, was then prevalent among them ? Whatever was 
the reason, New England was far behind the other provinces in 
the display of an ardent, unequivocal zeal for the cause, in the 
quality of her officers; and notwithstanding that she has since 
shown herself more prolific of liberal, well-informed, exigent 
men, than any other part of the union, her soldiery, at the time I 
am speaking of, was contemptible in the extreme. 

Neither did the fighting department appear to be fashionable 
among the gentry of Virginia. It must be admitted that she 
furnished some gentlemen aids-de-camp and volunteers, and 
afterwards, corps of cavalry, respectably officered; but the seri- 
ous, drudging business of war, devolves on the infantry; and in 
this description of force, she evinced but little brilliancy. One 
of her regiments, I recollect, did duty with us when we were 
encamped on Haerlem heights. "* Its commander had the ap- 
pearance of a reputable planter, and might for any thing I know 
to the contrary, have been both patriotic and brave ; but neither 
himself nor his officers, were of the kind that bespoke the elite of 
their country : they were not in the style of their vocation ; in a 
word, they were not Bay.lors, nor Griffins, nor Lees, nor Mon- 
roes. But allowing every possible merit to these gentlemen, it 
does not lesse-4i the force of my observation in respect to their 
State, of whose subsequent exertions, I am ignorant. 

He commanded the troops at Cambridge until the arrival of Washington, when 
he was placed at the head of the right wing at Roxbury. His firmness and in- 
trepidity were strikingly displayed on various trying occasions. He resigned his 
commission in April, 1776, though at the request of Washington he continued 
for some time longer in command. He was afterwards chosen one of the Council 
of Massachusetts, where he was distinguished for his integrity and independence 
of spirit. He was elected to Congress on tlie organization of the General Govern- 
ment, and died late in the year 1800, at the age of seventy-three." — Enc. Anier. — 
Ed. 

Bkisadier-General Joseph Frve. — Washington writes concerning him to 
Congress, 31st August, 1 77.) : — " He entered into the service as early as 1745, 
and rose through the different military ranks, in the two succeeding wars, to that 
of Colonel. From these circumstances, together with the favourable report made 
to me of him, I presume he sustained the character of a good officer, though I do 
not find it distinguished by any peculiar service." Colonel Frye received from 
Congress the appointment of Brigadier-General in the Continental army, upon 
the recommendation of the Commander-in-chief. 

He resigned his commission in April, 1776. — Ed. 



DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 159 

Among the mistakes of ray life, in a view to advancement, I 
may justly reckon my not essaying the aid-de-camp career. To 
the rank and pay of major, which followed the appointment, an 
exemption from hard duty immediately took place, and the for- 
tunate incumbents had cause to hug themselves in a world of 
other pleasant consequences. They, comparatively, fed well and 
slept well; used horses legs instead of their own, upon a march; 
and were, besides, in the true road to preferment. The late Ge- 
neral Walter Stewart,* was a younger Captain than myself, in the 
same regiment. But he chose the better path I allude to : in 
doing so he escaped captivity, was warmly recommended to 
Congress by his General, and complimented with a regiment, 
while his elder officers were languishing in captivity, neglected, 
superseded and forgotten. Captain Scull, also, of our regiment, 
had attached himself to General Thomson ; and the Colonels fear- 
ing they should lose more of us, were assiduous in representing 
the employment of an aid, as not only unworthy of a man of 
spiirit, but as being out of the line of promotion : In the latter, at 
least, they were egregiously mistaken. 

The Declaration of Independence,! w'hose date will never be 

* Honourable mention is made of Colonel Walter Stewart by General Wash- 
ington in his letter of 13tii January, 1780, to Lord Sterling-. Colonel Stewart 
rendered valuable services at the time of the revolt in the Pennsylvania line, 
which were recognised by Washington and Wayne. — Ed. 

t The Declaration of Independence was read, in public, by Commodore Hop- 
kins, from " the platform of an Observatory which had been erected by Ritten- 
house, at the rear of the State House. But few people assembled to hear it, and 
among these there were no manifestations of enthusiasm. They quietly retired 
at its conclusion. It was above the comprehension of the mass. The principles 
upon which it was based, and the language of the Declaration itself, were not 
immediately appreciated and understood. Another proof of what has been else- 
where asserted in these 'Memoirs' — that the 'Revolution is universally admitted 
to have begun in the upper circles of society.' The apathy, timidity, or igno- 
rance, thus manifested at its birth-place was not imitated elsewhere, and whatever 
may Imve been the reception of the great intelligence by the army — among the 
people, and nowhere more warmly than at Boston, the news was received, ac- 
cording to BoTTA, 'with transports of joy.' Nor were any of those public demon- 
strations omitted which governments are accustomed to employ, on similar 
occasions, to conciliate the favour of the people. The artillery was fired, bonfires 
were kindled, the people seemed actually delirious with exultation. On the 11th 
of July, the manifesto of Congress was published in New York, and was read to 
each brigade of the Anierican army, which, at that time, was assembled in the 



160 DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 

forgotten so long as Liberty remains the fashion, and demagogues 
continue to thrive upon it, was, with the utmost speed, trans- 
mitted to the armies; and when received, read to the respective 
\ regiments. If it was not embraced with all the enthusiasm that 
j has been ascribed to the event, it was at least hailed with accla- 
mations, as no doubt any other act of Congress, not flagrantly 
' improper, would at that time have been. The propriety of the 
measure had been little canvassed among us ; and perhaps it was 
to our honour, considered merely as soldiers, that we were so 
little of politicians. A predilection for republicanism, it is true, 
had not reached the army, at least the Pennsylvania line ; but as 
an attempt to negotiate in our unorganized situa.tion, would pro- 
bably have divided and ruined us, the step was considered wise, 
although a passage of the Rubicon, and calculated to close the 
door to accommodation. Being looked upon as unavoidable, if 
resistance was to be persisted in, it was approved ; and produced 

vicinity of the city : it was received with universal acclamation. The same 
evening the statue of George III., which had been erected in 1770, was taken 
down and dragged through the streets. It was decided that the lead of which it 
was composed, should be converted into musket balls. These excesses, however 
blameable in themselves, were not without utility if considered politically; they 
excited the people and hurried tliem on to the object that was desired. At Balti- 
more, Independence having been proclaimed in the presence of cannoniers and 
militia, tiie people could not contain their enthusiasm. The air resounded with 
salutes of artillery, and tiie shouts that hailed the freedom and happiness of the 
United States of America. The effigy of the King became the sport of the popu- 
lace, and was afterwards burnt in the public square. The rejoicings at Boston 
were the greatest of all. Independence was there proclaimed from the balcony 
of the State House, in the presence of all the authorities, civil and military, and 
of an immense concourse of people, as well from the city itself as from the coun- 
. try. The garrison was drawn up in order of battle in King street, which from 
tliat moment took the name of State street ; the troops formed in thirteen 
detachments, to denote the thirteen United Stiites. At a given signal, a salute of 
thirteen cannon was fired upon Fort Hill, which was immediately answered by 
an equal number from the batteries of the Castle, of the Neck, of Nantasket, and 
- of Point Alderton. The garrison, in their turn, fired thirteen salutes ormusketry, 
each detachment firing in succession. The authorities and most considerable 
inhabitants then convened at a banquet prepared in the Council Chamber. All 
the bells rung in token of felicitation ; the joy was universal, and its demonstra- 
tions were incessantly renewed. In the evening all the ensigns of royalty, 
lions, sceptres or crowns, whether sculptured or painted, were torn in pieces and 
burned." — Ed, 



STATUE OF GEORGE III. DEMOLISHED. 161 

no resignations among the officers that I am aware of, except that of 
Lieutenant-Colonel William Allen, already mentioned, who was 
with his regiment in Canada. He called at our camp on his way 
to Philadelphia, where he appeared somewhat surprised and mor- 
tified that his example had no follow^ers. 

Being now independent, we had no farther use for a king, or 
even the semblance of one ; for which reason the equestrian sta- 
tue of George the Third, in New York, was thrown down and 
demolished. The head of the King was cut off by way of in- 
flaming the public valour : but so little was the spirit of seventy- 
six like the spirit of subsequent eras, that the act was received 
with extreme coldness and indifference. Had even George him- 
self been among us, he would have been in no great danger of 
personal injury, at least from the army. We were, indeed, begin- 
ning to grow angry with him ; and were not displeased with 
Paine for calling him a royal brute, but we had not yet acquired 
the true taste for cutting throats. 

The suspense in which we had for many weeks been held, ia 
respect to the meditated operations of the enemy, was at length 
removed by the landing of a considerable force on the 22d of 
August, on Long Island. Among the measures taken to counter- 
act him, hand-bills, addressed to the German troops, inviting de- 
sertion by a promise of land, were prepared by Congress, and 
endeavoured to be circulated among them. For this business, 
Christopher Ludwig, a baker of Philadelphia, was, among others, 
selected. As he was a German, and had been a soldier in his 
younger days, he was supposed to be peculiarly fitted for the 
purpose. Full of zeal for the cause, he was already at his post, 
and was bold enough to undertake the perilous employment ; but 
whether he ventured himself in the enemy's camp, I never learned. 
I rather suspect he was shy, as he well knew the penalty of 
detection in such an enterprize. At any rate, the overtures had 
no effect : no deserters came over to us. This Ludwig, though 
far advanced in years, could yet play the old soldier widi much 
address, and thence contrived to make himself conspicuous. Be- 
ing employed some time after to manage the ovens, he assumed 
the title of Bakermaster- General of the army, and made a vow 
never to shave his beard until a fortunate conclusion of the con- 

14* 



162 BAKER-GENERAL THE BRITISH LAND ON LONG ISLAND, 

test.* It is a little remarkable, that the patriotism of the Baker- 
General should have displayed itself in the same manner as that 
of Cato did, during the civil war of Rome, who, as we are in- 
formed by Lucan, neither shaved, nor cut his hair. 

" Ut primum tolli fer<alia vidcrat arma, 
Intonsos rigidam in frontem desccnderc canos 
JPassus erat, moastamque gciiis increscere barbam. 

For when he saw tlic fatal faction's arm, 

The coming war, and Rome's impending harm ; 

Regardless quite of every other care, 

Unshorn he left his loose neglected hair, 

Rude hung the hoary honours of his head, 

And a foul growth his mournful cheeks o'erspread." 

The forces of the enemy, which had been landed on Long 
Island, had extended themselves as far as Flatbush and New Lots, 
between which places and our works at Brooklyn, runs a ridge 
of pretty lofty hills. Here it was, that being met by our troops 
under the command of Generals Sullivan and Stirling, the action 
of the 27th of August commenced ; of which, as I was not pre- 

* Mr. Graydon,. on a leaf of his private copy of the Miemoirs, wrote, "a gen- 
tleman corrects me, and says, it was not until a conclusion of the war, but until 
we regained possession of Philadelphia. Be it so." 

Christopher Ludwick — the ^^ BaJiii'-Oenerol" — lies conspicuously buried in 
the grave yard of St. Michael's (Lutheran) Clmrch, at the upper end of German- 
town. From his monument we learn that he was born in Germany, where he 
learned his "trade and business of Baker. In early life he was a soldier and 
a sailor, and visited the East and West Indies. He came to Philadelphia in 
1755, and by industry and integrity accumulated' a handsome properly, part of 
which he devoted to the service of his adopted country, in the contest for Inde. 
pendence. Was appointed Baker-General to the Army, and, for faithful services, 
received a written; testimony from the Commander-in-chief On every occasion 
his zeal for the relief of the oppressed was manifest, and by his last will he 
bequeathed the greater part of his estate for the education of the poor, of all de- 
nominations, gratis. He lived and died respected for his integrity and public 
spiiit. Reader, such was Ludwick. Art thou poor? venerate his Character. 
Art thou rich ? imitate his Example." 

Mr. LunwicK died in 1801, aged nearly 81 years. — In his humble sphere he 
rendered faitliful service in the cause of Independence ; services which entitle 
liim to grateful remcnibrancc, and more than justify a passing tribute to his 
patriotism atjd. worth. — Eu. 



NEW YORK PRIVATIONS OF SOLDIERS. 163 

sent, I know nothing more than is given in the historical accounts 
of this affair. The manifest superiority of the enemy on this oc- 
casion, owing more to mismanagement, perhaps, on our side, than 
want of bravery in the troops engaged, rendered it expedient to 
draw our forces to the point that had been chosen for the contest ; 
and an express was accordingly sent off, requiring the immediate 
inarch of Shee's and Magaw's regiments to New York. Being 
forthwith put in motion, we proceeded with the utmost speed, 
and reached the city in the afternoon ; but by this time the con- 
flict was over, and the firing had ceased. Here, therefore, we 
were quartered for the night, under orders to be in readiness to 
cross the East river by break of day in the morning. Glover's 
regiment was also moved to this place, and was under similar 
orders for Long Island, Few particulars of the day's combat 
were yet known, though it was pretty well ascertained that we 
had been handled severely, and lost a considerable number of 
officers and men ; but what proportion had been killed, or were 
prisoners, was merely conjecture. New York was, at this time, 
a scene of tumult and confusion, and, it might be added, of dis- 
may. 

The circumstances, however, did not deprive me of my appe- 
tite, and the inclination for a good supper, which I had not for 
some months enjoyed; and therefore, as soon as our men were 
dismissed to their quarters, which was not until dark, Mr, Forrest 
and myself, set out in pursuit of this object. But some of the 
public houses were full, others had no eatables in them, and we 
began to fear, that this little enjoyment we had promised our- 
selves, was not to be obtained ; and that we should be obliged to 
go to bed supperless. After trying the best looking inns to no 
purpose, we essayed those of more humble appearance, and at 
length entered one, that was kept by a middle-aged, matronly 
lady. We asked if she could give us supper ; she gave us the com- 
mon answer, that there was nothing in the house. We were now 
about to give the matter up, and had retired beyond the door, 
with somewhat of a disconsolate air, perhaps, when the good 
woman seemed touched with compassion for us. She had pro- 
bably sons of her own ; or if not, she was of that sex which, 
Ledyard tells us, is ever prone to acts of kindness and humanity. 



164 NEW YORK PRIVATIONS OF SOLDIERS. 

She called us back and told us, that she believed she could make 
out to give us a lobster. At this we brightened up, assuring her, 
as we really thought, that nothing could be better : and being 
shown into a small, snug apartment, we called for a pint of 
wine. We now thought ourselves, instead of outcasts, favourites 
of fortune, as upon comparing notes with our brother officers, 
next day, we found we had reason, since scarcely one of them 
had been able to procure a mouthful. Our lobster being quickly 
served up, we fell to with most excellent appetites, and between 
it and our wine entirely forgot our toils, most fervently realizing 
the sentiment of the song, that "a bottle and kind landlady cure 
all again.'''' 

On the next day, early in the forenoon, we were transported to 
Long Island ; marched down to the entrenchments at Brooklyn, 
and posted on their left extremity, extending to the Wallabout. 
The arrival of our two battalions, (Shee's and Magaw's, which 
always acted together,) with that of Glover, had the effect, I have 
always found to be produced, by a body of men under arms, 
having the appearance of discipline. Although, owing to the 
dysentery which had prevailed in our camp, our number was so 
reduced, that the two regiments could not have amounted to 
more than eight hundred men, making in the whole, when joined 
with Glover's, about twelve or thirteen hundred ; yet it was evident 
that this small reinforcement, inspired no inconsiderable degree of 
confidence. The faces that had been saddened by the disasters 
of yesterday, assumed a gleam of animation, on our approach ; 
accompanied with a mvirmur of approbation in the spectators oc- 
casionally greeting each other with the remark, that '■'■ these were 
the lads that might do something. '''' Why it should be so, I know 
not, but the mind instinctively attaches an idea of prowess, to 
the silence, steadiness, and regularity of a military assemblage ; 
and a hundred well dressed, well armed, and well disciplined 
grenadiers, are more formidable in appearance, than a disjointed, 
disorderly multitude of a thousand. Our regiments, to he sure, 
could not arrogate such perfection ; but that they were distin- 
guished in our young army, may be inferred, from an official let- 
ter from General Washington, wherein he states, that "they had 
been trained with more than common attention." To sustain 



LONG ISLAND ENTRENCHMENTS. 165 

the duty now imposed upon us, required both strength of body 
and of mind. The spot at which we were posted, was low 
and unfavourable for defence. There was a fraised ditch in its 
front, but it gave little promise of security, as it was evidently 
commanded by the ground occupied by the enemy, who entirely 
enclosed the whole of our position, at the distance of but a few 
hundred paces. It was evident, also, that they were constructed 
batteries, which would have rendered our particular situation ex- 
tremely ineligible, to say the least of it. In addition to this dis- 
comfort, we were annoyed by a continual rain, which, though 
never very hea\^^, was never less than a searching drizzle, and 
often what might, with propriety, be called a smart shower. We 
had no tents to screen us from its pitiless pelting ; nor, if we had 
had them, would it have comported with the incessant vigilance 
required, to have availed ourselves of them, as, in fact, it might 
be said, that we lay upon our arms during the whole of our stay 
upon the island.* In the article of food, we were little better off. 
We had indeed, drawn provisions, whose quality was not to be 
complained of. Our pickled pork, at least, was good ; but how' 
were we to cook it. As this could not be done, it was either to 
be eaten as it was, or not eaten at all ; and we found upon trial, 
that boiling it, although desirable, was not absolutely necessary ; 
and that the article was esculent without culinary preparation. I 
remember, however, on one of the days we were in this joyless 
place, getting a slice of a barbacued pig, which some of our 
soldiers had dressed at a deserted house which bounded our lines. 
There was an incessant skirmishing kept up in the day-time 
between our riflemen and the enemy's irregulars; and the firing 

* Had not this work been written a kvf years too early, I miglit iiave scienti- 
fically talked of our hivonacking; but like the man who had been all his life 
talking- prose without knowing it, we, poor ignorants ! — had been bivouacking 
here two nights without being sensible that we were in the performance of a 
grand operation, become grand at least, from the raking up, and applying to it 
of an old obsolete French word, by the great Napoleon ; and which all military men 
since, are ambitious of being engaged in, for the sake of employing in despatches 
and private letters, this new and fascinating phrase. Even Sir Walter Scott re- 
solved not to be behind them in fashionable graces, — tells us in his Waterloo. 

"Tliat line so black 
And trampled, marks the bivouack." 



166 SKIRMISHING A BATTLE APPREHENDED. 

was sometimes so brisk, as to indicate an approaching general 
engagement. Tiiis was judiciously encouraged by General 
Washington, as it tended to restore confidence to our men, and 
was, besides, showing a good countenance to the foe. 

On the morning after our first night's watch. Colonel Shee 
took me aside, and asked me what I thought of our situation. I 
could not but say, I thought it a very discouraging one. He 
viewed it in the same light, he said, and added, that if we were 
not soon withdrawn from it, we should inevitably be cut to 
pieces. So impressed was he with this conviction, that he de- 
sired me to go to the quarters of General Reed, and to request 
him to ride down to the lines, that he might urge him to propose 
a retreat without loss of time, I went, but could not find him 
at his quarters, or at any of the other places where it was likely 
he might be. It was not long, however, before he came to our 
station, and gave the Colonel an opportunity of conferring with 
him. This day passed off like the last, in unabating skirmishing 
and rain. After dark, orders were received and communicated 
to us regimentally, to hold ourselves in readiness for an attack 
upon the enemy; to take place in the course of the night. This 
excited much speculation among the officers, by whom it was 
considered a truly daring undertaking, rendered doubly so from 
the bad condition of our arms, so long exposed to the rain : and 
although we had bayonets, this was not the case with the whole 
of our force, upon whom we must depend for support. It was 
not for us, however, to object to the measure: we were soldiers, 
and bound to obey. Several nuncupative wills were made upon 
the occasion, uncertain as it was, whether the persons to whom 
they were communicated would survive, either to prove or to 
execute them. I was for a while under the impression that we 
were to fight; and, in the language of the poet, was " stiflening 
my sinews and summoning up my blood," for what, with the 
rest, I deemed a desperate encounter. But when I came to con- 
sider the extreme rashness of such an attempt, it suddenly flashed 
upon my mind, that a retreat was the object ; and that the order 
for assailing the enemy, was but a cover to the real design. The 
more I reflected upon it, the more I was convinced that I was 
right ; and what had passed in the morning with Colonel Shee, 



MIDNIGHT SCENE IN CAMP. 167 

served to confirm me in ray opinion. I communicated my con- 
jecture to some of the officers, but they dared not suffer them- 
selves to believe it well founded, though they gradually came 
over to my opinion ; and by midnight, they were, for the most 
part, converts to it. There was a deep murmur in the camp 
which indicated some movement; and the direction of the decay- 
ing sounds, was evidently towards the river. About two o'clock, 
a cannon went off, apparently from one of our redoubts, " piercing 
the night's dull ear," wdth a tremendous roar. If the explosion 
was within our lines, the gun was probably discharged in the act of 
spiking it; and it could have been no less a matter of speculation to 
the enemy, than to ourselves. I never heard the cause of it ; but 
whatever it was, the effect was at once alarming and sublime ; 
and what with the greatness of the stake, the darkness of the 
night, the uncertainty of the design, and extreme hazard of the 
issue whatever might be the object, it would be diflBcult to con- 
ceive a more deeply solemn and interesting scene. It never re- 
curs to my mind, but in the strong imagery of the chorus of 
Shakspeare's Henry the Vth, in which is arrayed, in appropriate 
gloom, a similar interval of dread suspense and awful expecta- 
tion. 

As our regiment was one of those appointed to cover the retreat, 
we were, of course, among the last to be drawn off, and it was 
near day-break before we received orders to retire. We were 
formed without delay, and had marched near half w'ay to the river, 
when it was announced that the British lip;ht horse were at our 
heels. Improbable as\vas the circumstance, it was yet so strenu- 
ously insisted upon, that we were halted and formed, the front 
rank kneeling with presented pikes, which we had with us, to 
receive the charge of the supposed assailants. None, however, 
appeared ; and the alarm must have proceeded from the fear of 
those who gave it, magnifying the noise of a few of our own horse- 
men into that of squadrons of the enemy. We again took up the 
line of march, and had proceeded but a short distance, when the 
head of the battalion was halted a second time. The orders we 
had received were erroneous : We were informed that we had 
come off too soon, and were commanded with all expedition to 



168 RETREAT TO NEW YORK. 

return to our post.* This was a trying business to young soldiers ; 
it was, nevertheless strictly complied with, and we remained not 
less than an hour in the lines before we received the second order 
to abandon them.f It may be supposed we did not linger; but 
though we moved with celerity, we guarded against confusion, 
and under the friendly cover of a thick fog, reached the place of 
embarkation without annoyance from the enemy, who, had the 
morning been clear, would have seen what was going on, and 
been enabled to cut off the greater part of the rear. One of my 
soldiers being too feeble to carry his musket, which was too pre- 
cious to be thrown away, I took it from him, and found myself 
able to carry it, together with my own fusee. On attaining the 
water, I found a boat prepared for my company, which immedi- 
ately embarked, and taking the helm myself, I so luckily directed 
the prow, no object being discernible in the fog, that we touched 
near the centre of the city. It was between six and seven o'clock, 
perhaps later, when we landed at New York ; and in less than an 
hour after, the fog having dispersed, the enemy was visible on the 
shore we had left. 

Next to the merit of avoiding a scrape in war, is that of a dex- 
terous extrication from it ; and in this view, the removal of so 



* This is stated in Gordon's history, vol. 2, page 103, to have been owing to a 
mistake of Colonel Scammell, who delivered the orders to General Mifflin to bring 
off the whole covering party, instead of a particular regiment. 

t This circumstance is noted by General Heath in his Memoirs : — " In this 
retreat from the Island, and which was well conducted, an instance of discipline 
and of true fortitude was exhibited by the American guards and pickets. In 
order that the British sliould not get knowledge of the withdrawal of the Ameri- 
cans, until their main body had embarked in the boats and pushed off from the 
shore, (a matter of the highest importance to their safety,) the guards were 
ordered to continue at their respective posts, with sentinels alert, as if notliing 
extraordinary was taking place, until the troops had embarked: they were then 
to come off, march briskly to the ferry, and embark themselves. But the guard 
came off, and had nearly reached the landing-place, when they were ordered to 
face about, march back, and re-occupy tlicir former posts ; which they instantly 
obeyed, and continued at them, until called off to cross the ferry. Whoever has 
seen troops in a similar situation, or duly contemplates tiic human heart in such 
trials, well know how to appreciate the conduct of these brave men, on this occa- 
8ion,"^ED, 



REFLECTIONS ON THE MEASURE. 169 

great a number of men, stated I think at nine thousand, with can- 
non and stores, in one night, was, no doubt, a masterly move- 
ment, though not classible perhaps with the great retreats. The 
Memoirs of the Duke of Sully relate an operation very similar to 
it, and to which much applause is given. This was achieved by 
the Prince of Parma, w'hose army, lying between Rouen and 
Caudebec, was in the night transported across the Seine, and thus 
preserved from the destruction that impended from the forces of 
Henry the IVth, ready to fall upon it in the morning. " Could it 
appear otherwise," observes the writer, "than a fable or an illu- 
sion ? Scarce could the king and his army trust the evidence of 
their own eyes." 

After a comfortable brealdast, which I got at the coffee-house, 
I met with Colonel Melchior of the commissary department. 
Being one of my old and particular Philadelphia acquaintances, 
he offered me his bed to repair my want of rest. I had not slept 
for two nights ; and as my brother, a lad of about nineteen and 
an ensign in the regiment, had undergone the same fatigue, I took 
him along with me, and locking the door of the apartment to ex- 
clude intruders, we snatched a refreshing nap of five or six hours : 
after which, we felt ourselves alert and ready for the farther tasks 
which duty might impose. 

General Washington has been censured for risking his army 
upon Long Island, and General Howe for permitting it to escape 
with impunity.* Reasoning from the facts wliicli have evolved, 
the blame in both cases, seems to be well founded. But this is not 
the mode of judging contingent events. In conducting the w^ar 
on our side, a great variety of interests was to be consulted. Our 

* Sparks ascribes the unfortunate issue of tlie Battle of Long Island, " to the 
iUness of General Greene. He had superintended the erection of the military 
works, and become thoroughly acquainted with the grounds. In the hope of his 
recovery, Washington deferred sending over a successor, till the urgency of 
affairs made it absolutely necessary ; and then General Putnam took the com- 
mand, without any previous knowledge of the posts which had been fortified be- 
yond the lines, or of the places by which the enemy would make their approach; 
nor had he time to acquire this knowledge before the action. The consequence 
was, that, although he was the commander on the day of the battle, he never went 
beyond the lines at Brooklyn, and could give no other orders than for sending out 
troops to meet tiie enemy at different points." — Ed. 

15 



/ 



170 WASHINGTON VINDICATED. 

cities, were, if possible to be maintained, and no property to be 
sacrificed without the most manifest necessity, lest it might create 
disgust and disaffection. Congress, also, was to be obeyed; in 
which body, no doubt, there was enough of local feeling. Hence, 
New York must be defended ; and if so, there was nothing wrong in 
risking an action on Long Island ; it was even better than awaiting 
it in the city. Add to this, that the combatants had not yet 
measured arms with each other ; and General Washington was 
not without ground for hope, that his troops would prove equal 
to the invaders. He knew the British were not invincible. He 
had even seen them panic struck under Braddock and Dunbar, 
and was aware of their having been staggered by a handful of 
irregulars at Bunker's hill. But it is sufficient for his exculpation, 
that the necessity of attempting the defence of New York, was too 
imperious to be dispensed with. Otherwise, there can be no 
question, that with the unpromising army he commanded, he 
should have been extremely cautious of committing himself in 
insular posts. No General will, of choice, convert his army into a 
garrison, and invite a siege. Had this been done at New York, 
General Howe, by blockading it, would soon have reduced us to 
the necessity of starving, surrendering, or fighting our way out 
again; a few batteries and redoubts do not render a place capable 
of sustaining a siege, or had he preferred an assault, what fortifi- 
cations were there to justify the assertion, that it was tenable for 
a single day ? 

As to General Howe, I have scarce a doubt that he might have 
carried the entrenchments at Brooklyn, and cut off the troops 
posted there. Even without intercepting with his ships of wai', 
the passage of East river, the retreat across it would have been 
sufficiently difficult and tardy, to have rendered the loss of much 
the greater portion of our army inevitable. That the works would 
have been well defended and cost him a great many men, can 
neither be affirmed nor denied. The feelings of raw troops are 
too uncertain to be calculated upon ; and considering what had 
recently happened, it is rather to be presumed, that the defence 
would not have been obstinate. But General Howe, it should be 
remembered, was yet a stranger to our circumstances and the 
character of our force. Though he had just vanquished a part of 



GENERAL HOWE CONDUCT OF THE BRITISH. 171 

it in the open field, the remainder was behind entrenchments, sup- 
ported by redoubts ; and he had cause for being cautious from 
what had happened at Bunker's hill. Besides, he probably 
reasoned as we at first did, that our losses might be more easily 
supplied than his own ; and, from the boldness of Congress in 
declaring independence in defiance of the concentrated power of 
Britain, he had certainly grounds to conclude, that their resources 
were great and their army extremely numerous. In addition to 
these considerations, he had no reason to calculate on our pre- 
cipitate retreat. He was preparing to attack us under the cover 
of batteries ; and, in that case, might have been enabled to destroy 
the rear of our force with little loss to himself. It must, however, 
be admitted, that the character of Sir William's Generalship rather 
savoured of caution than enterprise, 



172 AMERICANS ABANDON NEW YORK. 



CHAPTER VII. 

Americans abandon New York. — Take post at Fort Washington.— Character of 
Officers. — Fire in New York. — Putnam. — Greene. — Promotions. — Fort Wash- 
ington threatened. — Summoned by General Howe. — Americans attacked and 
retire. — i\ccount of the Engagement. 

On the thirty-first of August, the day after the retreat from 
Long Island, we marched beyond King's-bridge towards the 
Sound, and crossing the Brunx, encamped about eighteen or 
or twenty miles from the city of New York. I say encamped, 
though, in fact we had no canopy but the sky, and nothing be- 
tween our bodies and the earth, but the clothes we had on, and 
the blanket which each of us carried along with him. We might, 
however, have lodged comfortably on the green sward, had not 
the imaginations of some of our party been still haunted by light 
horse ; an alarm having been given in the night, whether in jest 
or earnest, I cannot say, that they had assailed us again. But 
it turned out to be nothing more than the scampering of a few 
colts, that were probably equally alarmed at seeing so many two- 
legged intruders extended on their feeding grounds. 

My memory does not enable me to say how long we remained 
at this place; but I recollect we were soon joined by a portion 
of the army, among which was the regiment of Hazlet from De- 
laware. When the post was sufficiently strengthened to observe 
the motions of the enemy hovering in the Sound, and threaten- 
ing the country about Frogs-point, we retook our old ground at 
Fort Washington. While here, we acted in detachment at Mor- 
risania, then menaced by a body of the British, which had been 
thrown into Buchanan's and Montresors islands, lying in the 
mouth of Haerlem river, within two hundred or a hundred and 
fifty yards of the main land. I recollect, at least, that their sen- 



TAKE POST AT FORT WASHINGTON. 173 

tinels appeared to be within gun-shot,* and that, one day, I had 
considerable difficulty in restraining Captain Miller of Magaw's 
regiment, who carried a rifle, from shooting one of them, which 
he had no doubt he could do. This was a kind of warfare 
which appeared to me both cruel and useless ; and I reprobated it 
so earnestly, that for this time, I turned Miller from his purpose. 
But the carrying a rifle, is too apt to create an appetite for the 
savage mode of warfare which does its work in concealment ; 
and makes a merit of destroying the enemy whenever and where- 
ever he may be found. 

At the time of these movements, the main army very impro- 
perly still lingered at New York. There cannot remain a doubt, 
that this city should have been evacuated, as soon as possible, 
after the quitting of Long Island, This was as obvious to me 
then as it is now, and I had backed my opinion with the bet of 
a beaver hat, that there would be no attempt to defend it. It 

* General Heath slates tliat " tlie chain of sentinels witiiin half gun-shot of 
each other, were [jlanted from one side of the shore to the other, and near the 
water passage between Morrisania and Montrcsors Island, which in some 
places is very narrow. The sentinels on the American side were ordered not to 
fire at tliose oftlie British, unless the latter began; but the British were so fond 
of beginning, that there was frequently a firing between them. This having been 
the case one day, and a British ofKcer walking along the bank on the Montresors 
side, an American sentinel, who had been exchanging some shots with a British 
sentinel, seeing tlie officer, and concluding him to be better game, gave him a shot 
and wounded him. He was carried up to the house on the island. An officer 
with a flag soon came down to the creek, and called for the Americ; n officer of 
the picket, and informed him, that if the American sentinels fired any more, the 
commanding officer on the island would cannonade Colonel Morris' house in 
which the officers of the picket were quartered. The American officer immedi- 
ately sent to our General to inquire what answer should be returned. IJe was 
directed to inform the British officer, that the American sentinels had always 
been instructed not to fire on sentinels, unless tliey were first fired upon, and 
then to return the fire ; that such would be their conduct: as to the cannonading 
of Colonel Morris' house, they might act their pleasure. The firing ceased for 
some time, but a raw Scotch sentinel, having been planted one day, he very soon 
after discharged his piece at an American sentinel, nearest to him, which was 
immediately returned. This brought down a British officer, who, calling to the 
American officers, observed, that ' he thought there was to be no firing between 
sentinels.' He was answered that their own began. ' He shall then pay for it.' 
The sentinel was directly after relieved, and the firing ceased, the sentinels be- 
coming so civil to each other, as to supply each other with tobacco by throwing it 
across tlie stream." — Ed. 

15* 



174 NEW YORK ABANDONED. 

appears from documents since published, that it was the opinion 
of the Commander-in-chief, that it should be abandoned, as well 
as of other officers in whom he principally confided, though not 
of the majority of die council of war. Not long after, however, 
the propriety of the measure became so apparent, that it was uni- 
versally concurred in, and the place was given up, though not 
without a considerable loss of stores. Previously to this opera- 
tion, our numbers had been much reduced by the desertion of 
great bodies of the militia, and some of the other troops that had 
been infected by their bad example, as appears from the letters 
of the General. A greater loss than themselves, was that of the 
arms and ammunition they took away with them. I very well 
recollect, that it was found necessary to post a guard at King's- 
bridge to stop the fugitives ; and that upon one of them being 
arrested with a number of notions in a bag, there was found 
among them, a cannon ball, which, he said, he was taking home 
to his mother for the purpose of pounding mustard. Such was 
the story; and though I was not a witness of the fact, I can 
vouch for its being entirely in character. An instance of shame- 
ful cowardice was also given by Parson's and Fellow's brigades 
(in which, their Generals, however,, were not implicated) as men- 
tioned in an official letter of the IGth of September : on this oc- 
casion I have understood that the General lost all patience, 
throwing his hat upon the ground in a transport of rage and in- 
dignation.* A day or two after this dastardly affair, better 
conduct was shown by some companies of Colonel Weedon's 
regiment from Virginia, and some rangers composed of volun- 
teers from different New England regiments under the command 
of Major Leitch and Colonel Knolton, both of whom were mor- 
tally wounded. 

The army now took a position upon the high grounds sur- 
rounding Fort Washington, comprehending the heights of Haer- 

* According to General Heath, this was on the 15th of September. He says, 
" Here the Americans, we are sorry to say, did not behave well ; and here it was 
as fame hath said; that General Washington threw his hat on the ground, ex- 
claiming 'are these the men with wliicli I am to defend America !' But several 
things may have weight here; — tlic wounds received on Long Island were yet 
bleeding; r.nd the officers, if not the men, knew that the city was not to be de- 
fended," — Ed. 



FORT WASHINGTON. 175 

lem and the difficult pass towards King's-bridge. A double rovv 
of lines was thrown up, nearly extending from Haerlem river to 
the Hudson, on the south, looking towards New York, of which 
General Howe was now in possession. General Washington 
appears to have had a good opinion of this post : but though 
certainly strong by nature and improved by entrenchments in its 
most accessible parts, its eligibility, for any other purpose, than 
that of a temporary encampment, was very questionable. It was 
liable to the same objection, as the posts of Brooklyn and New 
York. It was only open to the country on the side of King's- 
bridge; and consequently, the slightest demonstrations of the 
adversary, in that quarter, must have induced its abandonment, 
unless we should have been disposed for an encounter of similar 
difficulties to those, from which we were just extricated, and 
again trying the fortune of an escape across a river under the 
very paws of the enemy. But the idea, about this time, seems 
to have been taken up of making our resistance, a war of posts; 
or of disputing inch by inch, our ground. This sort of war, how- 
ever, when referring to the operations of a weaker army, in a 
country without regular fortresses, appears to be scarcely practi- 
cable, unless it should have the good fortune to be protected by 
a succession of Thermopyles. There are few posts which may 
not be turned and blockaded by a superior force ; and the expe- 
rience of a campaign is sufficient to evince the fallacy of sup- 
posing a position to be good merely because its approaches are 
difficult.* The impropriety of remaining in the present one, was 
immediately perceived by Lee, who joined us about the middle 
of October. He declared at once against the policy of having 
any thing to do with the islands, about which we ha 1 been 
clinging so pertinaciously ; and with a figure somewhat too bold 
for the genius of our patriotism, exclaimed, that *'he would give 
Mr. Howe cijee-'simpk in them." 

* This opinion is corroborated by General Sarrazin's observations in his His- 
tory of the War in Russia and Germany, on the post of Borodino, tending to show 
the facility of manoeuvring Kutnsoff out of it, and, of course, the impropriety of 
attacking such posts, if strong, since the holders of them may always be forced 
to abandon. To prove the justice of his assertion, he quotes Kutusoff's letter to 
the Emperor Alexander. 



176 BRITISH ADVANCE — AMERICAN TACTICS. 

But before we permit ourselves to arraign the conduct of the 
Commander-in-chief, we ought to obtain a clear idea, of what 
his operations should have been. Because, inferior to the foe, 
was he, therefore, to have kept at an awful distance from him? 
Would this have satisfied the country, or promoted the cause it 
had in hand? It had been buoyed up into an exalted opinion 
of its prowess; and thence expected fighting, if not victories. 
To have wholly shunned the conflict then, would have been a 
confession of a weakness, which, as the people were not pre- 
pared for, it was dangerous to expose: Ii would have been too 
sudden a descent from the high ground of independence.* 

* Congress, in October, had resolved, " that Fort Washington be retained as 
long as possible." " This decision," says Sparks, " appears to have been partly 
in consequence of a resolve of Congress, passed five days before, desiring Gene- 
' ral Washington ' by every art, and at wliatever expense, to obstruct effectually 
the navigation of the river between Fort Washington and Mount Constitution, 
as well to prevent the regress of the enemy's frigates lately gone up, as to hinder 
them from receiving succour.' On the following November, Wafhingtox wrote 
to Greene, then at Fort Lee, expressing his conviction, that the enemy would 
invest Fort Washington, and adding, 'I must recommend to yon to give every 
attention in your power, and all the assistance you can, to that garrison.' In a 
letter to General Gkeene, dated 8th November, 1776, General Wasihngton writes, 
'If we cannot prevent vessels from passing up, and the enemy are possessed of 
the surrounding country, what valuable purpose can it answer to attempt to hold 
a post, from which the expected benefit cannot be had ? I am, therefore, inclined- 
to think, that it will not be prudent to hazard the men and stores at Fort Wash- 
ington; but, as you are on the spot, I leave it to you to give such orders as to its 
evacuation, as you may judge best, and so far revoking the order given to Colo- 
nel Magaw to defend it to the last.'" 

On the 16th of the same month, in a letter to General Lee, he announces, that 
Colonel Magaw "finding there was no prospect of retreating across the North 
River, surrendered the post." The loss of killed and wounded was not then 
known, but Washington believed it to have been considerable, from the length 
and severity of the engagement. In a subsequent letter he says, " Colonel Magaw 
could not get the men to man the lines, otherwise he would not have given up the 
Fort." The garrison at Fort Washington consisted of four Colonels, four Lieute- 
nant-Colonels, five Majors, forty-six Captains, one hundred and seven Lieutenants, 
thirty-one Ensigns, one Chaplain, two Adjutants, two Quarter-masters, five Sur- 
geons, two Commissaries, one Engineer, one Wagon-master, and 2607 privates. 
The censure that has been cast upon the Commander-in-chief in connexion with 
this surrender, prompts the extension of this note beyond what, under other cir- 
cumstances, might be considered its proper limit. Like every other action of his 
life, the lapse of time, and the collection and concentration of authentic krxow- 



BRITISH ADVANCE AMERICAN TACTICS. 177 

About the middle of October, General Howe having drawn his 
main body to Frog's-point, the immediate necessity of a removal 
of our army from its present post became apparent; and was 
resolved on accordingly. It is not to be supposed, without 
ascribing an extreme want of discernment to our counsels, but 
that the danger of remaining on a strip of land embarrassed by 
the Hudson and the Sound, must have been perceived and duly 
estimated, before the arrival of General Lee. Nevertheless it 
seems to have been considered, that by hovering about New 
York, restricting the limits of the enemy, and thereby obliging 
him to have recourse to counteracting movements, the campaign 
might be consumed in fruitless operations. This mode of pro- 
ceeding, extremely perilous, and only harassing to ourselves, may 
probably be referred in part to a proud military spirit, which 



ledge, exhibits still more conspicuously, tlie wisdom and ability which always 
characterized his proceedings. In a letter to President Reed, dated 23d August, 
1779, caused, says Sparks, "by the tenour of Mr. Reed's letter, and by General 
Lee's Queries respecting the capture of Fort Washington, which were designed 
to cast blame and disparagement upon tiie Commander-in-chief" — General Wash- 
ington thus wrote : " When I came to Fort Lee, and found no measures taken 
towards an evacuation, in consequence of the order before mentioned ; when I 
found General Greene, of whose judgment and candour I entertained a good 
opinion, decidedly opposed to it; when I found other opinions so coincident with 
his; when the wishes of Congress to obstruct the navigation of the North River, 
which were delivered in such forcible terms, recurred ; when I knew that the 
easy communication between the different parts of the army, then separated by 
the river, depended upon it; and, lastly, when I considered that our policy led us 
to waste the campaign without coming to a general action on the one hand, or suf- 
fering the enemy to overrun the country on the other, I conceived that every im- 
pediment, that stood in their way, was a means to answer these purposes ; — these, 
when thrown into the scale with those opinions, which were opposed to an eva- 
cuation, caused that warfare in my mind, and hesitation, which ended in the loss 
of the garrison ; and, being repugnant to my own judgment of the advisableness 
of attempting to hold the post, filled me with the greater regret. The two great 
causes which led to this misfortune, and whicli I have before recited, as well, 
perhaps as my reasoning upon it, which occasioned the delay, were concealed 
from public view, and of course left the field of censure quite open for any and 
every labourer, who inclined to work in it; and afforded a fine theme for the pen 
of a malignant writer who is less regardful of facts than of tlie point he wants to 
establish, where he has the field wholly to himself, where concealment of a few 
circumstances answers his purposes, or where a small transposition of them will 
give a very different complexion to the same thing." — Ed. 



178 FIRE IN NEW YORK. 

could not brook the supposed disgrace of flying before the foe, and 
in part to that prime source of our disasters, short enlistments and 
the militia system. For want of a permanent established force, 
which would have placed our cause above the reach of vulgar 
opinion, the public mind was ))erpetually to be consulted. The 
popularity of the measure declaratory of independence was sus- 
pended on our chance of success; and this would principally be 
estimated by the ground we maintained or lost. Hence, as every 
acre had its political value, the defensive warfare on the large 
scale, could not safely be adopted ; nor for that reason, can the 
Fabian fame, of " never having yielded the public safety to 
clamour." be fully ascribed to General Washington. 

While the main army remained at the heights of Haerlem, a 
period of five weeks, from about the middle of September to the 
middle of October, we (Shee's and Magaw's regiments) consti- 
tuted a part of it, and did duty accordingly. It was my chance 
to be on guard on the night of the fire at New York,* on the 
picket, advanced about a mile in front of our lines. For a con- 
siderable extent, the heavens appeared in flames, and from the 
direction of the light, I could not doubt there was a conflagra- 
tion in the city. I might have been distant from it about nine 
miles; and had not my situation been overlooked by a hill di- 
rectly in front, the cause might perhaps have been distinctly de- 
veloped. Whether this fire was produced by accident or design, 
has never, I believe, been ascertained. By the British it was 
considered as proceeding from ns. A few weeks after, having, 
for some purpose which I do not recollect, been sent, together 
with Captain Beatty, with a flag, we talked with the officer who 
met us, about the extent of the fire and its cause. He said he 
was unacquainted with the cause, but presumed Mr. Washing- 
ton's people knew more about it than they did.f 

The aniipathy prevailing between the southern and eastern 
troops, had been the cause of a court martial, of which I was a 

* This it appears from General Heath's " Memoirs," was on the night between 
the 20th and 21st of September. 

t This officer was right according to Judge Henry. Sec his account of tliis 
fire, page 185, of his "Campaign against Quebec." 



COURT MARTIAL. 179 

member, upon the conduct of Lieutenant Stewart, of Smallwood's 
regiment, better known by his subsequent title of Major Jack 
Stewart. He had been arrested by General Silliman, on account 
of some alleged disrepect or disobedience to that officer. As the 
majority of the court were southern men, it was not at all w^on- 
derful that Stewart was soon acquitted with honour. In so con- 
temptible a light were the New England men regarded, that it 
"was scarcely held possible to conceive a case, which could be 
construed into a reprehensible disrespect of them. Thinking so 
highly as I now do of the gentlemen of this country, the recollec- 
tion is painful, but the fact must not be dissembled: Even the 
celebrated General Putnam, riding with a hanger belted across 
his brawny shoulders, over a waistcoat without sleeves (his sum- 
mer costume) was deemed much fitter to head a band of sickle- 
men or ditchers, than musketeers. He might be brave, and had 
certainly an honest manliness about him ; but it was thought, and 
perhaps with reason, that he was not what the time required. 
We had a regular army to oppose, and this could only be done 
by discipline and regular soldiership.* Neither did General 



* Mr. Graydon in a note, writes: "That General Putnam was deficient in 
these points, may be inferred from tlie following passage in a letter dated 15tii 
January, 1777, from General Wasmington to General Reed: 'Many days ago I 
wrote to General Putnam, supposing him to be at Princeton. What he can be 
doing at Crosswiciis, I know not, alter my repeated wishes to hear of him at 
Princeton. Surely he is there by this timel' " 

The quotation from General Washington's letter certainly authorizes no such 
inference ; and the sneer of our author is unjust. General Putnam, always distin- 
guished, proved himself equal to every emergency, and this, notwithstanding his 
defective education, which, in truth, was extremely restricted. He was bred, from 
his earliest boyhood, to agricultural pursuits. If wanting in polish, which, from 
the nature of his occupations, may be admitted, the deficiency was more than 
counterbalanced by his noble and disinterested zeal in the cause which he de- 
fended with unwavering fidelity, and of which, he was at once an ornament and 
a support. In 1755, at the commencement of the war between England and 
France, at the age of thirty-seven, he was appointed commander of a company 
and joined the army near Crown Point. In 1757, he was promoted to the rank of 
Major. During the entire war he was distinguished for his bravery and ability, 
and in 1764, retired to his country. home. He was soon called to fill several 
offices in Salem, Massachusetts, his native-town, and to represent it in the General 
Assembly. When hostilities commenced between England and the Colonies, 
"Putnam received the intelligence while ploughing in the middle of a field; he 



180 'generals PUTNAM AND GREENE. 

Greene himself, shine with all the eclat that his character has 
since deservedly acquired.* 

There were none, by whom an unofficer-like appearance and 
deportment could be less tolerated than by a city-bred Mary- 
lander, who, at this time, was distinguished by the most fashion- 
ably cut coat, the most macaroni cocked hat, and hottest blood 
in the union ; if there was any exception, it was to be found 
among the children of the sun of a still more southern location. 
Among all these, the point of honour was maintained, as it still 
seems to be, with considerable punctilio ; and the dashing man- 
ner of Stewart, and indignant tone of Captain Smith (now Gene- 
ral Smith,) who testified in his behalf, impressed the court, I 
remember, with a high idea of their military qualities : and 
brave men they certainly were — a praise, indeed, due to the 
officers from Maryland generally ; as well as to those of Small- 
wood's battalion, which behaved well and suffered severely on 

left his plough there, unyoked his team, and, without changing his clothes, set off 
for tiic scene of action. He levied a regiment under Colonial authority in Con- 
necticut, and marched to Cambridge. His Colony appointed him a Major-General, 
and Congress soon after confirmed to him the same rank in the Continental army. 
About this time the British offered him the rank of Major-General in His Majesty's 
service, with a pecuniary remuneration for his treason ; but the temptation could 
not influence him." He served throughout the war, and died May 29th, 1790, 
aged seventy -three years. — Ed. 

* In what respect General Greene was deficient, we arc not informed. We 
may infer, however, that the author has reference to his deportment, also. His 
father was an artizan, and a Quaker preacher, near the town of Warwick in 
Rhode Island. An ignorant and illiterate man, unable properly to estimate the 
value and advantages of education, but who is said to have been very careful of 
the moral and religious instruction of his children. Greene was a self educated 
man. In 1770, he was elected to the State Legislature, and in 1774, enrolled 
himself as a private in a company called the Kentish guards. "After the battle 
of Lexington, the State of Rhode Island raised what was termed an army 
of observation, and chose Greene its commanderj with the title of M;ijor-Gcneral. 
His elevation from the ranks may give some idea of the estimation in wliich his 
military talents were held." His services were of the most brilliant cliaracter, 
and it has been said that Washington was anxious, in the event of his decease, 
that Greene should be his successor. It is very generally admitted, that of all 
the officers engaged in the revolutionary contest, Greene was most eminently 
qualified to succeed to the high command. If death had deprived the country of 
the services of Washington. 

General Greene, died, within three years after the termination of the war, at 
the age of forty-four years. — Ed. 



AUTHOR AT FORT WASHINGTON — COLONEL SHEE. 181 

Long Island and at White Plains. Its officers exhibited a martial 
appearance by a uniform of scarlet and buff; ^Yhich, by the by, 
savoured somewhat of a servility if imitation, not fully according 
w^ith the independence we had assumed. The common soldiers 
from the east and south, did not much better assimilate than the 
officers ; but a traffic was soon established between the former 
and the Pennsylvanians. This consisted in a barter of the ration 
of rum for that of molasses. The Yankees did not care for the 
first, and our Irishmen could very well dispense with the latter. 
It has been supposed that the Pennsylvania line consisted chiefly 
of Irish, but this would by no means appear from my company. 
Out of seventy-three men, I find there were twenty from Ireland, 
four from England, two from Scotland, two from Germany, and 
the remaining forty-five were Americans. To these, adding four 
American officers, the proportion of Irish is but little more than a 
fourth. 

The official letters of General Washington ascertain the move- 
ment of the army towards W^hite Plains to have commenced on 
the twentieth of October. We were very desirous of being at- 
tached to it, both for the sake of variety, and the better opportu- 
nity of seeing service and acquiring distinction ; but to our ex- 
treme chagrin, found that we were to remain in our prison. It 
was perhaps supposed, we had an affection for the work of our 
hands ; but if so, nothing could be more erroneous. We were 
weary of the sameness of garrison duty, which, from the great 
extent of ground we had to guard, became very severe. It was 
not unusual for a captain to be on guard twice a week, and a 
subaltern ofi;ener. 

Our battalion was now commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel 
Cadwalader ;* Colonel Shee, having before the march of the army, 
obtained leave of absence to visit his family, and converted that 
leave into an entire abdication of his command. This was cer- 
tainly an extraordinary incident, and one I have never heard ac- 
counted for. Whatever cause he might have had for disgust, or 

* Colonel Lambert Cadwalader. — He was made prisoner on the surrender 
of Fort Washington, but, at the request of General Prescott, who, when himself 
a prisoner, at Philadelphia, had received attentions from Colonel Cadwalader's 
father — he was inlmediately released without parole by Sir William Howe. — Ed. 

16 



182 COUNCIL OF SAFETY. 

for conceiving that our affairs were tending to ruin, his duty 
seemed too imperious to be rehnquished ; and when Colonel 
Cadwalader acquainted some of us with his suspicion and indeed 
conviction, that he would not return, we were truly astonished. 
-But though I attempt not to apologize for his conduct, I must 
say, that he had some useful talents for the command of a regi- 
ment. He was remarkably attentive to the necessary accomo- 
dations of every kind, whether of food, clothing, tents, arms or 
accoutrements ; indefatigable in his endeavours to promote disci- 
pline, and even enthusiastic in what regarded the neatness and 
soldier-like appearance of the corps. He was, moreover, gentle- 
manly and agreeable in his manners. Whether his promptness 
in discerning difficulties overmatched his fortitude in sustaining 
them, I venture not to say ; but he left us in the manner stated. 
Mr. Shee is no longer in a situation to be hurt by a recognition 
of his delinquency, if such it was ; nor is it mentioned from a 
disrespect to his memory. Such a motive I disclaim. With me, 
he was ever friendly, and free from party rancour : personally, I 
liked the man, and accepted his civilities, which 1 never failed 
to receive on meeting him in Philadelphia. 

An event that took place a few weeks after the retirement of 
the Colonel, had almost tempted some of us to follow his illau- 
dable example. The committee, or council of safety, as it was 
now called, had undergone a regeneration ; and consisted, with 
perhapf? an exception or two, of a new set of members. Persons 
acquainted with the genius of liberty, will not be surprised at 
tliis. To borrow the language of French paradox, there is nothing 
permanent in a revolution, but change. In the auction of popu- 
larity, the bid is ever more attended to than the inclination or 
ability to pay ; and the most boldly-dashing patriot is ever the 
most successful one. So it proved in the council. New men, in- 
flated with a little brief authority, are always glad of an occasion 
for displaying their consequence ; and partial to the source from 
whence they derive their importance, they are ever ready to 
recognise aristocratic oppression. In this spirit, they lent an ear 
to all the idle, ill-founded reports of the cowardly, skulking sol- 
diers, who, under })retence of sickness, or otherwise, had found 
their way to Philadelphia. These fellows told the council that 



PROMOTIONS. 



183 



their Captains had cheated them, and the Council, without in- 
quiry, seemed to take the matter as proved. They accordingly 
wrote an illiberal letter to Colonel Cadwalader on the subject, 
which he thought it his duty to lay before us, though despising 
the low spirit that had dictated it. In addition to this affront, 
this same body, who still retained the power of appointment to 
military command, went on in the manufacture of Majors and 
Colonels, in utter disregard of the claims of the officers in service, 
and sometimes, from the coursest materials. An hour's visit to 
the camp, seemed to have more merit in their eyes, than daily 
and nightly duty in it ; and a little self-puffing, with due incense, 
could hardly fail to propitiate these great dispensers of commis- 
sions,* One instance of their propensity to make promotions, 
occurred in the case of an Adjutant, who had been enclosed 
by the Hessians in the battle of Long Island. He contrived 
to conceal himself in the woods 'till dark, when, from his 
understanding and speaking German, he was enabled to answer 
and elude their sentries ; and by so doing to getbackto our lines. 
For this piece of address, which consisted merely in good hiding 

* Similar practices and treatment of tlie officers doing duty on tlic Canada 
frontier in the war of tiie Madison Administration, in aid of their Imperial ally, 
have excited a similar remark. In the spirited address to the public, dated 
Buffalo, June 12th, 1815, and signed by Col. Robert Purdy and William Thomas, 
in beiialf of the officers of the Line, and of tlie Hospital and Medical Staff, is this 
passage : 

"They regret, too, tliat a winter's campaign at Wasiiington should often avail 
more than seven in the field ; and that those who remain at their posts on a 
frozen frontier, in the performance of their duty, should thereby lose tlieir grade, 
to give place to some who have been basking in the sunshine of flivouritism, 
and feasting on the delicacies of the metropolis." The just inference from such 
facts as these, is, that parasites are as mucii at home at democratic, as at royal 
courts, the eternal babble about intrigue and corruption in the latter notwith- 
standing. By observations of this kind, I would, forasmuch as in me lies, pre- 
vent tlie deception vvliich popular forms of government impose on benevolent 
minds. Whatever otiier excellencies they may possess. Justice, Honour and Ge- 
nerosity are not among tlieir attributes, and whatever of patriotism and virtue 
they may boast, 'tis certainly not the man of probity who succeed the best in 
them. Displease whom I may by such avowals of the truth, my mite shall be 
contributed to undeceiving the world ; and I should hold myself a traitor to my 
fellow men, if, undertaking to promulgate the results of my experience, I should 
conceal or misrepresent facts on which the happiness of future generations may 
essentially depend. 



184 REMONSTRANCE OF OFFICERS. 

and speaking- his mother tongue, the council invested him with a 
majority, at once jumping him over the heads of all the Captains 
and subalterns in the line. This Adjutant was Menzies, already 
spoken of as a fencing-master in Philadelphia ; and wh(5 first ap- 
peared there in the less dignified character of a dancer on the 
stage, a circumstance which rendered his preferment still more 
galling. I should be unjust, however, if I did not say, that 
Menzies, though at this time little known, turned out to be an 
honest, worthy man, attentive to duty, correct in his demeanour, 
and generally esteemed, though certainly not for talents that could 
throw others into shade, or justify his irregidar advancement. 

Conscious of integrity, soured by hard duty, and smarting 
under the reflection, that while we were sustaining the severest 
privations, the very men who imputed fraud to us, were snug and 
secure at their fire-sides, we declared that we would not remain 
a day longer in a service, at once so thankless and preposterous. 
Colonel Cadwalader, to whom we made the declaration, remon- 
strated against its rashness, while he admitted the enormity of the 
provocation. He observed to us, that nothing could justify such a 
step in the heat of a campaign ; that it would ruin us in the public 
opinion, and embitter our future lives ; that it w^ould recoil upon 
ourselves, and be an everlasting blister to our sensibility. In 
short, he said every thing which a sensible, prudent man, ac- 
quainted with the world, could say upon the occasion. We felt 
the full force of his reasoning and acquiesced in it ; though I 
have not an idea that one of us would have put the threat in 
execution, had we been left entirely to ourselves. Our vapouring 
w^as the effect of sudden passion, which at length vented itself in 
the following letter, written and sent off with nearly as little con- 
sideration, as we had used in taking up our first resolution. 

"Gentlemen, 

"Were it not that some expressions of resentment are 
natural to the human mind when it feels itself injured, we should 
disdain the meanness of telling you, how much we were mortified 
on seeing your letter to Colonel Cadwalader, containing your 
illiberal charge against the Captains of his battalion, of withhold- 
ing the pay due to their men. 

" For the same reason, we cannot forbear mentioning our dissa- 



REMONSTRANCE OF OFFICERS. 185 

tisfaction at the late appointments and promotions, wherein some 
that have never been in service, are preferred to those who have 
undergone the toils and dangers of a severe campaign, and others 
of an inferior rank to those of a superior, without any proof, or, 
as we presume, suggestion of misbehaviour in the latter. 

"As to the accusation of fraud! we are above it. We mean 
not a vindication : to attempt it, would betray a meanness which 
might almost justify the base suspicion. In a word, we deny the 
charge, and rest perfectly easy under a consciousness that it can- 
not be supported. 

"As to the promotions, we shall only say, that the man who feels 
no indignity upon such occasions, wants an essential qualification 
for a soldier, and is, in our opinion, unworthy to bear a com- 
mission. 

" But do not imagine, gentlemen, by this, that we are envious of 
superior merit. For our parts, we pretend to very little ; and in 
any other service, for merit is rated by comparison, we should 
think ourselves inadequate to our present appointments. We 
entered into the army not for pay or preferment, but to serve 
our country to the best of our poor abilities : 'Tis this alone which 
keeps us in at this hour, as we conceive, and in so doing, we 
hope we may not incur the imputation of vanity, that notwith- 
standing the insignificance of our services, the cause as well as 
our honour, might suffer from our resignations. However, we 
mean not to continue in the army, nor do we intend to accept of 
commissions on the new establishment ; and it is a matter of the 
utmost indifference to us, how soon the council of safety may 
take it into their heads to appoint others more to their satisfaction 
in the room of, gentlemen, 

"Your most obedient servants." 

This angry epistle was signed, I think, by five of us. We 
heard no more of it; but in the sequel, we had reason to wish 
that it never had been written ; and were convinced, that silence 
under suffering, is generally, if not always, wise. 

The denouement of the drama, in which we were acting a part, was 
now rapidly approaching. After the action of White Plains, of 
which, as I was not there, I shall say nothing, General Howe 

16* 



186 FORT WASHINGTON INDEFENSIBLE. 

with his army, was falling down upon our post ; and we had little 
doubt, that his object was to invest it without delay. On receipt 
of this intelligence. Colonel Cadwalader proposed to me to walk 
with him to the Fort, (for we were now stationed in the lines of 
Haerlem heights,) that we might endeavour, by an examination 
of its means of defence, to collect, whether it could be the design 
to hold it. We went and reconnoitered it, and the result was, 
that it was absolutely untenable, and must be abandoned ; though 
still, all the measures taking, seemed to point to a defence. I 
will not undertake minutely to describe the situation of the Fort, 
as my memory might not enable me to do it truly. But I recollect, 
as it has been observed by General Lee, that there were no bar- 
racks, or casemates, or fuel, or water within the body of the 
place. It was an open, earthern construction, with ground at a 
short distance on the back of it, equally high if not higher ; with- 
out a ditch of any consequence, if there was a ditch at all ; no 
outworks, an incipient one on the north, not deserving the appel- 
lation, or any of those exterior, multiplied obstacles and defences, 
that, so far as I can judge, could entitle it to the name of a for- 
tress, in any degree capable of sustaining a siege. It required no 
parallels to approach it : the citadel was at once within reach of 
the assailants. In addition to this, there were no magazines of 
any kind prepared ; and it is stated in the Animal Register, which 
carried on the history of the war, that with its other deficiencies, 
there was not found in it ammunition adequate to the shortest 
defence. Yet, it was to be defended, as will soon appear : and 
Gordon, in his history, gives a letter from Colonel Magaw, stating 
that he could hold out until the latter part of December, an 
opinion which shows him to have been more miserably deficient in 
judgment than ever we supposed him to be. He had heard of sieges 
being protracted for months and even years ; he had a good opinion 
of the spirit of his garrison ; and, as the place he had to defend 
was called a Fort, and had cannon it, he thought the deuce was in 
it if he could not hold out a few weeks. Such, probably, were the 
data of his calculation ; nor, though friendly to the memory of a 
sincere and gallant man, can I suppose them a jot better. 

While we remained in this incertitude in respect to our 
destination, and the main armies were raanocuvering above us 



DEMONSTRATION OF AN ATTACK. 187 

about the Brunx, Lord Percy, wlio commanded the British troops 
on York Island, thought proper, one day, to appear in force in 
the plains of Plaerlem, lying between his and our advanced 
posts. It was on Sunday, the day his lordship was supposed 
to prefer for his military operations.* As we were both too 
insignificant and too distant to admit the supposition that it was 
intended as a diversion, in favour of General Howe, his object 
probably was to put our countenance to the test ; to feel our 
pulse, and if he found it tremulous, to push us into the Fort. 
But, on the other hand, if he found it full and regular, it w^as 
only to bluster awhile with his artillery ; skirmish a little with 
his small arms, and retire. This was all, at least, that came of 
a very pompous display. We had one field piece with which 
we answered his fire ; and from the carcass cf a white horse, 
which was left to bleaching on the ground he occupied, we had 
satifactory evidence that our balls had reached him. It was not 
our business to quit the high ground in force, although some of 
our men were permitted to skirmish with the light parties which 
approached us. The firing was pretty warm, and a few men 
killed and wounded on either side. An Irish lad of about 
eighteen, who belonged to my company, killed a British soldier 
and brought otf his arms; which on the evening parade, were 
formally presented to him by Colonel Cadwalader, in reward of 
his bravery. History has preserved no record of this atfair, 
which, trilling as it was, is as w^ell deserving of memorial, as 
many others that have been preserved in the transactions of our 
petite guere. Had it passed between the grand armies, it would 
without doubt have been taken notice of; but as it did not, we 
are reduced to the unfortunate situation of Sir John FalstafT at 
the battle of Shrewsbury, in being obliged, though late, to attend 
to its booking ourselves. The celebrated Thomas Paine, fhow- 

* It was probably, on the 27th of October, as it is noted in General Heath's 
Memoirs, that in the forenoon of that day, a heavy cannonade was lieard towards 
Fort Washington, and as this was the day of the action at White Plains, it is 
probable there was a concert between Generals Howe and Percy. 
^ t Vv'^hcn this man's pamphlet, "Common Sense," first appeared. Dr. Franklin 
was generally considered as the real author. Paine but the ostensible one. It 
made considerable noise, and certainly put things in a new and strong light, but,. 



188 SKIRMISHING — CAMP COMFORTS. 

ever, happened to witness the proceeding from Fort Lee, and 
gave us a handsome puff in one of the Philadelphia papers of 
the day. 

Another affair, which never got beyond the precincts of our 
secluded position, was the carrying a Hessian picket on the side 
of King's-bridge. This was achieved by one of our sergeants 
and a few men, but three or four days before we were taken. 
The officer of the guard was killed ; and the sergeant, with the 
savage exultation of one of Homer's heroes, appeared in his uni- 
form on the parade. 

It was now November, and the nights becoming cold. It was 
the season, too, for north-easterly storms, one of which is rendered 
memorable to me, from a circumstance of some interest which 
accompanied it. I was upon guard with Lieutenant Davidson, 
of our battalion, at a place distinguished by the appellation of 
The point of rocks, which skirted the road leading to King's- 
bridge. This was our most advanced picket towards New York, 
and only separated from that of the enemy by a valley a few hun- 
dred yards over. The night, as already mentioned, was extremely 
raw, rainy and tempestuous ; and the only shelter the spot afforded 
was an old caboose, which had been placed here by way of guard- 
to a sober mind, unhealed by controversy, there seems but little in it, to enforce 
the conclusions it aims at. It made the author, however, conspicuous, and intro- 
duced him to the notice of the princij)al Whigs of tlie day. Hence, his good 
reception at Head Quarters, and acquaintance with the Commander-in-chief, 
whom he seems to have considered from that time, as embarked with him in the 
general cause of reforming, republicanizing, and democritlzing the world; than 
which nothing was more foreign to the views of the General, or those of the 
others, who took a lead in the early stage of the contest. One of the most unto- 
ward consequences of a successful resistance of government, is the unavoidable 
association in the undertaking, of the worst men with the best, of fools, fanatics 
system-mongers, reformers and philosophers, with men of sense, moderation and 
virtue, who, wisliing to stop when tiie true object of the controversy is attained, 
arc seldom suffered to do it, or, if fortunate enough to prevail, they are, tlicnce- 
forth viewed with suspicion and charged with apostacy. Thus General Wash- 
ington is accused by tljis incendiary, of having deserted his principles, because 
of his not aiding and comforting him in his design of first revolutionizing Eng- 
land, and then France ; and that sincere friend of the General, Mr. Jefferson, 
does his best to give colour to the charge, by fostering Paine, as a persecuted 
patriot, and formally escorting him in a public vessel to this country froni 
France. 

r 



LUDICROUS ALARM. 189 

house. A kind of chimney had been built at the mouth of it, and 
a fire here in cahn weather, rendered it tolerably comfortable ; 
but at this time, the smoke produced and driven into the cabin 
by the storm, could not be endured ; neither was the shelter from 
the driving rain by any means sufficient : we were dripping wet. 
In this miserable situation, Davidson proposed our going to a 
deserted house on the low ground directly across the road, where 
we could have a fire, and be dry and comfortable. But this I 
refused to do, since, though not more than thirty or forty yards 
from our post, and though rather an extension than a dereliction 
of it, yet it varied the station as to ourselves. The non-commis- 
sioned officers and the rest of the guard were, indeed, to remain 
there, but in case of disaster there would be blame, and the re- 
sponsibility was upon us, and particularly upon myself. In 
this resolution, I for a long time persisted against the repeated 
importunities of my companion, who ingeniously obviated my 
objections, until at length, the storm rather increasing than abating, 
I consented about midnight to go to the house, first taking the 
precaution to continue the line of sentinels from the point of rocks 
across the road and round the building at some distance from it, 
so that it was impossible it should be approached by the enemy 
unperceived, should he endeavour to grope his way into unknown 
hostile ground, in one of the darkest and most dismal nights that 
can be conceived. We had located ourselves in an outer room, 
where we had a good fire, and had already pretty well dried our- 
selves. Davidson was stretched along a bench fixed to the wall, 
half asleep, if not wholly so, and I was sitting before the fire, 
when a sudden noise of feet and voices reached the door. The 
latch v,'as lifted, and as I rose up,notvv'ithout cortsiderable alarm, 
the first object that presented itself was a British soldier, with his 
musket and fixed bayonet in his hand. Who are you ? said I, a 
deserter! "No deserter," was the answer. My emotion did not 
prevent my preserving a pretty good countenance, though my first 
impression was, that we were surprised, and should be bayonetted 
out of hand. But this idea was scarcely formed, when the ap- 
pearance of one of ray own men behind the British soldier, changed 
it to a more pleasing one, and justified, if it did not induce, the 
addition of the term deserter^ to the question of who are you ? In 



190 DESERTER. AUTHOR's STATION UNSAFE. 

fact, he was a deserter ; but though in the very act of committing 
tlie crime he revoked against its opprobrium, I understood him, 
and softened down the ungraciousness of my sakitation, by asking 
him if he had come over to us. He answered, yes. Our sentinel 
had done his duty, but awkwardly, in not having disarmed the 
soldier, and introduced him in a less questionable shape. 

The bustle of the incident having 'completely roused Davidson, 
and set him upon his legs, we fell to questioning our refugee. He 
called himself Broderick, was an intelligent fellow, and brought 
with him the last newspaper from 'New York. He had for some 
time, he said, projected coming over to us, and had availed him- 
self of this stormy night to put his design in execution. By means 
of tlie darkness, he had been enabled to separate himself from his 
comrades without their perceiving it, and had probably got to our 
sentries before they discovered him to be gone. He informed us 
that we might expect to be attacked in six or eight days at farthest, 
as some time had been employed in transporting heavy artillery 
to the other side of the Haerlem, and as the preparations for the 
assault w^ere nearly completed. Among other things, he told us, that 
our situation at this house was a very unsafe one, as their patroles, 
still speaking as a Briton, passed very near it, and might easily 
sweep us off; and indeed he appeared uneasy at the idea while 
he staid with us. This was not long. I put him under the care 
of a trusty sergeant, with orders to guard him vigilantly, and to 
take him to head quarters, as soon as it should be light enough to 
find the way there. The hint we had received in regard to the 
enemy's proximity, and still more our own knowledge of the com- 
parative insecurity of our present station with the one we had left, 
induced us to return to the latter, maugre the comforts of a snug 
room and good fire. We accordingly drew in our sentinels, and 
repaired to the caboose, where we weathered out the remainder 
of the night, by this time pretty well advanced. 

The deserter's information turned out to be correct, as in not 
more than eight or ten days, I think. Colonel Magaw, the com- 
mandant of the fort, was summoned by General Howe to surren- 
der it. He returned the usual answer, that he would defend it to 
the last extremity. This was announced to us at evening parade by 
Colonel Cadwalader, who in a few words put us in mind of what 



FORT WASHINGTON SUMMONED, 191 

our country and our honour demanded of us, and enjoined it both 
on officers and men to see that their arms and ammunition were 
in order, and to hold themselves in readiness to take their posts 
before day-light the next morning. The plan of defence adopted 
by Colonel Magaw, was, instead of cooping up his garrison in the 
fort, to draw it out into the post which had been occupied by the 
main army. This consisted of the strong grounds towards King's- 
bridge on the north, the elevated, steep and rocky bank of Haer- 
lem river on the east, and the entrenchments on the south ; the 
western limit or rear of the position, being the Hudson river, com- 
manded to a certain extent by Forts Washington and Lee on 
either side. Although I have always supposed that this post would 
require at least ten thousand men for its support, perhaps in that 
number I am much below the mark, as I find it stated by the 
King of Prussia in his history of the seven years war, that sixteen 
thousand men were very inadequate to the defence of Berlin, three 
miles in circumference, say nine or ten of our miles.* Now the 
circuit to be defended by Magaw was scarcely less, if I have not 
much forgotten its dimensions, than four or five miles : the scale 
in the map of Chief-Justice Marshall's Life of Washington, would 
make it not less than seven : And to do this, he had nominally 
something more than two thousand soldiers, ?'ea^^i/ little more than 
half their number: For I cannot set any great value upon the 
militia poured in upon us, on the evening before, and on the 
morning of the engagement. My complaisance to the sovereign 
people will not carry me so far as to compliment them with being 
soldiers without an iota of discipline or ever having seen an enemy, 



* A case perhaps still more in point occurred during tlie srmo war, when Gene- 
ral Fonqi :et witli ten thousand six hundred and eighty men, undertook to defend 
the post of Lindshuti at which there were redoubts, against General Laudolm with 
an army of thirty-four thousand men. A particular account of this is to be found 
in the 13th volume of the King of Prussia's works. The force of Fonquet was 
deemed wholly insufficient, as there were intervals of ground of two thousand 
paces or more left undefended. — We had intervals perhaps proportionably large, 
that we were unable to man; hence, if General Fonquet received the warmest 
approbation of the king his master for his unsuccessful attempt, (for he was beaten 
and made prisoner,) it is surely unnecessary for the American historian to seek 
an apology for the loss of Fort Washington in the rawness of some of the troops, 
to whom its defence was committed. 



192 STATE OF PRISONERS. 

even though every tenth man among them were a Caesar in valour, 
or a Cato in patriotism.* Several individuals, however, of this 
description of force behaved bravely. 

I cannot give a stronger proof of my ill opinion of the Fort, 
than when I say, that of the alternatives presented to Colonel 
Magaw of confining his defence to it, or of extending his opera- 
tions to so large a circuit, he adopted the right one in choosing 
the latter. It might indeed be made a question whether the de- 
fence should not have been restricted to the oblong hill on which 
the Fort was erected : But this ground being considerably weaker 
than that of the banks of the Haerlem, (taking the river into con- 
sideration,) the temptation to prefer the latter both for this rea- 
son, and because it had somewhat of the advantage of an out- 
work in keeping the assailants at a distance, always a desidera- 
tum with the besieged, might have prevailed with a more ex- 
perienced commander than Magaw. I have no doubt, however, 
that the works and defences of the fortress should have compre- 
hended the whole of this hill, called Mount Washington, in 
which case, with adequate preparation and magazines, it might 
have stood a siege. f There was yet another mode which would, 
in some degree, have contracted the position: and this was, in- 
stead of manning the outer entrenchments towards New York to 
have placed the men in the inner one, and upon the high grounds 
about Colonel Roger Morris's house. This would have short- 
ened the front on Haerlem river, and by more compacting the 
force, have put its several parts into a better condition of mutual 
succour and support. But, besides, that this disposition would 
not have very considerably abridged the circuit to be defended, 

* So much is risked in speaking tluis of militia, that too many accessories can- 
not be brought to sustain the assertion. General Washington thus wrote to Gene- 
ral Reed after the affairs of Trenton and Princeton : " If the militia cannot be 
prevailed upon to restrain the foraging parties, and to annoy and harass the enemy 
in their excursions and upon a march, tiiey will be of very little use to us, as I am 
sure they never can be brought fairly up to an attack in any serious affair." 

t Mr. Stcdman, in his History of the War, blames Colonel Magaw for suffer- 
ing his men, upon being driven from their outposts to crowd into the Fort in- 
stead of forming upon this hill : ]>ut, improperly, I presume, as the Hessians must 
have been in possession of the north end of tlie hill, as soon as Rawlings was 
driven from it. 



REFLECTIONS ON THE SITUATION OF THE TROOPS. 193 

and that it might have been liable to some positive objections I 
am not aware of, the desideratum already adverted to, would na- 
turally induce a preference of the farther lines; and no doubt the 
calculation was, that after fighting to the utmost in the first, we 
might fight again in the second. In fact, the idea of taking an 
extensive range, and equally resisting in every part the compres- 
sion to the centre, the effect and advantage of regular fortifica- 
tions sufficiently manned, is extremely plausible and seducing; 
insomuch, that none but an old General who has been taught by 
long experience to know the importance of adhering to rules of 
proportion, as well in the management of animate as inanimate 
machinery, will have the boldness to disregard it. Whether 
these last two schemes of defence or either of them, occurred to 
our Commander, I do not know ; but if they did occur, they were 
probably contemplated as dernier resorts, or efforts in reserve, 
which, it would be time enough to employ, when our first exer- 
tions should have been overpowered. The same reasoning might 
have induced General Greene to suppose, that after slaughtering 
a host of the enemy, we might methodically withdraw into the 
citadel of Fort Washingfon: and then, provided each of us had 
killed his man, and thus fulfilled the object of the operation, if 
any object it had, we might have been snugly slipped over the 
Hudson, as erst we had been over the East river. But in hello 
no7i licet his errare, we should beware of repeating a mistake in 
war; and how this fine project was marred and the garrison put 
Ji07-s de combat will now be seen. I repeat, however, that the 
error was in attempting to defend the place, not in the disposition 
of the troops, which, all things considered, was perhaps, as ad- 
vantageous as possible. 

But supposing Fort Washington tenable, " what single pur- 
pose," as it has been observed by General Lee, " did it answer 
to keep it? Did it cover, did it protect a valuable country? 
Did it prevent the enemy's ships from passing and repassing with 
impunity?" No; but we had been too much in the habit of 
evacuating posts, and it was high time to correct the procedure. 
This garrison must stand, because it had been hitherto too 
fashionable to run away; and Pennsylvania and Maryland must 
17 



194 POSITION OF THE TROOPS. 

pay for the retreating alacrity of New England.* If any thing 
better can be made of General Greene's motives for retaining 
the post, as mentioned in General Washington's official letter 
to Congress, I am willing to take to myself the discredit of per- 
version. If what I say should be thought to implicate the Com- 
mander-in-chief, and to impugn his decision, I cannot help it. 
A good man he undoubtedly was, nor will party malignity be 
ever able to deprive him of the fame of a truly great one. But 
my veneration for truth, is even greater than that for his charac- 
ter ; nor will my admiration of his virtues induce me to say, that 
his military career was without a blemish. f 

On the sixteenth of November, before day-break, we were at 
cur post in the lower lines of Haerlem heights ; that is, our regi- 
ment and Magaw's, and some broken companies of Miles's and 
other battalions, principally from Pennsylvania. This might be 
called our right wing, and was under the command of Colonel 
Cadwalader ; our left, extending to the Hudson above, and on 
the north side of the fort towards King's-bridge, was commanded 
by Colonel Ravvlings| of Maryland, who had there his own regi- 
.ment of riflemen, and probably some other troops; though as the 
position was narrow, numbers were not so essential to it, as to 
other parts of the general post. The front or centre extending 
a considerable distance along Haerlem river, § was committed to 



* Once for all let me be understood as only alluding in these remarks to the 
bad cohstitution of the New England troops; and by no means to the people 
generally, who have no doubt the means of furnishing as good offieers as any 
other part of the Union. But from their shameful inattention to it, this eampaign, 
the southern officers were warranted in their indignation. 

t Subsequent developments prove, as we have shown, that the opinion of Gene- 
ral Washington was adverse to the course which circumstances beyond his con- 
trol, compelled him to adopt. If the information, since so faithfully collected and 
concentrated by tiie indefatigable Sparks, had been within reach of our author, 
we have too high an opinion of his candour to suppose tliat he would have in- 
dulged in a strain of remark as unjust as it is painful to peruse. — Ed. 

t Colonel Moses Rawlings. — General Washington speaks of him in his letter 
to John Augustine Washington, 19th November, 1776: "By General Greene's 
account the enemy have suffered greatly on the north side of Fort Washington. 
Colonel Rawlings' regiment was posted there, and behaved with great spirit." — 
Ed. 

§ In calling this the front, I conform to Judge Marshall's description of tho' 



ATTACKED BY THE BRITISH. 195 

the militia of the Flying Camp, and Colonel Magaw placed him- 
self in the most convenient station for attending to the whole, 
having selected one or two officers to assist him as aids-de-camp. 
I think it was between seven and eight o'clock, when they gave 
us the first shot from one of their batteries on the other side of 
Haerlem riv^er. It was well directed, at a cluster of us that 
were standing together observing their movements ; but it fell 
short by about ten or fifteen yards, and bounded over the spot 
we had precipitately abandoned. In correcting this error they 
afterwards shot too high, and did us no harm ; at least, while I 
remained in this part of the field, which though enfiladed or 
rather exposed in the rear, was too distant to be very seriously 
annoyed. They had better success in front, killing a man with 
a cannon ball, belonging to our pickets, which they drove in. 
Soon after, they approached the lines in great force under cover 
of a wood, in the verge of which they halted, and slowly began 
to form, giving us an occasional discharge from their artillery. 
Tired of the state of suspense in which we had remained for se- 
veral hours, I proposed to Colonel Cadwalader, to throw myself 
with my company into a small work or ravelin about two hun- 
dred yards in advance, for the purpose of annoying them as they 
came up. To this he assented, and I took possession of it; but 
found it was a work that had been little more than marked out, 
not knee high, and of course affording no cover. For this rea- 
son, after remaining in it a few minutes, with a view to impress 
my men with the idea that a breastwork was not absolutely ne- 
cessary, I abandoned it, and returned into the intrenchment. 
This unimportant movement was treated with some respect: Not 
knowing its meaning, it induced the troops that were in column, 
immediately to display ; and the irregulars to open upon us a 



action. As the longest line of the position, it was the front, but seems improperly 
so called when it is considered that, except at its upper extremity, no troops were 
posted on it. It would be more correct, therefore, to consider the posts, the one 
crossing the island on the nortli under Colonels Rawlings and Baxter, and the 
other on the south, under Colonel Cadwalader, as two distinct and unconnected 
positions, separated as they were by a space of about three miles. This interval 
for above half its extent, lying along the banks of the Haerlem, was to depend for 
defence on casual supplies of troops, as they could be spared from other places. 



196 BATTLE OF HAERLEM HEIGHTS. 

scattering fire. Soon after my return to the lines, it being ob- 
served that the enemy was extending himself towards the Hudson 
on our right, Colonel Cadwalader detached me thither with my 
company, with orders to post myself to the best advantage for 
the protection of that flank. I accordingly marched, and took 
my station at the extremity of the trench, just where the high 
grounds begin to decline towards the river. This situation, from 
the intervention of higher land, concealed from my view the 
other parts of the field; and thence, disqualifies me from speak- 
ing of what passed there, as an eye-witness: But that the 
action had begun in earnest, I was some time after informed 
by my sense of hearing. It was assailed by a most tre- 
n^endous roar of artillery, quickly succeeded by incessant vol- 
lies of small arras, wdiich seemed to proceed from the east and 
north ; and it was to these pcvnts, that General Howe chiefly di- 
rected his efforts. The direct and cross fire from his batteries on 
the east side of the Haerlem, effectually covered the landing of 
his troops, and protected them also in gaining the steep ascents 
on our side. It Vv^as no disgrace to the militia, diat they shrunk 
from this fire; such of them at least as were exposed to it with- 
out cover. I question whether the bravest veterans could have 
stood it, unless I am deceived as to the advantage of the ground 
on which the batteries were erected. When the heights were 
gained, the enemy planted there must maintain themselves by 
their small arras, since the artillery frora their batteries would 
be equally fatal to them as to us. On receiving intelligence 
that embarkations of British troops were about to be thrown 
across Haerlem river in his rear. Colonel Cadwalader made de- 
tachments from his position (already much too weakly manned) 
to meet this body of the enemy, as yet unopposed by any part 
of our force. The first detachment arrived in time to open afire 
upon the assailants before they reached the shore, and it was 
well directed and deadly. Nevertheless their great superiority 
of force, adequately aided by artillery, enabled them to land, and 
by extending themselves, to gain the heights. On this ground 
it was that a sharp contest ensued ; speaking of which in his 
official account of the action. General Howe says, " it was well de- 
fended by a body of the rebels :" and so it undoubtedly was, when 



ISSUE OF THE ENGAGEMENT' DEFENCES, 197 

it IS considered that but about one hundred and fifty of our men, 
with a single eighteen pounder, were opposed by eight hundred 
British troops, under cover of a battery. But overpowered by 
numbers, the resistance was inefl'ectual ; and the detachments 
engaged in it, retired towards the fort. Rawlings, on his part, 
made a gallant stand against the Hessians under the command of 
General Knyphausen, to whom had been assigned the perilous 
glory, of gaining this strong piece of ground, differing essentially 
from that on the borders of Haerlem river, in the want of oppo- 
site hei2;hts for batteries. The Germans here lost a great 
many men ; but as they had been bought by his Britannic ma- 
jesty, he had an unquestionable right to make a free use of them; 
and this seemed to be the conviction of General Howe. Raw- 
lings also suffered a good deal in proportion to his numbers. 
He had I think two officers killed ; and himself, Major Williams, 
and some others, were wounded; one of whom, a Mr. Hanson, 
died in New York. The attainment of the post of Rawlings, 
put the Hessians in possession of the ground which commanded 
the fort ; as that, possessed by the British, commanded the open 
field. Hence, the contest might be said to be at an end. 

Colonel Cadwalader, aware that he was placed between two 
fires; and that the victorious enemy in his rear, would soon ex- 
tend themselves across the island, ordered a retreat just in time 
to prevent his interception. 

But I here suspend my own relation for the purpose of in- 
troducing a more ample statement of unquestionable authenticity, 
obligingly furnished by a friend ; and which, embracing more 
detail, and mentioning some interesting particulars but little 
known, will occupy a few pages, much to the advantage of these 
Memoirs. 

" Fort Washington stood on an eminence, situated on the 
margin of the Hudson, or North river, about two miles and 
a-half below King's-bridge. The access to the level on the top 
of it, is steep and difficult on every side, except on the south, 
where the ground is open, and the ascent gradual, to the fort. 
The hill extends along the North river about half a mile from 
the fort ; and at the termination of it were some small works, 

17* 



198 DISPOSITION OF THE TROOPS. 

which, with the natural strength of the place, were deemed a 
sufficient protection against the enemy, in that quarter. 

" Nearly opposite to the fort, on the west side of Haerlem 
river, a body of men was posted to watch the motions of the 
enemy, who had erected works on the high and commanding 
ground east of that river, apparently with the design of covering 
a landing of troops in that part of the island of New York. 
From this post, along the west side of Haerlem river, to Colonel 
Roger Morris's house, a distance of not less than a mile and 
a-half, there were no troops posted either for observation or 
defence. 

"About a mile below Morris's house, two lines, nearly parallel 
to each other, were constructed by General Washington, 
when the army retired to the upper part of the island, after the 
evacuation of New York. These lines extended from the vici- 
nity of Haerlem river, across the island, to the North river, and 
were in length, each about a mile. The first line, towards 
New York, intersected the great road leading to King's-bridge, 
after the height is ascended from Haerlem plains: It was a 
slight intrenchment, with a few weak bastions, without platforms 
for cannon, and furnished with no other ordnance than a few 
old iron pieces of small caliber, scarcely fit for use, and an iron 
six pounder mounted on trucks. The second line was stronger, 
both from the nature of the ground, which afforded small emi- 
nences for bastions closed in the rear, and from having the in- 
tervals between the bastions strongly picketed. These lines 
were defensive works for the whole American army. The first 
line seemed calculated, rather for retarding the approach of the 
enemy, than as a seriously defensive work ; it being nothing 
more (with the exception of the bastions) than a shallow ditch, 
with the earth thrown outwards. The second line was formed 
at a proper distance from the first, so as to protect the latter by 
musketry as well as cannon, and to drive out the enemy, should 
he get possession of it: but this second line, on the day of the 
attack of Fort Washington, was from necessity, wholly without 
defence, either af troops, or artillery of any description. 

"A summons having been sent by General Howe, on the day 
preceding the attack, to Colonel Magaw, to surrender the fort ; 



ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLE. 199 

and having met with a spirited refusal, the attack on the fort, 
and the posts connected with it, was expected, and actually 
took place on the following day. Colonel Magaw, who com- 
manded on the island, remained in the fort; Colonel Rawlings, 
with his regiment of riflemen, was posted on the rear of Mount 
Washington ; Colonel Baxter, with his regiment of militia, on 
Haerlem river, opposite Fort Washington; and Colonel Lambert 
Cadwalader, at the first line, about two and a half miles from 
the fort, with about eight hundred men, including a reinforce- 
ment of a hundred militia sent him, about ten or eleven o'clock 
in the morning. 

" The operations of the enemy were announced early in the 
morning, by a cannonade on Colonel Rawlings' position, and a 
distant one, from the heights of Morrisania, on the line occupied 
by Colonel Cadwalader ; the former with the view of facilitating 
the attack on that point, by three thousand Hessians ; the latter, 
to favour the approach of Lord Percy, with one thousand six 
hundred men. 

"At ten o'clock in the morning, a large body of the enemy 
appeared on Haerlem plains, preceded by their field pieces, and 
advanced v/ith their whole body, towards a rocky point of the 
height, which skirted the plains in a southern direction from the 
first line, and at a considerable distance from it — and, commencing 
a brisk fire on the small work constructed there, drove out the 
party which held it, consisting of twenty men, and took posses- 
sion of it: the men retiring with the picket guard to the first line. 
The enemy, having gained the heights, advanced in column, on 
open ground, tow^ards the first line ; whilst a party of their troops 
pushed forward, and took possession of a small unoccupied work 
in front of the first line ; from whence they opened their fire with 
some field pieces and a howitzer, upon the line, but without 
effect. When the column came within proper distance, a fire 
from the six-pounder was directed against it ; on which, the 
whole column inclined to their left, and took post behind a piece 
of w^oods, where they remained. As it was suspected that they 
would make an attempt on the right of the line, under cover of 
the wood, that part was strengthened. 

"Things remained in this position for about an hour and a 



200 ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLE. 

half, during which interval, General Washington, with Generals 
Putnam, Greene, Mercer, and other principal officers, came over 
the North River from Fort Lee, and crossed the island to Morris's 
house ; whence they viewed the position of our troops, and the 
operations of the enemy in that quarter. Having remained there 
a sufficient time to observe the arrangement that had been made 
for the defence of that part of the island, they retired by the way 
they came, and returned to Fort Lee, without making any change 
in the disposition of the troops, or communicating any new 
orders. It is a fact, not generally known, that the British troops 
took possession of the very spot on which the Commander-in- 
chief, and the general officers with him, had stood, in fifteen 
minutes after they left it.. 

" Colonel Rawlings was some time late in the morning attacked 
by the Hessians, whom he fought with great gallantry and effect, 
as they were climbing the heights ; until the arms of the riflemen 
became useless from the foulness they contracted from the fre- 
quent repetition of their fire. From this incident, and the great 
superiority of the enemy, Colonel Rawlings was obliged to retire 
into the fort. The enemy having gained the heights, imme- 
diately pushed forward towards the fort, and took post behind a 
large store-house, within a small distance of it. 

" But to return to what passed at the first line towards New 
York. Litelligence having been received by Colonel -Cadwala- 
der, that the enemy were coming down Haerlem river in boats, 
to land in his rear, he detached Captain Lenox with fifty men, to 
oppose them, and, on farther information, a hundred more, with 
Captains Edwards and Tudor.* This force, with the addition of 
about the same number from Fort Washington, arrived on the 
heights near Morris's house, early enough to fire on the enemy in 
their boats,! which was done with such effect, that about ninety 
were killed and wounded. The great superiority, however, of the 

* The subalterns under Captain Lenox, were Lieutenants Lawrence and 
TiLTON, and Ensign M'Intire — the others are unknown. 

t This body from the Fort, from the testimony of an eye witness, and by per- 
mission of the gentleman who furnishes the aceount, I am authorized to state, 
did not arrive so early ; neither was it engaged. It consisted of tlic Flying 
Camp, and could not be brought into actioa 



ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLE. 201 

enemy, (their numbers amounting to about eight hundred men,) 
prevailed over the. bravery and good conduct of our troops, who, 
with some loss retired to Fort Washington. 

" This body of the enemy immediately advanced, and took pos- 
session of the grounds in advance of, and a little below Morris's 
house, where some soldiers' huts had been left standing, not far 
from the second line. This position of the enemy being ob- 
served, it was expected they w^ould march down and take pos- 
session of the second line, (which from the want of men, was 
entirely without defence,) and thereby place the troops in the first 
line, between two fires. This important movement did not, how- 
ever, take place ; owing, as was afterwards learned, to the appre- 
hension they entertained, that the enclosed bastions concealed 
tlierein a number of men, whose fire would greatly annoy them. 
They hesitated; — and this being perceived, from the delay that 
took place. Colonel Cadwalader, to avoid the fatal consequences 
that must have resulted from the expected movement, immediately 
resolved to retire to the fort, with the troops under his command ; 
and as the measure required promptness and activity, he sent 
orders to the right and left of the line, to move off towards Fort 
Washington, on the signal being given ; which, after a proper 
interval of time, being made, the whole was put in motion, (those 
on the left retiring obliquely tow^ards the centre of the second 
line,) passed the second line and when they came opposite to 
the body of the enemy posted at the huts, received their fire, 
which was returned in an irregular manner ; and, pursuing the 
road which led to the fort, under the heights by the North river, 
arrived there with little or no loss. 

" The militia under Colonel Baxter, posted on Haerlem river, 
were attacked by the British guards and light infantry, who 
landed on the island of New York, protected by the fire from the 
work on the heights on the opposite side of the river. A short 
contest ensued ; but our troops, overpowered by numbers, and 
leaving behind them Colonel Baxter, who was killed by a British 
ofl[icer as he was bravely encouraging his men, retired to the 
fort. The guards and light infantry, then crossed the island to 
the heights on the North river, a little below the fort, under 



202 ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLE. 

which Colonel Cadwalader with his party, but a few minutes be- 
fore, had passed, in his way to the fort."* 

* General Wilkinson says, " I conversed with General Greene, respecting the 
affair at Fort Washington, who was cliiefly blamed for attempting to hold the 
place, and I recollect well, ho observed, ' I would to God we had had ten thousand 
men there.' lie was of opinion tiic ground was tenable, and that it was lost by 
the insufficiency of our force, and I am inclined to the same opinion." — Mems., 
vol. 1. — Ed. 



author's perilous situation. 203 



CHAPTER VIII. 

The Autlior a Prisoner. — Conduct of British Officers and SoIdierr\ — The Author's 
Treatment. — State of Prisoners. — Visits to Prisoners. — Treatment. — Major 
Maitland. — Reflections. — Americans and English cojitrasted. — Character of 
General Howe. — Killed and Wounded. — Character of Mr. Eecket. — Humanity 
of Britisli Officers. — March of Prisoners to New York. — Occurrences on the 
Road. — Generosity of a Highlander. — Disposal of Prisoners. — Officers' Quar- 
ters. — Baggage Restored. — Author appears in Regimentals. — Reflections. 

These things, or the greater part of them, had probably passed 
before I had abandoned my station, taken as already mentioned, 
in pursuance of orders for strnegthening the right. The line of 
entrenchment was too extensive to be manned without leaving 
intervals. Some of these were large, and intervening hillocks cut 
off the communication in some parts; otherwise, the whole of us 
under the command of Colonel Cadv/alader must have retreated 
at the same time. The first notice that I had of the entrenchment 
being given up, w^as from an officer I did not know, posted at 
.some distance from me, going off with his men. I called to him 
to know what he meant. He answered, that he was making the 
best of his way to the fort, as the rest of the troops had retreated 
long since. As I had no reason to doubt his veracity, I imme- 
diately formed my company, and began to retire in good order, 
which is more than I can say of my neighbour or his corps; and 
amidst all the chagrin, I afterv/ards felt, that the events of the 
day had been so unpropitious to our glory, I had the satisfaction 
to reflect, that the men were always obedient, and ready to par- 
take of any danger their officers would share with them. This, 
however, was but matter of inference; since I never was at- 
tacked, though continually fronted by a strong force, and incom- 
moded by their ordnance, though without being injured by it. 
After proceeding some hundred paces I reflected that I had no 



■■~\. 



204 AUTHOR TAKEN PRISONER. 

orders for what I was doing ; and that, although I had no right 
to expect exactness, in a moment of such pressure, it was yet 
possible my movement might be premature. I knew nothing of 
what had passed in the centre, or of the enemy being master of 
the high grounds in my rear about Colonel Morris's house, from 
which, no doubt, had proceeded the cannon balls that whizzed 
by us; and for which, coming in that direction, I could not ac- 
count. To be entirely correct in my conduct, I here halted my 
men, and went myself to a rising ground at some distance, from 
which I might have a view of the lines where Colonel Cadwala- 
der had been posted. They seemed thoroughly manned; and 
at the instant, I beckoned to the officers to march back the com- 
pany, which they immediately put in motion; but looking more 
attentively, I perceived that the people I saw, were British and 
Hessian troops that were eagerly pressing forward. Upon this, 
I hastened back to my party, and as there was no time to be 
lost, being in a situation to be cut to pieces by a corps of ca- 
valry, I ordered them under the command of my ensign, to make 
the best of their way and join the body of men, which none 
doubted being our own, on the heights beyond the inner lines; 
and that I would follow them as fast as I could, for I was a good 
deal out of breath with the expedition, I had used in going to 
and returning from the ground, which gave me a view of the 
outer lines. I accordingly walked on, accompanied by Forrest 
who did not choose to leave me alone. Edwards was not with 
me, having been promoted to the command of a company and 
employed as already mentioned. The body I had pointed to and 
directed my company to join, under the idea of their being our 
own men, turned out to be the British, consisting of Colonel 
Stirling's divisions of Highlanders, a circumstance that was not 
at first perceived on account of the distance; nor, owing to the 
smoke of an irregular fire which they kept up, and the entrench- 
ment in which they were posted, covering them to the breast, 
was it manifest until we got pretty near them. Upon this dis- 
covery, we held a moment's consultation, and the result was, 
that hemmed in as we were on every side, there was no chance 
of escaping; and that there was nothing left but to give our- 
selves up to them. Had we been aware, at first, of their being 



HIS SUBSEQUENT TREATMENT. 205 

the enemy, we might have eluded them by shaping our way 
along the shore of the Hudson, as my men, soon discovering who 
they were, had done ; but in full confidence that they were odr 
people, I bent my course in the opposite direction to the main 
body, in the view of meeting Colonel Cadwalader there, and 
taking his farther orders. Thus circumstanced, we clubbed our 
fusees in token of surrender, and continued to advance towards 
them. They either did not or would not take the signal ; and 
though there were but two of us, from whom they could not pos- 
sibly expect a design to attack, they did not cease firing at us. 
I may venture to say, that not less than ten guns were discharged 
with their muzzles towards us, within the distance of forty or 
fifty yards; and I might be nearer the truth in saying, that some 
were let off within twenty. Luckily for us, it was not our rifle- 
men to whom we were targets; and it is astonishing how even 
these hlunt shooters could have missed us. But as we were 
ascending a considerable hill, they shot over us. I observed 
they took no aim, and that the moment of presenting and firing, 
was the same. As I had full leisure for reflection, and was per- 
fectly collected, though fearful that their design was to give no 
quarter, I took oft* my hat with such a sweep of the arm as could 
not but be observed, Vt^ithout ceasing however to advance. 
This had the intended effect: x\ loud voice proceeded from the 
breast-work, and the firing immediately ceased. An oflScer of 
the forty-second regiment advanced towards us; and as I was 
foremost, he civilly accosted me by asking me my rank. Being 
informed of this, as also of Forrest's, he inquired where the fort 
lay and where Colonel Magaw was. I pointed in the direction 
of the fort, and told him I had not seen Colonel Magaw during 
the day. Upon this, he put us under the care of a sergeant and 
a few men, and left us. The sergeant was a decent looking 
man, who, on taking us into custody, bestowed upon us in broad 
Scotch the friendly admonition, of Young men, ye should never 
fight against your king. The little bustle produced by our sur- 
render, was scarcely over, when a British officer on horseback, 
apparently of high rank, rode up at full gallop, exclaiming, 
What ! ta/dng prisoners ! Kill them^ kill every man of them. My 
back was towards him when he spoke ; and although by this 
18 



206 HIS SUBSEQUENT TREATM3NT. 

time, there was none of that appearance of ferocity in the guard, 
which would induce much fear, that they would execute his 
command, I yet thought it well enough to parry it, and turning 
to him, I took off" my hat, saying, Sir 1 put myself under your 
protection. No man was ever more effectually rebuked. His 
manner was instantly softened: He met my salutation with an 
inclination of his body, and after a civil question or two, as if to 
make amends for his sanguinary mandate, he rode off" towards 
the fort, to which he had inquired the way. 

Though I had delivered up my arms, I had not adverted to a 
cartouch box which I wore about my waist, and which, having 
once belonged to his Britannic Majesty, presented in front, the 
gilded letters G. R. Exasperated at this trophy on the body of 
a rebel, one of the soldiers seized the belt with great violence, 
and in the attempt to unbuckle it, had nearly jerked me off" my 
legs. To appease the offended loyalty of the honest Scot, I 
submissively took it off" and delivered it to him, being conscious 
that I had no longer any right to it. At this time a Hessian came 
up. He was not a private, neither did he look like a regular 
othcer: He was some retainer, however, to the German troops; 
and was as much of a brute as any one I have ever seen in the 
human form. The wretch came near enough to elbow us; and 
half unsheathing his sword, with a countenance that bespoke a 
most vehement desire to use it upon us, he grinned out in broken 
English, Eh, you rebel, you dam rebel ! I had by this time entire 
confidence in our Scotchmen; and therefore regarded the caitiff' 
with the same indifference, that I should have viewed a caged 
wild beast, though with much greater abhorrence. 

These transactions which occupied about ten minutes, passed 
upon the spot on which we were taken, whence we were marched 
to an old stable or out house, where we found about forty or fifty 
prisoners already collected, principally officers, of whom I only 
particularly recollect Lieutenant Brodhead of our battalion. We 
remained on the outside of the building; and for nearly an hour, 
sustained a series of most intolerable abuse. This chiefly pro- 
ceeded from the officers of the light infantry ; for the most part, 
young and insolent puppies, whose worthlessness was apparently 
their recommendation to a service, which placed them in the 



STATE OF PRISONERS. 207 

post of danger, and in the way of becoming food for powder, 
their most appropriate destination next to that of the gallows. 
The term rebel, with the ephithet dmnned before it, was the 
mildest we received. We were twenty times told, sometimes 
with a taunting affectation of concern, that we should every man 
of us be hanged ; and were nearly as many times paraded with 
the most inconceivable insolence, for the purpose of ascertaining 
whether there were not some deserters among us ; and these were 
always sought for among the officers, as if the lowest fellow in 
their army was fit for any post in ours. "There's a fellow," an 
upstart Cockney would exclaim, "that I could swear was a de- 
serter." "What countrymen, are you sir? Did you not belong 
to such a regiment?" — I was not indeed challenged for a deserter; 
but the indignity of being ordered about by such contemptible 
whipsters, for a moment unmanned me, and I was obliged to 
apply my handkerchief to my eyes. This was the first time in 
my life, that I had been the victim of brutal, cowardly oppression; 
and I was unequal to the shock; but my elasticity of mind was 
soon restored, and I viewed it with the indignant contempt it 
deserved. 

For the greater convenience of guarding us, we were removed 
from this place, to the barn of Colonel Morris's house, already 
mentioned, which had been the head quarters of our army, as it 
now was of the royal one. This was the great bank of deposit 
for prisoners taken out of the fort; and already pretty well filled. 
It was a good new building and we were ushered into it among the 
rest, the whole body consisting of from a hundred and fifty, to 
two hundred, composing a motley group to be sure. Here were 
men and officers of all descriptions, regulars and militia, troops 
continental and state, some in uniforms, some without them, and 
some in hunting shirts, the mortal aversion of a red coat. Some 
of the officers had been plundered of their hats and some of their 
coats; and upon the new society into which we were introduced, 
with whom a showy exterior was all in all, we were certainly not 
calculated to make a very favourable impression. I found Cap- 
tain Tudor here, of our regiment, who, if I mistake not, had lost 
his hat. It was here also that not long after I saw Ensign Sted- 
diford of our regiment at a little distance, at large, and in close- 
conference with Major Skene. So friendly an intercourse be- 



208 VISIT TO PRISONERS. 

tween a British officer and a rebel was so strikingly in contrast 
to the general insolence I had received and was still treated with, 
that it baffled every hypothesis I could frame to account for it. 
But it was afterwards explained by Steddiford, The garrison 
had capitulated; and Skene being desirous to walk to this part 
of the field, had proposed to Steddiford to accompany him, ob- 
serving with the frankness and circumspection of an old soldier, 
that each would be a safeguard to the other. "I," says he, 
"shall protect you from our men, and you will protect me from 
yours, should there be any of either lurking in the woods, and 
disposed to hostility." Shortly after, it was announced by an 
huzza, that the fort had surrendered. This, I think, was about 
two o'clock. 

The officer who commanded the guard in whose custody we 
now were, was an ill- looking, low-bred fellow of this dashing 
corps of light infantry. Had dates accorded, he might have been 
supposed the identical scoundrel that had sat for the portrait of 
Norlherton, in Fielding's Tom Jones. As I stood as near as 
possible to the door for the sake of air, the enclosure in which 
we were being extremely crowded and unpleasant, I was particu- 
larly exposed to his brutality; and repelling with some severity, 
one of his attacks, for I was becoming desperate and careless of 
safety, the ruffian exclaimed, JYot a word, sir, or damme Pll give 
you my butt, at the same time clubbing his fusee and drawing it 
back as if to give the blow. I fully expected it, but he con- 
tented himself with the threat. I observed to him that I was in 
his power, and disposed to submit to it, though not proof against 
every provocation. 

As to see the prisoners was a matter of some curiosity, we 
were complimented with a continual succession of visitants, 
consisting of officers of the British army. There were several of 
these present, when a Serjeant-Major came to take an account of 
us; and particularly, a list of such of us as were officers. This 
sergeant, though not uncivil, had all that animated, degage impu- 
dence of air, which belongs to a self-complacent non-commis- 
sioned officer of the most arrogant army in the world ; and with 
his pen in hi& hand and his paper on his knee, applied to each of 
U5, in tui;n, for; his rank. He had just set mine down, when he 



TREATMENT OF PRISONERS. 209 

came to a little squat, militia officer from York county, who, 
somewhat to the deterioration of his appearance, had substituted 
the dirty crown of an old hat, for a plunder-worthy beaver that 
had been taken from him by a Hessian. He was known to be 
an officer from having been assembled among us, for the purpose 
of enumeration. You are an officer^ sir ! said the sergeant ; Yes, 
was the ansv/er. Your rank, sir! wuth a significant smile. I am 
a keppun, replied the little man in a chuff, firm tone. Upon this, 
there was an immoderate roar of laughter among tlie officers about 
the door, who were attending to the process ; and I am not sure,, 
I did not laugh myself. When it had subsided, one of them ad- 
dressing himself to me, observed with a compliment that had much 
more of sour than sweet in it, that he was really astonished I should 
have taken any thing less than a regiment. To remove as much 
as possible the sting of this sarcastic thrust at our service, for I 
must confess I was not sufficiently republican, to be insensible of 
its force, I told him, that the person who had produced their mer- 
riment, belonged to the militia, and that in his line as a farmer,, 
he was no doubt honest and respectable. 

Although the day was seasonably cool, yet from the number 
crowded in the barn, the air v;ithin was oppressive and suffo- 
cating, which, in additon to the agitations of the day, had pro- 
duced an excessive thirst; and there was a continual cry for 
water. I cannot say that this want was unattended to: the 
soldiers were continually administering to it by bringing water 
in a bucket. But though we, who were about the door, did 
well enough, the supply was very inadequate to such a number 
of mouths; and many must have suffered much. Our situation 
brought to my recollection that of Captain Hoi well and his party, in 
the black hole at Calcutta ; and had the weather been equally hot, 
we should not have been much better off. The fellow who had 
menaced me with his butt, stood with his fusee across the door. 
and kept us closely immured. I did not choose to ask favours of 
him; but addressing myself to the officers without the door, who 
had been put in good humour by their laugh at our poor militia 
captain, I asked them, if they made no distinction between; 
officers and privates. Most certainly we do, said one of them. 
I then observed, that it would be very agreeable to us to be- 

18* 



210 MAJOR MAITLAND. 

somewhat separated from them now, and to receive a little fresh 
air. Upon this, the sentinels were withdrawn to the distance of 
about ten or twelve feet from the building; and we were told, 
that such of us as were officers might walk before the door. 
This was a great relief to us, as well as to the men in giving 
them more room. 

As I was walking here, a gentleman, who I was afterwards 
informed was Major Maitland, of the 71st, I think, came up and 
entered into conversation with me. He had one arm in a sling, 
and it appeared to me, he had lost a hand. He regretted the 
extremes to which matters had been carried, and touched upon 
our infatuation, as he termed it, in attempting resistance to the 
power of Britain. He assumed the unqualified justness of her 
cause, and the consequent unjustness of ours; and adverting to 
the day's business, he observed, that I must be aware, that as 
we were taken by storm (speaking of myself and the other 
prisoners here collected) our lives were forfeited by the laws of 
war, and that we might have been put to the sword, without 
any just impeachment of their humanity; but such, added he, is 
the clemency of the British nation, that we have not availed 
ourselves of the right, but shall, on the contrary, treat you with 
every indulgence. This was delivered in the tone of a lecture 
which precludes the necessity of a reply. Accordingly, I gave 
it none ; and as the manner was mild and well intended withal, 
I received it in good part: as civility was a rarity, the value of 
this attention was proportionably enhanced and duly appreciated. 
The Major confirmed to me the surrender of the fort, which I 
had at first doubted, though I can hardly tell why. I certainly 
never had the expectation that it could have held out long: and 
[ cannot here forbear remarking, that its incapacity for defence, 
is unequivocally recognised by General Washington in his 
official letter to Congress. " I sent," says he, " a billet to 
Colonel Magaw, directing him to hold out, and I would en- 
deavour in the evening to bring ofj" the garrison if the fortress 
could not be maintained, as I did not expect it could, the enemy 
being possessed of the adjacent ground y Now, had the attempt 
been to defend the fort alone, instead of its environs, which had 
constituted; th.e post of the main army, this effect of the enemy's 



REFLECTIONS. 211 

possessing the adjacent ground, would at once have taken place; 
and the fort have been untenable. The fort then, was not cal- 
culated upon as the point to be defended ; but it was the posi- 
tion in the open field. Hence, we were improperly termed a 
garrison ; and two thousand men, of which half were militia, 
were pitted against the whole of the British army. For seven 
thousand troops were actually employed in the attack, and the 
rest ready to support them. It was certainly enough then, that 
we fought them and withstood their efforts until noon. Because 
posts had been evacuated ; because Long Island, New York, 
King's-bridge and White Plains had successively been found 
untenable by the concentred force of the continent, this handful 
was to apologize to the country, for the supposed disgrace of our 
arms, and the defective constitution of our military system. As 
" the troops were in high spirits and would make a good de- 
fence,* why e'en let these southern men," says Generals Put- 
nam and Greene, "take the glory of it to themselves: Whatever 
be their fate, they will kill a good number of the enemy ; and 
desperate expedients are adapted to the declining state of our 
cause." These, it is true, were dashing counsels: nevertheless, 
to those acquainted with the unfriendly, repulsive temper which 
prevailed between the southern and eastern troops, and the 
selfish clannish spirit, testified on all occasions by the latter,! 
there would be nothing very revolting in the imputation of such 
motives ; in which also, the historian in the Annual Register, 
might find a clew to the solution of the enigma, why an opera- 
tion on so large a scale, should have been committed to but a 
Colonel. It was, at any rate, a current opinion among us who 
were taken, that we had been sacrificed to selfish feeling; nor 
upon a cool consideration of all the circumstances, after a lapse 
of four and thirty years, can I see full cause to renounce that 
opinion. I do not believe, at least, that if we had been New 
England men, we should have been left there. If Greene really 
knew no better at this era, he was deeply instructed by his error ; 

* See General Washington's letter, above alluded to, which shows that tlie 
defence or evacuation of the post, rested on tlie discretion of General Greene. 

t One instance of it, was a partial exchange of prisoners, continually carried 
on in favour of the eastern officers, to the cruel discouragenaent of the southern. 



212 REFLECTIONS — GENERAL GREENE. 

since, whatever were the characters of his subsequent general- 
ship, it never disclosed symptoms of rash audacity.* 

But I must not forget I am a captive. Among the events 
of the afternoon was the meeting with a captain Wilson, of the 
light infantry, who called to inquire, whether there were any 
gentlemen among us from Philadelphia. Upon telling him that 
I was, he asked me if I knew Mr. Philip Wilson, a merchant 
of that city. I told him I had a slight acquaintance with him, 
as also with his brother Edward. " They are both," says he, 
" brothers of mine, and though I detest their principles," he was 
obliged perhaps to go farther on this point than a refined polite- 
ness might warrant, on account of his brother officers and soldiers 
standing by, "I shall be happy to render you every service in 
my power." He then minuted my name and rank on his tablets, 
as he did Tudor's, for the same reason of knowing his brothers ; 
and told us, he would do himself the pleasure of calling upon 
us in New York. He informed us, also, that he had seen Major 
West, Captain Lenox, I think, and some others of our friends at 
the fort, who had been inquiring for us. During the remainder of 

* Our author, again alludes with considerable bitterness, to General Greene 
apparently entertaining an opinion derogatory to his ability, and character as 
a military man. Posterity has already assigned to this truly great man, his 
just position, by the side of Washington. In 1786, Alexander Hamilton, pro- 
nounced a Eulogium on General Greene, before the society of the Cincinnati, 
at New York. It is but just, that the deliberate opinion of so competent a 
judge, should accompany that of the respectable and estimable author of the 
t' Memoirs-"' 

"So long as the measures, which conducted us safely through the first, and 
most critical stages of the war, shall be remembered with approbation ; so long 
as the enterprises of Trenton and Princeton, shall be regarded as the dawnings 
of that bright day, which, afterwards broke forthwith such resplendent lustre, 
so long, as the almost magic operations of the remainder of that remarkable 
winter, distinguished, not more by these events, than by the extraordinary spec- 
tacle of a powerful army, straightened within narrow limits, by the phantom of 
a military force, and never permitted to transgress those limits with impunity, 
in which skill supplied the place of means, and disposition was the substitute for 
an army ; — so long, I say, as these operations shall continue to be the object of 
wonder, so long ought the name of Greene, to be revered by a grateful country. 
To attribute to him a portion of the praise, which is due as well to the formation 
as to the execution of the plans, that effected these important ends, can be no 
derogation from that wisdom and magnanimity, which knew how to select, and 
embrace counsels worthy of being pursued."— Ed.. 



KIND TREATMENT OF THE AUTHOR. 213 

the day, if I except a sight of General Howe, who was pointed 
out to me at a little distance, and the burning of a pretty large 
brick house hard by, which happened, as the soldiers told us, 
through the carelessness of some grenadiers in cooking beef 
steaks, nothing occurred of any consequence: but in the evening 
a most advantageous change took place, and from the custody 
of a low ruffian, we were transferred to that of a gentleman. 

This was Lieutenant Becket, to the best of my recollection of 
the 27th or 37th regiment. Upon taking the guard in the even- 
ing, he expressed concern about our lodging, and proposed to us 
to accompany him into the barn-loft to see whether that would 
do. He was also attended by some of his brother officers. We 
ascended by a very good step ladder, and found a spacious room, 
well roofed and floored and clear of lumber. "This, gentlemen, 
I think may do," said he; "I daresay, you have sometimes lodged 
in a worse place." That we had, we told him, and that this was 
as comfortable as we could desire. " I will send you, if I can," 
said he, at going away, " a bottle of wine : but at any rate, a bottle 
of spirits," and as to the latter, he was as good as his word ; a sol- 
dier, in about a quarter of an hour brought it to us, and this was 
our substitute for supper as well as dinner. In the morning, a 
little after sunrise, a soldier brought me Mr. Becket's compli- 
ments with a request that I would come down and breakfast with 
him, bringing two of my friends with me, as he had not the means 
of entertaining more. I thankfully accepted his invitation, and 
took with me Forrest and Tudor. He was seated on a bench 
before the door with a good fire before him, and the soldiers of 
the guard in a semicircle about him. Besides the bench we were 
accommodated with a chair or two, and he gave us a dish of very 
good cofTee with plenty of excellent toast, which was the only 
morsel we had eaten for the last twenty-four hours ; more fortu- 
nate in this than our fellow sufferers, who got nothing until the 
next morning, when the first provisions were drawn. The sol- 
diers were chatting and cracking their jokes on each other while 
we breakfasted ; and I was surprised at the easy familiarity which 
seemed to prevail between them and their officer. But it ap- 
peared to be perfectly understood between them, that their cote- 
ries, though so near each other, as that every word from either 



214 AMERICAN AND ENGLISH CONTRASTED. , 

might be heard by both, were yet entirely distinct, and that each 
had an exclusive right to its own conversation: still they did not 
interrupt ours, being silent when we talked. The fact was, that 
Mr. Becket was the darling of his soldiers ; and one of them told 
us, that we should find few men like him. I had here an oppor- 
tunity to observe, the striking difference between their appoint- 
ments and ours. While our poor fellows, were some of them 
already ragged, and even the best of them, clad in flimsy, thread- 
bare clothes, with worse stockings and shoes, these were tight 
and comfortable in body and limbs ; and every soldier was ac- 
commodated with a woollen night cap, which most of them had 
yet on, A sad contrast for the contemplation of the American 
soldier ! Wisdom is no less attributable to nations than to indi- 
viduals ; and the British army, if I may so express myself, is a 
sensible establishment, in which every possible regard is had to 
both comfort and safety. Though, in extremities, it may be the 
business of the soldier to die, it is not forgotten, that he is to live 
if he can, consistent with his duty; and to this consideration, it 
appears to me, much attention was paid by General Howe in his 
operations against our post. He could not have had a doubt 
that his attack would be successful, yet this was not enough : it 
must be conducted with an eye to the saving of men, and the 
purchasing it as cheap as possible. Had he immediately ad- 
vanced against our lines on the south, the loss of the British 
troops, would, in all probability, have been heavy; whereas, in 
making his principal effort by Haerlem river under cover of his 
batteries, it was comparatively small : and when he had gained 
the high grounds in this quarter, he was at once master of the 
field. 

It has been said, that we could not have chosen a better ad- 
versary than General Howe ;* and it is not improbable that one 

* Such, at least, was the opinion generally entertained in England. Walpgle, 
who certainly 

" knew not how to spare, 
Yet seldom judged unjustly," 

is not sparing of his opinions. He writes to Horace Mann, 7th July, 1778, 
" General Howe is returned, richer in money than laurels," 

Wraxall's opinion of the Howes has already been quoted. — Ed. 



CHARACTER OF GENERAL HOWE. 215 

more enterprising and less methodical, might have pushed us 
harder : Yet, though he was indolent, often treated us wdth unne- 
cessary respect ; and, in a too gi-eat security of his prey, might 
have meant to play us, as an angler plays a fish upon his hook, 
I am still inclined to think, that when he acted, he fought his 
army to advantage; that his dispositions were good, and planned 
with much discretion. General Burgoyne bears testimony to the 
faultless propriety of his disposition at Bunker's Hill, and Gene- 
ral Lee says, that " in the capacity of an executive soldier, he 
was all fire and activity, brave and cool as Julius Carsar." In 
the aflfair of Fort Washington, he must have had a perfect know- 
ledge of the ground we occupied. This he might have acquired 
from hundreds in New York ; but he might have been more tho- 
roughly informed of every thing desirable to be known, from one 
Dement,* an officer of Magaw's battalion, who was intelligent in 
points of duty, and deserted to the enemy, about a week before 
the assault. This man was probably an emissary from them ; he 
was an European, I recollect, and not originally an officer of the 
corps ; his name, at least, is not among those appointed by the 
committee of safety. 

Our situation under Mr. Beckett was as agreeable as it could 
be made. The term rebel was entirely banished from our hear- 
ing. When speaking of the belligerents, it was your people and 
our people, and the manners of all about him, took the tone he 
gave. His acquaintance too, seemed of an order wholly different 
from the rakehells we had seen yesterday ; nor do I recollect a 
single instance of incivility to any one of us, while under his 
care. But notwithstandmg this, my heart was ill at ease. It was 

* This man's name once helped me to a tolerable pun, and as this species of 
wit is often detailed by Mr. Boswell in his Life of Johnson, it is hoped that this 
single instance may be tolerated here. He was a coarse, ill-looking fellow ; and 

it being reported in New York, after we were taken, that a Miss A , a very 

pretty, delicate girl, who had resided at Morrisania, countenanced him as her 
lover. Doctor McHenry was expressing his astonishment at it, when I repeated 
to him the adage — Quos deus vult perdcre, prius dementaty — Note by Mr. Gray- 
don. 

The reader will pardon this, in consideration of the classic character and pro- 
pensities of our learned pun-dit; but it must be tile last trial, at least in this 
manner, of his forbearance ! — Ed. 



216 KILLED AND WOUNDED. 

the prey of chagrin and a most afflicting uncertainty. I was 
deeply mortified at the idea that we were disgraced in the eyes 
of our countrymen, with whom the belief was current, that Fort 
Washington was impregnable ; and the events of the action had 
been, moreover, peculiarly unpropitious to the fame of the conti- 
nental battalions from Pennsylvania. All the glory that was 
going, had, in my idea of what had passed, been engrossed by 
the regiment of Rawlings, which had been actively engaged, killed 
a number of the enemy, and lost many themselves ; and although 
it seldom, if ever, happens, that there is close fighting in every 
part of a field, yet it is this alone which obtains eclat, or, that in 
the view of the world, escapes contempt. As to the merit of 
preserving a good countenance ; being firm in a post ; and only 
relinquishing it when no longer tenable, or expedient to be re- 
tained ; it can only be appreciated by persons of military expe- 
rience : It is at best, but of a negative kind, and has nothing in 
it of brilliancy.* How many did they kill? How many did they 
lose ? are the questions which produce the data on which martial 
fame is calculated ; and these were much against us. The num- 
ber of British killed, by General Howe's account, was not large ; 
and the whole loss is fixed by Mr. Stedman at eight hundred, by 
much the greater part of which was sustained by the Hessians, 
who attacked Rawlings, in a post extremely diflficult of access, 
naturally, and rendered still more so by works and abbatis. In 
the two battalions of Cadwalader and Magaw, there were but two 
or three oflUcers wounded, and one killed, or rather reputed killed, 
as I have recently understood that he survived his wounds, though 
very grievous, and was some years after living at Germantown. 
This was Captain Miller, who, as already mentioned, was going 
to shoot a sentinel on Montezores island. Among the wounded, 
was Captain Lenox, very slightly, and Ensign M'Intire, badly. 
As to myself, I was conscious I had done my duty, but this must 

* I was not aware at this time, that detachments from our regiments had 
maintained a contest which entitled them to tiie praise of the enemy ; for by the 
concurrent testimony of General Howe, and the historian, Mr. Stedman, the 
ground on which they fought was obstinately defended : and I have still so much 
of the esprit du corps and pride of a soldier about me, as to be gratified by the 
circumstance. 



KILLED AND WOUNDED, 217 

remain unknown ; and I was unable to put aside the reflection, 
that we were both sacrificed and disgraced ; captive to an enemy, 
whose system it was to treat us with contempt ; to stigmatize us 
as rebels and load us with opprobrium ; and that all this was, 
probably, but a prelude to the impending ruin and subjugation of 
my country. In addition to these dismaying considerations, I 
thought my brother killed. I had intelligence from the fort, that he 
was not there ; neither had any one seen him after he had left the 
intrenchments ; though it was suggested, that a boat-load of the 
garrison that had been hard pressed, had got over to Fort Lee, 
and that he might have been in it. There was also room to 
hope, that if not among these, (admitting the circumstance of the 
boats having gone over to be true,) he might be at the village of 
Haerlem, in which, it was said, there was a small collection of 
prisoners. Being impatient to satisfy myself, and know the worst, 
I applied to Mr. Becket, for permission, if not improper, to go 
to Haerlem ; and if not successful there, to traverse the field of 
action. He granted my request without hesitation ; but observed, 
it was proper I should have a soldier with me, to protect me and 
account for my being at large ; and had he not been too polite, 
he might have added, to guard me, which, it would have been a 
neglect of duty in him, not to have attended to. I went to Haer- 
lem, but received no satisfaction. There were, indeed, some 
prisoners there, in the custody of the German troops ; but they 
had neither seen my brother, nor heard any thing of him. I then 
returned, and took my course, with my attendant, along the banks 
of Haerlem river, where the action had been warm. Within a 
few hundred yards of the barn in which we were quartered, I 
met with the bodies of three or four soldiers of our battalion, 
who had fallen by musket-balls ; but obtained nothing in regard 
to tlie object of my pursuit. Weary of the melancholy errand, 
and reflecting that the day would be insufficient to complete the 
search, I gave it up with a determination to look as much as pos- 
sible on the favourable side of things, and wait in patience for 
the event. Some time afi:er, Mr. Becket, who took a friendly 
interest in the cause of my distress, applied to a gentleman on 
horseback, who had superintended the interment of the dead, 
to know whether he had met with tlie body of an officer in the 
19 



218 CHARACTER OF MR. BECKWITH. 

uniform I wore, as I was anxious for the fate of a brother, who 
was missing. With much delicacy, addressing himself to me, he 
replied : " No sir, we buried no one with linen fme enough to have 
been your brother." This information, though not conclusive, was 
encouraging : and the liberality of our present treatment, added 
to the fineness of the morning, though pretty sharp, gave a fillip 
to my spirits, and a more pleasing turn to my thoughts. The sun 
looked vastly brighter to my eyes than it had done an hour before, 
and I began to Hatter myself that matters might not be so bad, 
as in a desponding moment I had supposed; that ere long we 
should be exchanged, and have an opportunity of retrieving the 
disgrace of our recent discomfiture. In this frame of mmd, con- 
versation took a more cheerful course, and I satisfied some of Mr. 
Becket's inquiries respecting our affairs. He was particularly 
inquisitive as to the character of General Washington, of whom, 
from misrepresentations, no doubt propagated for political pur- 
poses, he had received some very erroneous impressions. Ap- 
pearing to think favourably of him as a soldier, and as to the ex- 
terior quahfications of a gentleman, he had yet understood, that 
he was a man of desperate fortune, who, having wasted his own 
property, had also dissipated that of his wife^ by play, and had 
now no resource but in war and confusion. I assured him that 
nothing could be farther from the truth than this idea ; and left 
him, I believe, convinced of his error. Though he spoke with 
much moderation of the contest, the merits of which were but 
glanced at, he seemed to entertain no doubts of the justice of the 
side on which his profession had placed him, as well as our in- 
ability to withstand the power of the mother country. He was- 
forcibly struck with the ill condition of our troops, the badness 
of their arms, and insufficiency, in every respect, of our appoint- 
ments ; and observed, that a gentleman of our army required 
more than an ordinary degree of fortitude to take the field under' 
such disadvantages. 

The distinguished liberality of JVIr. Becket's deportment, re- 
quires of me something more than a mere passing remembrance. 
If my memory does not much deceive me, he told us he was an 
Irishman, and a married man. His figure was pleasing, rather 
manly than elegant ; tall, and though not corpulent, indicative of 



CHARACTER OF MR. BECK WITH. 219 

a temperament inclining to fulness. His face was fine and beamed 
with candour and benevolence. He might have passed for a man 
of twenty-eight or thirty, though he could not well have been less 
than thirty-five, having served, as he informed us, in the war of 
fifty-six^ probably in the latter part of it, and it lasted until sixty- 
three. He mentioned this circumstance in adverting to the can- 
nonade of the preceding day, which he said had far exceeded in 
heaviness, any he had ever heard in Germany, or in his life. He 
had been long in service, and appeared to be generally known 
and respected in the army; being, indeed, eminently calculated 
to be beloved and admired; and so far as I could judge of him 
from the acquaintance of a day, he possessed the qualities, which, 
with equal power would have made him a Titus, and have given 
him a legitimate claim to the designation of ddicice Iniinani generis. 
The command of the guard, in his mode of exercising the func- 
tion, resembled a trust committed to him for our benefit ; and his 
conduct bespoke the guardian rather than the jailer. 

About noon, a young officer, smartly dressed and well mounted, 
rode up with his horse in a foam, and pulling out his watch, ob- 
served, that he had scarcely been an hour in coming from New 
York. He was a genuine, smooth-faced, fresh-coloured English- 
man, and from the elegance of his horse, and self-importance of 
his manner, I supposed him to be a person of family and con- 
sideration. " Becket," said he, looking round him, " this is a 
damn'd strong piece of ground — ten thousand of our men would 
defend it against the world." "I don't know that," returned 
Becket; "the ground, to be sure is strong, in some parts, but 
you go too far: I would not undertake its defence against the 
world, I assure you." The conversation then passed to other 
topics, and the cavalier, after a few minutes, rode off to exhibit 
himself elsewhere. Several other incidents, equally unimportant, 
occurred in the course of the day ; but one, that from the sub- 
stantial good which attended it at the time, I cannot omit: And 
this was, that from the table of General Jones, the officer of the 
day, with whom Mr. Becket dined, there came to me about two 
o'clock, a plate or small dish of victuals amply supplied. The 
contents consisted of two or three slices of corned beef with cab- 



220 CIVILITY AND KINDNESS OF BRITISH OFFICERS. 

bage, the leg and wing of a turkey, with bread, &c. in proportion. 
In the language of Lord Kaimes, " could peace afford a sweeter 
scene," than was exhibited in the conduct of this kind, generous, 
noble-hearted gentleman! To be admired, it only needs to be 
faithfully depicted, and this is all my feeble pencil aims at. It 
consisted of a series of attentions, as delicate as they were friendly, 
of which, the following is an additional in.stance. In the evening 
we were drawn up for the purpose of being marched a part of the 
way towards New York. Being formed in the usual manner, in 
two ranks, with the officers on the right, in order to be foremost 
when faced for the march, our commander took his station in front, 
and gaily flourisliing a switch which he held in his hand, with a 
kind of apologetic smile for the liberty he was taking with us, 
" Come, gentlemen," said he, "we are all soldiers," (combining 
us with his own men, enclosing us in two lines ; and who, at the 
same time received the word of command,) To the right face ; 
then giving the word Mruxh, he good-humouredly walked along 
with us, without losing sight, however, of the decorum wliich 
actual duty required. When we had proceeded about half a mile, 
we were halted, for the purpose, as I afterwards found, of relieving 
the guard. As we §tood here, an, officer wrapped up in a camblet 
cloak, young and of a very pleasing address, who had been talking 
with Becket, came up to me, observing, that the evening was very 
cool, and asked if such weather was usual with us at this season 
of the year. I told him it was not unusual in the latter part of 
November. After an observation or two on this topic, he ex- 
pressed his hope that I had been well treated. As well as possi- 
ble, I replied, by some, and as ill by others. " I am extremely 
sorry for it," said he, " but there are rascals in all services." 
Soon after, Mr. Becket* informed us, that he was about to leave 
us, telling me that he would make it a point to obtain information 
respecting my brother, and that he would not fail to apquaint me 
with the resvdt in New York ; then bringing up Captain Manuel, 

» His name was, probably, Bcckwith, not Becket. In a list of the Britisli 
officers there is a Mr. Onslow Bcckwith, a second lieutenant in the 23d regiment 
on the 24th of April, 1762, who is presumed to be the gentleman here alluded lav 
'inhere is no one of the name gf Becket on the list.. 



PRISONERS MARCHED TO NEW YORK. 221 

the person who was to succeed him, he introduced me to him, with 
a particular recommendation of me to his care, and wished us a 
good evening. 

Under the command of Captain Manuel we continued our 
march until within six or seven miles of New York. We were 
here quartered very comfortably for the night, in the back part of 
a vacant house, of which Mr. Manuel took to himself the front. 
Although he had not the amenity and ease of manners so eminently 
possessed by his predecessor, he far outwent him in ceremonious 
civility ; and in one or two interviews I had with him, he almost 
overwhelmed me with bows. It would be unjust, however, not 
to say, that his usage of us was unexceptionable, though we were 
not much favoured with his company. Here, for the first time, 
we drew provisions for the almost famished prisoners, in which 
number, the reader knows, I have no right to include myself, and 
one or two of my friends; and it was politely referred to me, as 
the eldest officer in the company, to put my name to the provision 
return, made out also by ourselves. In the morning, early, the rest of 
the prisoners from the fort and Haerlem village, had come on ; and 
being all assembled, we took up the line of march, preparatory to 
our untriumphal entry into the city of New York. From the cir- 
cumstance of our being most advanced, we had the honour of 
forming the van of the procession, strung out to a great length, 
between a line of British infantry on either side. Captain Manuel, 
from an effect of the arrangements, had now ceased to accompany 
us ; instead of whom, we, in front, were escorted by a Captain 
Warren, a young Irishman of the Inniskillen regiment. He was 
not uncourteous or disobliging ; and was extremely prompt in 
attending to the want of drink, which sometimes occurred upon 
the road, on these occasions, offering the contents of his canteen 
to mix with the water that was brought us. But he was somewhat 
too lavish of the term rebel, extremely offensive to my ear, I must 
confess, however appropriate it might be. In the English lan- 
guage, it is too much interwoven with the idea of state criminality, 
to be other than highly opprobrious. It might be doubted, never- 
theless, whether in the mouth of Captain Warren, it had its full 
malignity ; and whether its adoption was not less owing to a de- 
sign to stigmatize, than to the insufficiency of his vocabulary. 

19* 



222 OCCURRENCES ON THE ROAD. 

He was fond of chatting, and, I might add, of boasting of th. 
prowess of the British troops, whom he took occasion to compar( 
with ours. I told him that I had often seen them before, and ad- 
mitted that they were well dressed and well armed, to which cir- 
cumstances, might perhaps be owing, their apparent advantage 
over ours. He took what I said in good part ; and what is a proof, 
that he ought to be excepted from the real scoundrels in the British 
service, is, that some time afterwards, meeting him in the street at 
New York, he stopped me, and behaved with an entirely correct 
civility. 

On the road, as we approached the city, we were beset by a 
parcel of soldier's trulls and others, who came out to meet us. 
It was obvious, that in the calculation of this assemblage of fe- 
male loyalty, the war was at an end; and that the whole of the 
rebel army, Washington and all, were safe in durance. Which 
is Washington? Which is Washington? proceeded from half a 
dozen mouths at once; and the guard was obliged to exert itself 
to keep them off. Some of them assailed us with vollies of Bil- 
lingsgate; and Colonel Maxwell, who rode along side of us, 
and whom I immediately recognised for a Captain Maxwell, who 
had once lodged at my mother's, had enough to do to silence 
one of them, calling out repeatedly: "Away with that woman! 
Take her way! Knock her down, the bitch! Knock her down!" 

Previously to entering the city, we were drawn up for about 
an hour, on the high ground near the East river. Here, the of- 
ficers being separated from the men, we were conducted into a 
church, where, if I mistake not, we signed a parole. While in 
this building, which, with the addition of those spectators who 
pressed in along with us, was pretty much crowded, a portly, 
well looking, middle-aged non-commissioned oflicer of the forty- 
second regiment, approached me, observing in a low voice, that 

lie was sure he had seen me before : "Was not my name ?" I 

answered in the affirmative. "I thought so," said he, "I have often 
seen you at your mother's in Philadelphia ; and though you were 
then but a boy, I clearly retrace your features. As you are pro- 
bably in want of money, may I beg you to accept of this ?" slip- 
ping into my hand a dollar. I objected to taking it, as I might 
never have an opportunity of repaying him. "No matter if 



GENEROSITY OF A HIGHLANDER. 223 

you have not," said he ; "it is but a trifle, but such as it is, you 
cannot oblige me more than by accepting it." I accordingly put 
it in ray pocket, the confusion and bustle of the scene preventing 
my taking measures for ascertaining the means of seeing him 
again ; and having never afterwards met with him, I am still in- 
debted to this amount, together with the gratitude that is inse- 
parable from it, to this worthy, generous man, whose memory, it 
seems, was better than that of Colonel Stirling, Captain Grant, 
and many others, who had better means of recollection, than this 
sergeant. They did not see me, it is true ; and if they had, 
they were doubtless too much in the Bute system of politics, to 
have any charity for our rebellion, or one engaged in it. But 
Mr. Stirling, when a Captain, I always thought a haughty, self- 
important man, too intent on things above him to cast a glance 
at those beneath; and, whether correct or not in this opinion, 
having, in truth, no right to expect any thing from him or his 
elan, I w-as not disappointed ; nor should I have thought of taking 
notice of them, had not the disloyal ofhciousness of their sergeant, 
somehow prompted my pencil to give them a nook in the back 
ground. 

I ought before to have mentioned a visit from a Mr. Johnson, 
of Georgia, who had been my fellow pupil at Pike's fencing 
school. Whether it was on the day, or the day after we w'ere 
taken, I do not remember, but Johnson, wdiose politics I had not 
before known, was, I found, a staunch government man, and in- 
vested with a commission in the royal army. He appeared not 
displeased at seeing me well, but was at no pains to conceal his 
exultation at our misfortune, and the prospect he thence derived, 
of our being speedily subdued. Thus called upon, I bragged a 
little in my turn, though with a heart much less assured than his. 

Our men were confined in churches and sugar-houses, and 
quarters were assigned for us who were ofhcers, in the upper 
part of the town, in what was called the holy ground. But, be- 
sides, that it was not tout-a-fait horinete or entirely correct, to be- 
come a charge to his Britannic Majesty, after having presumed 
to resist his royal authority, J was somewhat apprehensive that 
his fare might not be the most sumptuous; and therefore, though 
but with the single dollar in my pocket, which I ow^ed to the 



224 DISPOSAL OF THE PRISONERS. 

bounty of the benevolent Highlander, I yet ventured to take 
boarding at four dollars per week. I knew that I had an excel- 
lent banker in Philadelphia, and that if specie was to be pro- 
cured, my good mother would take care to get it, and send it to 
me. The person with whom I boarded was a Mrs. Carroll, who, 
under the protection of General Robertson, commandant of the 
town, was hardy enough to entertain rebels. She passed for the 
particular favourite of this gentleman ; and was sufficiently young 
and buxom, to give probability to the imputation. She played 
her cards with much address, and bent her politics, if she had 
any, to her interest. She was, no doubt, tory or whig, as best 
suited the company she happened to be in ; and, of course, with 
us, was always the latter — shaping accordingly her news and her 
anecdotes, of which she picked up abundance when she went 
abroad, and detailed to us on the opening of the budget on her 
return. With due allowance for her influences and motives, we 
were flattered, and sometimes instructed by her communications. 
What led me to these quarters, was the circumstance, of some of 
the Pennsylvania officers taken on Long Island, being already in 
them, viz. Colonels Atlee and Miles; Major Burd, Captain Her- 
bet, &c. There was also there a Mr. Coursey or De Courcey, 
of Smallwood's regiment; and they now, besides myself, re- 
ceived the addition of Colonel Magaw, Major West, Captains 
Lenox and Edwards, and Doctor McHenry, who afterwards be- 
came a member of General Washington's family and Secretary 
of War. Colonel Cadwalader, (through the interest of General 
Prescott, who, when a prisoner with us, had been liberally treated 
by Doctor Cadwalader, the father of the Colonel,) was imme- 
diately released, and went home on parole. 

From the number of her boarders, Mrs Carroll might be sup- 
posed to have a very large house, but this was not the fact. It was 
but an humble tenement in Queen's street, of two stories, with 
two or three chambers: but adjoining it, was a building, which, 
having been abandoned, we, at her instance, under the auspices 
of General Robertson, took possession of, and furnished wiih our 
own mattresses and blankets. Nothing was scarcer in New 
York, this winter, than fuel; but, clubbing our weekly allowance 



BAGGAGE RESTORED. 225 

of coal, we were enabled to supply for our hostess, the parlor and 
kitchen fire. 

The next object of our cares, was our baggage at Fort Wash- 
ington. The security of that, belonging to those taken in the 
fort, was stipulated for on its surrender ; and although 1 could 
not claim the benefit of the capitulation, I did not doubt, that 
mine, as a part of the mass, would lare as well as the rest. It 
chiefly consisted of a mattress and trunk, in which, was a bundle 
of letters, the fruits of an interesting correspondence, which had 
never been intermitted, from the time of my leaving Philadel- 
phia, to that of my captivity; and which, I valued far beyond 
all my other possessions. They were now more precious than 
ever ; since all letters, to or from us, being subjected to inspec- 
tion, the intercourse must cease ; and the reperusal of these must 
console me for the privation of recent communications. My 
anxiety, however, was soon removed, by the safe arrival by 
water, two or three days after our reaching New York, of my 
trunk and mattress. I lost, indeed, a fowling-piece, small- 
sword and some other articles : but these were of little conse- 
quence; and I thought myself supremely fortunate in losing no 
more. The advantage of a change of clothes, being by this time 
very desirable, I gladly availed myself of the contents of my 
trunk, which, besides linen, stockings, &c., aflfbrded me a better 
suit of regimentals, and a newer hat than those I had on. As 
I saw no reason why I should not wear them, I put them on for 
the purpose of taking a walk through the city. My fellow-lodgers, 
who had been taken on Long Island, being older and more pru- 
dent than myself, evinced some surprise at my temerity. To 
them I appeared much better dressed than rebel beseemed; and 
they predicted the probability of insult and abuse, should I ex- 
hibit myself in a trim so remote from the garb of humility ; for 
as to themselves, they had, with the exception of Colonel Atlee, 
and one or two more, exchanged their martial habiliments for 
plain clothes ; and even in these, they rarely went out. With- 
out regarding their suggestions, however, I sallied forth alone, 
and walked past the coffee-house, down to the battery. Finding 
the gate-way open, I entered it, and after traversing it to its ex- 
tremity, I strolled back again; almost every sentinel, to my great 



226 AUTHOR IN REGIMENTALS. 

surprise, I must confess, handling his arms to me as I passed. 
Leaving the battery, I took a turn into another part of the town, 
and after a considerable round, regained my lodgings, without 
having met with the smallest molestation. But I afterwards 
learned from Mr. Theophilact Bache, (of whom I shall have oc- 
casion to speak in the sequel) that he well recollected, once see- 
ing me pass the coffee-house, probably at this very time; and 
that he and some other gentlemen, had been obliged to exert 
themselves to prevent some blackguards insulting me. This 
conduct of mine would seem to indicate an arrogance, or an 
apathy, that I can aver was not in my character. It was not a 
want of feeling, but an excess of it, which prompted me to the 
proceeding. Revolting against the design to treat us as, state 
criminals, and to overwhelm us with the odium attached to that 
Condition ; smarting, too, from the personal insults I had received, 
and in a state of cruel suspense respecting my brother, the pre- 
vailing colour of which was, that he had been killed, my mind 
was slightly tinctured wnth that sombre enthusiasm, which exults 
in the opportunity of setting persecution at defiance ; and which 
in its excess, can subdue the strongest instincts of nature, as was 
evinced in the ferocious heroism of Charlotte Corday. 



iiowe's proclamation. 227 



CHAPTER IX. 

Pardon offcreti by Howe to the Americans, upon return to their allegiance. — 
Letter of General Washington. — An OlKccr's dinner part}'. — A singular Cha- 
racter. — Treatment of Prisoners. — Reflections on the American policy. — 
Memorial presented to General Howe. — Situation of Affairs. — American 
Officers. — Deserters from the cause of Independence. — Prospects. — Coffee- 
house Incident. — British Provost Marshal. — Colonel Allen. — Result of appli- 
cation to General Howe. — Exchange of Prisoners. — Removal of Officers to 
Long Island. 

One of the first measures of the Howes, in consequence of 
their late success, was to issue a proclamation, tendering pardon 
to such as should renounce the cause of rebellion. I only re- 
collect its general tenor, and that the proffered grace might have 
been spared. Not more than one or two, and indeed not one 
to my certain knowledge, embraced the invitation, although 
warmly recommended to us by Mr. Commissary Loring. This 
was, no doubt, a matter both of surprise and mortification; and 
one, which in no degree tended to mitigate the contemptuous 
rigour of our treatment. 

Mr. Beckwith, it may be recollected, had promised to call 
upon me. He kept his word, and sought me at our allotted 
quarters on the holy ground. Not finding me there, or meeting 
■with any one who could tell him where I lodged, he left a mes- 
sage for me, importing that after the most diligent inquiry, he 
had not been able to learn any thing respecting ray brother. 
Some time after, meeting in the street, a sergeant who had be- 
longed to his guard, I inquired for him, and was informed, that, 
very shortly after I had seen him, he had embarked for Rhode 
Island. 

Among the rare exceptions to the haughty demeanour of our 
lordly masters, might be mentioned, the occasional civility of 



228 AUTHOR HEARS FROM HIS MOTHER. 

Major Skene, who seemed, for himself, to have adopted the 
conciliatory mode of conduct, and sometimes called to see us. 
Besides a slight acquaintance he had made with Colonels Atlee 
and Miles, he had, while in durance among us, contracted a sort 
of general acquaintance with the rebel character of America ; and 
he appeared not to think very ill of it, notwithstanding its colli- 
sion with the high pretensions of British supremacy, of which, 
he was an unqualified votary. He was a portly man, about 
forty, or forty-five, apparently frank and good-humoured ; and 
so far was he from resenting the usage he had received from us, 
that he acknowledged he had been treated full as well as he had 
a right to expect, since he had made it a point to be as trouble- 
some and vexatious as possible. 

Between two and three weeks had elapsed, when I received 
a letter from my mother. It was brought by a Captain Hesketh, 
of the British army, who had been a prisoner with us. It ac- 
quainted me he had money for me ; but a piece of intelligence 
of still greater consequence, was, that my brother was safe and 
at home. A boat had got over the Hudson, as I had heard, and 
to avoid falling into the hands of the enemy, by whom he had 
been closely pressed, he had put himself on board. Nothing 
now was wanting to make me as happy as my situation would 
admit. I waited upon Captain Hesketh, found him at home, 
and was very politely treated both by him and his lady, to whose 
notice I had been particularly recommended by Miss Amiel, of 
Philadelphia, a mutual acquaintance. Among other things, Mrs. 
Hesketh, who was the most communicative, informed me, that 
they had met General Washington on their road, at the head of 
his army, which must indeed have been a small one; though 
this unwelcome truth being spared, I had not the courage to 
elict it by any questions. And this account agrees with a letter 
of the General, to the Board of War, dated Brunswick, the 30th 
of November, wherein he speaks of having met with Captain 
Hesketh and his family. Of the same date, from the same per- 
son, and in his own hand, I shall now present the reader with a 
letter, which, considering the pressing situation of affairs, dis- 
plays a mind at once superior to adversity, and alive to the im- 
pressions of humanity, and the feelings of private distress. It 



LETTER FROM GENERAL AVASHINGTON. 229 

appears to be in answer to a letter from my mother^ on hearing 
of my captivity. 

''Brunswick, 30th JYov. 1776. 
"Madam, 
" Your letter to yonr son (enclosed to rae) went in the day 
after it came to my hands, by a flag which happened to be going 
to New York. 

" I am very sorry for the misfortune of your son's captivity, 
but these are accidents which must be experienced and felt in 
war. Colonel Cadwalader, who has been suffered to return to 
Philadelphia, would be able to inform you of your son's health. 
Any hard money, which you may be able to forward to me, or 
Mr. Tilghman, (who is of my family) shall be contrived to him 
by some means or other. 
"I am. Madam, 

" Your very humble servant, 

"Go: WASHINGTON." 

This letter is given verbatim as it is written, without pre-- 
suming to supply what may be supposed an omission in the last 
line. The words to be sent, after the word contrived, appear to 
be wanting. Whether they were left out through inadvertence, 
or in compliance with an American mode of speaking, taken 
notice of by Doctor Witherspoon, in an essay under the signature 
of " A Druid," I shall not undertake to decide. I can only say, 
that if it is an Americanism, I never heard it before,* and that 
it is not common in Pennsylvania. It is, however, perfectly in- 
telligible, and analogous to other contractions in the language of 
business. 

The letter spoken of by the General, as having been enclosed 
to him, and sent in by a flag, I did not receive until some time 
after that by Captain Hesketh. It had, probably, wandered out 
of its road, into the hands of a British officer of the same Chris- 
tian and surname, as well as rank, as this gentleman told a lady 
of my acquaintance in Philadelphia, when General Howe after- 

* An Americanism, certainly, but it was seldom, indeed, that General Wash- 
ington thus transgressed. The expression is common among a portion of our 
Western countrymen — and is not unusual, it is believed, in New-England. — Ed. 

20 



230 DINNER PARTY. 

wards got possession of it, that he had been fortunate enough to 
find a mother in this country, from whom he had received some 
very affectionate letters. 

It was about this time, that I received a billet from Captain 
Wilson already mentioned. It was equally addressed to Major 
West, Captain Tudor and myself ; and stated that a tour of duty 
into Jersey, had been the cause of his not attending to us before ; 
and after apologizing for not waiting on us, for some cause or 
other, it requested our company to dine with him on the day but 
one after its date, in which case, he would send his servant to 
show us the way to his quarters. We understood from his note, 
that he was fearful of paying his respects personally, in the usual 
manner. It was obviously the system of the British army to 
treat us as persons, with whom to maintain an intercourse, 
would, on their part, be both criminal and degrading; and Wil- 
son, from whatever cause, appeared more than ordinarily solici- 
tous to avoid any ground for suspicion of too much attention to 
us. West was indisposed, but Tudor and myself, for the sake 
of a little variety, waiving etiquette agreed to dine with him ; and 
when the day came, were conducted to his house, or rather to 
his chamber, by a soldier. The dinner party was small, con- 
sisting, besides ourselves, only of our entertainer and a Lieute- 
nant, whose name I have forgotten. He was a tall, and stout 
young Irishman, who, by way of high recommendation, W^ilson 
took an opportunity to inform me, was very brave; and had 
killed with his own hand, a Captain of ours at White Plains. 
This, I was, no doubt, to take as a compliment to myself, being 
as much as to say, I consider you as a brave man too, sir, by sup- 
posing you capable of appreciating the quality in another, though 
even at the expense of your own side. This young Ajax, how- 
ever, was modest and unassuming ; and both he and the Cap- 
tain, acted in exact conformity to that creed of a professional sol- 
dier, which, according to Lucan, is as old as the civil war of the 
first triumvirate, and contained in the declaration of Pompey's 
Generals Afranius and Petreius to Casar, that 

" War with its own occasions came unsought, 
And found them on the side for which tiiey fought." 



A SINGULAR CHARACTER. 231 

The bottle was briskly circulated, and in the course of the after- 
noon, there were several droppers in ; among others, a curious 
little creature, who bore the commission of either a Captain or a 
Lieutenant. He had the appearance of a youth not exceeding 
twenty, and was one of the smallest and lightest men I ever be- 
held; a genuine 7naster Slender, that might have been "made 
out of a cheese-paring after supper :" If he weighed a hun- 
dred, it was much. From the conversation, in which he took 
his full proportion, it appeared that he had either a wife or a 
mistress ; for he complained that his lady, whom he called Bet- 
sey or Kitty, had grown vastly too fond of the pleasures of the 
town, and by inference, somewhat too indiflferent to himself. 
The circumstance, however, did not seem likely to break his 
heart ; and the less so, from not being thought necessary to be 
locked up in that repository. He evinced, in another instance, 
not necessary to detail, that he was an utter stranger to the nicer 
feelings ; and from such a graceless compend of premature de- 
bauchery being treated with some attention, I was induced to 
consider him as the degenerate oflspring of some great sire. 
Another person, who joined us in the evening, appeared to be- 
long to the navy. He was probably a surgeon, Captain of a 
transport, or something in that way, as, though he wore a cock- 
ade, he had no uniform. He was called upon for his toast. 
"Whathaveyou been drinking?" said he : "Peace, reconciliation, 
and so forth," replied Wilson. But the fellow, either stupid or 
perversely malignant, gave. Confusion to the rebels. This pro- 
duced at least confusion in the company, which was extremely 
disconcerted and hurt, our host in particular. Perceiving this 
I determined to give the circumstance the go by with the best 
possible grace ; and therefore, with a silent contempt for the 
toast, I drank to Captain Wilson. He returned the compliment, 
and the other gentlemen bowing around the table without re- 
peating the sentiment, it was only swallowed by the giver, who 
not long after, took his leave. The general hilarity was soon re- 
stored in the true national style, which, without the " feast of 
reason," has certainly much of the "flow of soul;" and what- 
ever a rigid policy might dictate elsewhere, it was wholly laid 
aside at this table. Tory or whig, loyal or disloyal, was out of 



232 DINNER PARTY. 

the question ; and about eight or nine o'clock, Captain Wilson, 
putting us under the care of a soldier with a lantern in his hand, 
permitted us to depart, with full as much wine on board, as in 
conscience was due to our slight acquaintance with his brothers 
in Philadelj)hia : and thus by a single act of Irish hospitality, he 
cancelled the obligation he had voluntarily imposed upon himself, 
of rendering us every service in his power. Something, how- 
ever, was due to this gentleman for a treatment of us, altogether 
Uberal and obliging. 

But, while from the advantage of bearing commissions, we had 
the benefit of free air and the use of our limbs, our poor devoted 
soldiers were enclosed within walls, scantily supplied with pro- 
visions of bad quality, wretchedly clothed, and destitute of suffi- 
cient fuel, if indeed they had any. Disease was the inevitable 
consequence of such a situation ; and their prisons of course, soon 
became hospitals. A fatal malady was generated ; and the mor- 
tality, to every heart not steeled by the spirit of party, was truly 
deplorable. I once, and once only, ventured to penetrate into 
these abodes of human misery and despair. But, to what pur- 
pose repeat my visit, when I had neither relief to administer, nor 
comfort to bestow ! What could I say to the unhappy victims 
who appealed to me for assistance, or sought my advice as to the 
alternative of death or apostacy? For until rendered worthless 
and unfit for military duty by disease, they might enlist, and thus 
rescue themselves from the sufferings that awaited them. I en- 
deavoured to encourage them with the hope of an exchange, but 
humanity forbade my counselling them to rush on sure destruc- 
tion: I rather chose to turn my eye from a scene I could not me- 
liorate ; to put from me a calamity which mocked my power of 
alleviation. 

Our own condition, too, though a paradise to theirs, was be- 
coming hopeless. To say nothing of the danger of legal punish- 
ment, it indicated a captivity without end, or at least commen- 
surate with the war. To other existing obstacles, a new one 
was added by the capture of General Lee,* considered by Gene- 
ral Howe as a deserter from the British army, and therefore, not 

* For an account of this capture, see Appendix I. — Ed. 



TREATMENT OF PRISONERS. 233 

entitled to exchange. Meanwhile the sternness of power was 
displayed with unabating rigour and systematic perseverance. 
In this scene of military despotism, I sometimes indulged my 
melancholy in an evening walk, when, imagination taking its 
flight to the shores of the Delaware, insensibly led rny steps to 
the western part of the city. Having been the theatre of the late 
fire, it was marked by devastation ; and as nothing is more con- 
genial to the soul in gloom, than to wander among ruins, 

"What time the moon, in solemn splendour pours 
Long tiircads of silver through the gaping towers," 

it was the time I chose, to take my solitary ramble through the 
deserted and dilapidated edifices of Broadway. Here, amid 
the irregularly indented battlements which frowned in desola- 
tion, I meditated on the horrors of this guilty city, where " poor 
misfortune felt the lash of vice," and thousands of my unhappy 
countrymen were perishing under the hand of proud, unfeeling 
authority: Not poniarded, it is true, before the faces of their op- 
pressors, nor murdered by the impious mockery of judicial in- 
vestigation, but remorselessly consigned to slow consuming 
tortures, equally fatal and potent to destruction. In this, I ad- 
mit, I speak the language of indignant feeling; but unless the 
suffering of the American prisoners w^as the efiect of dire ne- 
cessity, the British nation should be less clamourous about the 
massacre of Jaffa, since the quality of her humanity, v/hen com- 
pared with that of France, would be precisely that of Nero, when 
contrasted with Domitian's ; and hence, the whitest, it must be 
granted, by a very few gradations. The former, as we are 
told by Tacitus, had the grace to avert his eyes from the enor- 
mities he ordained; while those of the latter, feasted on human 
agony, and noted down the sighs of those who dared to sympa- 
thize with the victims. Jfero tamen suhtraxit oculos ; jussitque 
scelera, non spectavit : prcscipua sub Domitiano miseriarum pars 
erat, videre ef aspici ; cum suspiria nostra subscriherentur. 

It is no grateful office to apologize for obduracy; nor is it for 
the sufferers to seek excuses for the conduct of their oppressors. 
Justice, nevertheless demands, that due consideration should 
be had for the situation of the invading army ; the scantiness of 

20* 



234 REFLECTIOIVS OIV THE AMERICAN POLICY. 

its limits ; its ability to guard its prisoners, and means of subsist- 
ing them; nor would the bandaged Deity, on a scrutiny, I fear, 
entirely hold guiltless the assertors of liberty and declared pro- 
tectors of the rights of man. By her own pitiable policy, the 
balance in an exchange of prisoners, was miserably against Con- 
gress; and her annual enlistments opposed a formidable bar to the 
most sacred duties both of honour and humanity. But the heroic 
epoch of seventy-six, had its full leaven of selfishness; and whe- 
ther we appealed to our own or the French revolution, no two 
things will be found less alike than patriotism and philanthrophy, 
however it may be the fashion to speak of them as the same. 
When the great business is to raise an empire or to save one, 
what care we for the welfare of a minute inconsiderable part; 
and a part too, not having the slightest relation to ourselves? In 
the scale of public utility, what comparison can there be between 
an ignorant, mercenary soldier, and an enlightened member of 
the grand National Council, whose precious neck might, perad- 
venture, be " destined to the cord,"* in case of an unprosperous 
issue to the contest! It is for your Howards to "plunge into 
the infection of hospitals, to take guage and dimensions of misery, 
depression and contempt;" it is for them, "to survey the man- 
sions of sorrow^ and pain, to remember the forgotten., to attend to 
the neglected f Congress had far higher concerns. Possibly, I 
go too far; yet there were certainly prisoners in our hands, who, 
if not equal in amount to those in the hands of the enemy, would 
at least have obtained a partial exchange ; perhaps, with proper 
management, the release of the whole of the men; and the ob- 
stacle arising from the situation of Lee, might have been re- 
stricted to the officers. But this would not have done; there 
was an ugly rub in the affair: the time of enlistment having- 
expired, our men were no longer soldiers, while those of the 
enemy were still subject to command, and in a condition, imme- 
diately to take the field. Is it not probable, therefore, that we 
ourselves may owe a little to the manes of our devoted country- 
men ? But should I still be deemed censurable for the freedom 
of my observations, perhaps some of the letters of General Wash- 

* An expression of General Gage's in some of liis publications. 



MEMORIAL PRESENTED TO GENERAL HOWE. 235 

iNGTON, whose discretion will not be questioned, might be brought 
to my aid : from these it might appear, that the army was not 
always cherished with the most paternal care. Revolutions, 
however, are not the soil for any but the stoical virtues; and, 
counting every life that was lost, all the vile plebeian carcasses 
which have served to dress the hot bed, so rankly teeming with 
political fimgi. is there a statesman of nerve, a hopeful pupil of 
the Monticello school, who would not say, that, upon every 
principle of political economy, our independence was cheaply 
purchased ?* 

But the situation of the suffering soldiery, was not unattended 
to by their more fortunate officers ; and the means of relieving 
them were the subject of our daily consideration. The most ob- 
vious, was, to present an address to Sir William Howe ; but it 
was suggested, that, as the condition of the men could not but 
be known to him, it was to be considered as designed; and that, 
therefore, to state it, might be deemed impertinent, and be, in 
effect, injurious rather than beneficial to the end in view. This 
consideration, for awhile, restrained any interference in their 
behalf; but at length, it was resolved that a representation should 
be made. A memorial was prepared and signed by Colonels 
Magaw, Miles and Atlee, and they appointed me to deliver it. 
I accordingly repaired to head quarters ; and meeting with some 
gentlemen of the family at the door, I presented it to them, with 
a request that it might be submitted as soon as convenient, to 
the Commander-in-chief. They promised it should be laid be- 
fore him without delay, and inquired my name and rank, as the 
contents of the paper, not being known, it might be supposed to 
relate to myself, and at any rate, as on the deliverer of a paper, 
there rests a certain degree of responsibility for its contents. 

As soon as we had obtained a supply of cash, we equipped 
ourselves generally in plain clothes, in which we were less con- 
spicuous, and consequently, more at ease. There was a very 

* A revolution in the aggreg-ato, is a no less glorious thing than a battle, but 
they both lose many of their charms on an analysis ; and this must account for 
the puny features of my narrative, when compared with the noble countenance 
of general history. It ought also to plead for me, with those, who may charge 
mc with, Elalant au public notre misanthropie. 



236 SITUATION OF AFFAIRS. 

large store kept by one Coffin, in which, it was confidently said, 
Sir William Howe had a concern. From its containing the best 
assortment of goods, we gave it our cusiom ; and I accordingly 
called there one day, to buy some cloth and oiher articles, but 
as my gold had been clipped, it could not be taken, and I left 
the store with an apprehension that my coin would be useless to 
me. Very soon after, however, Mr. Coffin contrived to let me 
know, that he had waived his objection, and that my money 
would be received ; and after this, I found myself a welcome 
customer for all of it I could spare. 

Although there must have been in New York a number of re- 
fugees from Philadelphia, I presume they did not go much abroad, 
as I do not remember ever meeting one of them in the street; 
and the only one who ventured to call upon us, was Colonel 
William Allen, already mentioned. He came to our lodging 
once or twice, in the evening. His situation was an extremely 
awkward one. In civil contests, there seems no medium; and 
neither side will tolerate neutrals. Having borne arms with us, 
he had not the merit of an orthodox tory with the British ; neither 
had he any claim to the whiggism of the day, having renounced 
the cause of independence, and associated his fortunes with those 
of the enemy. In this predicament, however exempt from per- 
sonal animosity we might be, there could be nothing cordial or 
free in our intercourse : it admitted only of a constrained and 
formal civility. I have little doubt, however, that Mr. Allen's 
personal feelings w^ere, at this time, more with us than his new 
friends. As I have infinitely more satisfaction in recollecting and 
recording acts of generosity than of intolerance, I cannot omit to 
note the attention I received from Mr. Heathcote Johnson, of 
Amboy. This gentleman used to spend a good deal of his time 
in Philadelphia, had lodged at my mother's, and consequently, 
remembered me, though much younger than himself. Meeting 
him one day in the street, he stopped me, and in a very friendly 
manner invited me to spend a few weeks with him at Amboy. 
This, I could on no account have consented to, had I been at 
liberty to leave New York ; but that not being the case, 1 availed 
myself of this restriction in declining his invitation. He replied 
that it might be got over ; and that if I would favour him with my 



SITUATION OF AMERICAN OFFICERS. 237 

company, he had no doubt, but that he had sufficient influence 
to obtain an extension of ray limits. I was now obliged to de- 
cline his civility in more positive terms, though with a due im- 
pression of the liberality and kindness which had prompted it. 

Other attentions, of a character not wholly dissimilar, as coming 
from the royal side, we could well have dispensed with. These 
were from Captain Davenport and Colonel Houssacker, quondam 
w^higs and officers of our army. The first, originally appointed a 
lieutenant in our regiment, had, by the promotion of two of our 
captains to the station of aids-de-camp, and of our major to the 
lieutenant- colonelcy of a new battalion, risen to the command of 
a company, as had also Tudor and Edwards, the latter already 
spoken of as my first lieutenant. This Davenport was an Irish- 
man, who had been but a short time in Philadelphia; but by 
means of good connexion there, an air of the world, and a con- 
summate degree of effi'ontery, he had obtained not only a com- 
mission, but much consequence. He dressed well, and had a 
plausible exterior, but was found wholly destitute of honour and 
principle. After our retreat from Long Island, he remained in 
New York, either sick or pretending to be so, and though re- 
peatedly urged and commanded to join the regiment, he staid 
there until the British took possession of it. He was certainly a 
voluntary captive, if not a deserter; and there can be little doubt 
that he had renounced our cause and made his peace with the 
enemy. He notwithstanding came to see us, and wished to 
be sociable as formerly, affecting to consider himself as a prisoner, 
and alledging in proof of it, his confinement in the provost prison, 
where I believe he had been a short time. We understood him, 
but, as we had no absolute certainty of his baseness, we did not 
think it necessary to discard him ; for as he frequented the coffee- 
house, mixed with the British army and tories, we often received 
intelligence through him, that we could not otherw^ise have ob- 
tained ; and as he cared as little for one side as the other, his only 
objects being whole bones and an adherence to the prevailing one, 
he had no temptation to deceive us. As to Houssacker, he had 
been originally commissioned a Major of Wayne's battalion. He 
had, if I mistake not, been an Adjutant of the Royal Americans ; 
and was considered a capable disciplinarian. He was a German, 



j: 



238 DESERTERS FROM THE CAUSE OF INDEPENDENCE. 

or ratlier a man of no country or any country; a citizen of the 
world, a soldier of fortune, and a true mercenary. Thinking that 
our cause was going down rapidly, he saw no reason for adhering 
any longer to it ; but came over to the enemy in the season of our 
extreme adversity, though he did not reach us until after th.e affairs 
of Trenton and Princeton. Not liking the name of a deserter, he 
called himself a prisoner, but certainly, if he was one, he had 
made much better terms than we had. He told us, however, that 
all was over ; and that General Washington was reduced to the 
necessity of giving enormous bounties for only two or three weeks 
service ; that by means of these, and harranguing his troops, he con- 
trived to keep a few in the field, but that there was not the smallest 
doubt, that the business was up, and America subdued. His 
inference was, that ^ye ought immediately to make our peace. 
" What do you shut yourselves up here for ?" said he, in his rattling 
manner, to Miles, Atlee and Magaw, with whom he was acquainted. 
" Why don't you go to the coffee-house and mix with the British 
army, as I do ? They will use you well you may depend upon it. 
Ahd, to be sure, the thing was easy enough ; it was only to change 
sides, to cry peccavi, and receive forgiveness." Nevertheless, 
Colonel Houssacker made no proselytes to his opinion, or rather 
to his principles. Our affairs, it must be confessed, were at a 
very low ebb ; in so far, at least, as success was dependant on 
sheer fighting. The immense multitude which had taken the field 
in the beginning of the summer, was no longer to be found : it 
had vanished ; three short months from the opening of the cam- 
paign, had melted it away. Perhaps, not less than two-thirds of 
it, had gone home ; no inconsiderable part had been put hors de 
combat by the enemy ; and the feeble remnant yet in arms, was 
not calculated to inspire confidence. 

Still we flattered ourselves that things were better than they ap- 
peared; and notwithstanding the dire bodings of Houssacker, our 
spirits were not a little raised by the handsome coups de main of 
Trenton* and Princeton ; both of which came to our knowledge, 

* Sec, in Appendix fl^ a IcUcr from General Washington to Colonel Reed or 
Colonel Cadwaladeu. Spakks sa3's he did not find this letter among Washing- 
ton's papers; AVilkinson gives it in his Memoirs, but he docs not mention 



AMERICAN PROSPECTS. 239 

tliougli imperfectly. The mere circumstance of showing the 
country that the enemy was not invincible, we deemed of incal- 
culable importance. It was in vain that the truth was disguised 
in the papers : enough was learned from other channels, to con- 
vince us that some signal advantages had been obtained, and to 
induce a belief that the spirit of America was rising w'ith the crisis. 
We were always anxious to see the newspapers, though, to be 
disgusted and mortified, was the never failing result of a sight of 
them. But mercilessly as they be-rebelled us, the refugees, to our 
great delight, were not always spared ; as may be collected from 
the following superlatively stupid paragraph, wdiich appeared in 
the paper of Hugh Gaines. It was substantially, if not precisely, 
in these words : — " One of the rebels who had lately taken the 
benefit of the commissioners proclamation, complaining to a British 
officer, that he was not treated as a gentleman, the officer replied : — 
' I take a gentleman to be a man of honour, and as it is plain no 
rebel can be such, you, having been one, cannot expect to be 
treated better than you are.' " I felt a strong itch to cast a squib 
at this Boeotian attempt at a sarcasm ; but the difficulty was to 
give it publicity. There was no getting it into a newspaper, and 
detection would infallibly have obtained the author a lodging in 
the provost prison. Upon consulting vrith Edwards, it was agreed 
to endeavour to have it placed in a conspicuous part of the coffee- 
house ; and accordingly, in the evening, we procured a black boy, 
wdio, for the small fee of a quarter of a dollar or half a crown, 
undertook to lay, unobserved, the follow^ing production, sealed 
and addressed, " To the officers of the British army," in one of the 
boxes of the coffee-room : 

" A friend to government, presents his warmest and most sub- 
missive acknowledgments to his ' very worthy and approved good 
masters,' the gallant officers of the British army, ever jire-eminent 
in mercy* for their manly and immortal triumph over the rebel, 
who had lately the unparalelled audacity to appear in the company 

whence lie obtained it. Its publication by Wilkinson, who, doubtless, considered 
it genuine, — and Sparks agrees with him, — is no proof of its authenticity. On 
the contrary, from internal evidence, we should pronounce it to be a forgery. — Ed. 
* Words in a letter or proclamation of General Gage, while at Boston, 



240 COFFEE-HOUSE INCIDENT. 

of gentlemen — I say, gentlemen ; for from that witty and ingenious 
sarcasm, which appeared in Mr. Gaines' last paper, it is incon- 
testably proved that no rebel can be such ; and it is therein no less 
clearly demonstrated, that every man who wears a red coat, and 
has the magnanimity to insult a person in his power, has every 
claim to that respectable character, which humanity, politeness 
and true heroism can confer. But, while I applaud the glory, I 
cannot but condemn the policy of the deed ; for who knows, but 
tliat some of these poor, shabby rascals, may have the arrogance 
to call thenselves gentlemen on their own dunghill, and even to 
venture upon retaliation ? It is true, their cowardice and mean- 
ness of spirit, have hitherto induced them to treat their prisoners 
with the utmost lenity and civility ; but, from the spirit of enter- 
prize, they have lately discovered, it is much to be feared, that 
tliey may, one day, pluck up courage enough to look a British 
officer in the face, or even to insult a captive. 

"But I wander from my point, which was merely to celebrate 
this illustrious exploit, which far transcends the most heroic 
achievements of your ancestors. How shall I express my satis- 
faction of your conduct? In a word, I am dumb with admiration, 
and 'in silence muse your praise.' " 

We remained in ignorance of the issue of our machination, 
until the following evening, when, Davenport calling upon us, 
immediately testified by his countenance (for he was not an un- 
pleasant rogue) that some amusing mischief had occurred. " You 
are a couple of pretty fellows," said he to Edwards and myself; 
" you have made a devil of an uproar at the coffee-house!" We 
affected not to know what he meant, but he insisted upon it, that 
it was by us, and us alone, that a letter had been addressed to the" 
British officers, which had set some of them raving mad. We 
found he had seen it, as he mentioned its contents. Some of the 
officers, he told us, only laughed at it, and said it was ^ery well 
done, while others were so outrageous, as to put up a notice in 
the coffee-room, importing, that " no white-washed rebel should 
presume to set his foot there again, under pain of being turned or 
kicked out ;" for they supposed it to proceed from a refugee. Da- 
venport judged better; and was persuaded that we were its 



BRITISH PROVOST MARSHAL ETHAN ALLEN. 241 

authors ; though we dissembled so well, that he appeared at length 
to doubt. We were highly tickled at the success of the con- 
trivance, but knew better than to put ourselves into the power of 
a man so unprincipled. He several times afterwards returned 
to the charge, persisting in his assertion that the letter was ours ; 
but we were so guarded, that he was never able to extort from us 
an admission that Ave knew any thing of the matter: To have 
gotten into the clutches of Conyngham, would have been paying 
too dearly for our joke. 

This Conyngham was the provost marshal, and by the concur- 
rence of all who had been under his dominion, he was a fellow 
that would not have disgraced the imperial throne of the Caesars, 
in the darkest days of Roman tyranny ; nor the republic of France, 
at the most refulgent era of Jacobinism. A just respect for the 
enbghtened and moral policy of our rulers, forbids my carrying the 
adaptation farther. Davenport himself bore testimony to his vil- 
lany ; one of whose traits, was, that in the evening, he would 
traverse his domain with a whip in his hand, sending his prisoners 
to bed, with the ruffian like Tattoo of, Kennel ye sons of bitches! 
Kennel, G — d damn ye ! Colonel Ethan Allen too, in the narra- 
tive of Ids captivity, says, that " he was as great a rascal as the 
army could boast of," with the single exception of Joshua Loring, 
the commissary of prisoners ; and he winds up a most violent, and 
possibly, not ill deserved invective against the commissary, in the 
following energetic and characteristic strain of eloquence. " He 
(meaning Loring) is the most mean spirited, cowardly, deceitful 
and destructive animal in God's creation below ; and legions of 
infernal devils, with all their tremendous horrors, are impatiently 
ready to receive Howe and him, with all their detestable accom- 
plices, into the most exquisite agonies of the hottest regions of 
hell-fire."* 

* Ethan Allen was a Brig-adier-General in the Revolutionary army. He was 
a native of Connecticut, but received his very limited education in Vermont; his 
parents having emigrated to that State while he was very young. "At the re- 
quest of the Legislature of Connecticut, Allen collected a body 'of about 230 Green 
Mountain hoys — as tlie settlers of Vermont were then designated — and marched 
against the Fortresses of Ticonderoga and Crown Point. At Castleton he was 
joined by Colonel Arnold. They arrived at the lake opposite to Ticonderoga 
on the evening of May 9th, and having, with great diiFiculty procured boats, 

21 



242 GENERAL WILLIAMS COLONEL ALLEN. 

Should this lan^iage be thought too highly wrought, it should 
be remembered, that lew have ever more severely felt the hand 
of arbitrary power than Allen ; and that he had but recently 
emerged from the provost guard, to which, for some alleged in- 
fringement of parole, he and Major Otho H. Williams, afterwards 
General Williams, a very gallant and already distinguished officer, 
had been committed.* Allen had been brought from Halifax to 

landed S3 men on the other shore during the niglit. Tlie day, however, begin- 
ning to dawn, Allen was obliged to attack the Fort before his rear could cross 
the lake, having previously animated his soldiers, by a harangue, which he con- 
cluded with saying, 'I now propose to advance before you, and in person to con- 
duct you through the wicket-gate; but, inasmuch as it is a desperate attempt, I 
do not urge on any one contrary to his will. You that will undertake volun- 
tarily, poise your firelocks.' They all immediately poised their firelocks. He 
then advanced at the head of the centre file to the wicket-gate, where a sentry 
snapped his fusee at him, and retreated, followed by Allen, who formed his men 
upon the parade. The apartments of the commanding officer having been pointed 
out to him by a sentry who asked for quarters, he instantly repaired thither, and, 
holding his sword over Captain de Laplace, whom he found undressed, demanded 
the surrender of the Fort. The latter asking him by what authority, ' I demand 
if,' said Allen, ' In the name of the Great Jehovah, and of the Continental Con- 
gress.' De Laplace was constrained to comply, and the Fort with its stores and 
garrison, was given up. General Allen was a man of strong mind and of an 
cnterprizing spirit. He was taken prisoner in Canada. He was kept in irons 
and treated with much severity. His Narrative of his captivity is curiously 
written, but, is evidentl}', a faithful account. Ho died suddenly in 1789. Allen 
was an infidel. He adopted sundry wild and absurd notions, among others, be- 
lieving with Pythagoras that the soul of man, after death, would live again in 
beasts, birds and fishes. He often said that he would live again under the ap- 
pearance of a large white horse. These opinions, however, he was supposed to 
profess, more from an affectation of singularity than conviction. While sitting 
in his library conversing with a physician. Dr. Elliot, Allen was informed that 
his daugiiter was dying, and desired to speak with him. He and Elliot imme- 
diately repaired to her chamber. His wife was distinguished for her piety, and 
had instructed her daughter in the principles of Christianity. As soon as her 
father stood at her bedside, she said to him, ' I am about to die ; shall I believe in 
the principles you have taught me, or shall I believe in what my mother has 
taught me?' He became greatly agitated; his chin quivered; his whole frame 
shook ; and, after waiting a few moments, he replied, 'Believe what your mother 
has taught you.' " — Ency, Amer. 

" Hear the voice within, 

The small, still voice of conscience, hear it cry, 

Ax Atueist Tiiou may'st live, but can'st not die I" — Gilford, — Eo. 

^ Otho Holland Williajis : He rose to the rank of Adjutant-General, in which 
station he remained until the close of the revolutionary war. He grcatlv distin- 



GENERAL WILLIAMS COLONEL ALLEN. 243 

New York, a short time before the taking of Fort Washington, 
and was admitted to parole when we were. His figure was that 
of a robust, large-framed man, worn down by confinement and 
hard fare ; but he was now recovering his flesh and spirits ; and 
a suit of blue clothes, with a gold laced hat that had been pre- 
sented to him by the gentlemen of Cork, enabled him to make a 
very passable appearance for a rebel colonel. He used to show a 
fracture in one of his teeth, occasioned by his twisting off with it, 
in a fit of anger, the nail which fastened the bar of his hand-cufTs ; 
and which drew from one of the astonished spectators, the ex- 
clamation of " damn him, can he eat iron.'"' I had become well 
acquainted with him, and have more than once heard him relate 
his adventures while a prisoner before being brought to New York, 
exactly corresponding both in substance and language, with the 
narrative he gave tlie public in the year 1779. I have seldom met 
with a man, possessing, in my opinion, a stronger mind, or whose 
mode of expression was more vehement and oratorical. His style 
was a singular compound of local barbarisms, scriptural phrases, 
and oriental wildness ; and though iinclassic and sometimes iin- 
grammalical, it was highly animated and forcible. In the follow- 
ing sentence of his narrative, though it is not perhaps strictly cor- 
rect in its construction, there is to me, a flash of moral pathos not 
unworthy of a Robertson. " When the fleet," says he, " con- 
sisting of about forty-five sail, including five men of war, sailed 
from the cove (of Cork) with a fresh breeze, the appearance was 
beautiful, abstracted from the unjust and bloody designs they had 
in view." Notwithstanding that Allen might have had something 
of the insubordinate, lawless frontier spiritf in his composition, 
having been in a state of hostility with the government of New 
York before the war of the revolution, he appeared to me to be a 
man of generosity and honour ; several instances of which occur 
in his publication, and one, not equivocal, came under my own 

guislicd himself in the disastrous battle of Camden. Previous to the disband- 
mcnt of the army, Congress made him a Brigadier-General. He died in 1794. 
—Ed. 

t A spirit resembling that given by Scott to his Borderers, and wliich perhaps 
is common to men residing on the verge of policed communities, wjien the law- 
is feeble and inefEcient, and consequently contemned. 



244 RESULT OF APPLICATION TO GENERAL HOWE. 

observation. General Washington, speaking of him in an official 
letter of May the 12th, 1788, observes, with a just discrimination, 
that there was an original something in him which commanded 
admiration. 

The representation which had been submitted to Gen. Howe, 
in behalf of the vSuffering prisoners, was more successful than had 
been expected. About a week, I think, after its delivery, the 
memorialists were given to understand, that their statement and 
propositions had been considered by Sir WiUiam Howe ; and that 
he was disposed to accede to them. These were, if I mistake 
not, that the men should be sent within our lines, where they 
should be receipted for, and an equal number of the prisoners in 
our hands returned in exchange. Policy, no less than humanity, 
recommended the measure ; since our men, no longer soldiers 
and too debilitated for service, even should they incline to re-en- 
list, gave a claim to sound men, immediately fit to take the field ; 
and there was, moreover, great danger that, if they remained in 
New York, the disease with which they were infected, might be 
spread throughout the city. That these considerations had their 
weight in the favourable result of the application cannot be 
doubted. At any rate, hope was admitted into the mansions of 
despair : the prison doors were thrown open, and the soldiers 
who were yet alive and capable of being moved, were conveyed 
to our nearest posts, under the care of our regimental surgeons, 
to them a fortunate circumstance, since it enabled them to ex- 
change the land of bondage for that of liberty, and to return to 
the bosom of their families and friends. Among these was Doctor 
M'Henry, with whom, from a residence in the same house, I was 
becoming intimate, though I had been but little acquainted with 
him before. The mention of this gentleman, brings along with 
it the recollection of my obligation to him, for his kindness and 
medical care of me, under the attack of a quinsy, but a very few 
days before he left us.* 

Immediately after the release of our men, a new location was 

* James McHexrv. He was appointed Secretary of \Yar by Washington, early 
in 1796, and was dismissed, with Colonel Pickering, Secretary of State, by the 
elder President Adams. — Ea. 



EXCHANGE OF PRISONERS. 245 

assigned to us; and on the 2 2d of January, (1777,) as I find 
from Ethan Allen's narrative, though my recollection would have 
placed it in the middle of February, we were removed to Long 
Island, and by our parole, restricted to a district, consisting of 
Flat-bush, New-lots, Flat-lands and Gravesend, at each of which 
places, a part of us, were billetted on the inhabitants by Commis- 
sary Loring, for the stipulated sum of two dollars a head per 
week. What induced our removal from New York, I never 
learned : but without any inclination to assign undue importance 
to a trifle, it is not improbable, that the squib thrown into the 
coffee-house, as already mentioned, might have had its influence 
in bringing about the measure. Whatever some of the British 
officers might have thought, the refugees and tories could have 
had no doubt of the quarter whence it came. Its tenor, and still 
more, its consequences could not but have been both offensive 
and mortifying to them; and their feelings were entitled to the 
attention of Sir William Howe, whose protection they had sought. 
In addition to this, it is probable, that in other respects we did 
not sufl[iciently conform to the state of humfliation, in which it 
was the policy to place us. We took the full latitude of our 
parole, traversing the streets in all directions, with a good deal of 
assurance; and once, when the Tea- water pond was frozen over 
and covered with British officers, who thought themselves skaters, 
a few of us were audacious enough to mingle in the exercise, 
from the malicious pleasure more than any thing else, of showing 
them what arrant bunglers they were. But, to whatever cause it 
might be owing, it was, to the generality of us, a most unwelcome 
step. It was placing another river between us and our homes 
and though, in fact, we should be as visible to the eyes of Con- 
gress on Long Island, as at New York, we could not but consider 
the measure as unpropitious to an exchange ; and we regarded 
our transportation across the East river as a consignation to 
" dumb forgetfulness," where, no longer thought of by friends or 
foes, we were destined to waste the best of our days in a state of 
hopeless captivity. 

21* 



246 SITUATION OF OFFICERS AT LONG ISLAND. 



CHAPTER X. 

Situation of Officers at Long- Island. — Society at Flat-busli. — Manners of the 
People.— Mr. Baclie. — Captain Hutchins. — Domine Reubell. — Dominc Van 
Zinder. — An Excursion. — Public Feeling. — Mr. Wallace. — Officers' Appoint- 
ments. — Obstructions to an E.xchange. — Hardships of Captivity. — Elegiac 
Stanzas of the Author. — Obstacles to exchange of Officers. — Author visited by 
his Mother.— Maternal Anxiety. — British Post. — Officers. — Sir George Osborne. 
Bon Mot. — Aplications for Author's release. — Application to General Howe. — 
Author liberated on his Parole.— Reflections on War. 

Flat-bush was the place assigned for the officers of our regi- 
ment, as well as those of Magaw's. Here also, were stationed 
Colonels Miles, Atlee, Rawlings and Major Williams, the indul- 
gence of arranging ourselves agreeably to our respective circles 
of acquaintance, having been granted by Mr. Loring, of whom, 
for my own part, I have nothing hard to say. It is true, he 
laboured under that " curse of great ones," in having the " forked 
plague " fixed on him by Sir William : Yet as there is little doubt, 
that he considered himself amply indemnified by his office, he 
was not "robbed at all." Mr. Forrest and myself were billetted 
on a Mr. Jacob Suydam. His house was pretty large, consisting of 
buildings which appeared to have been erected at difTerent times, 
the front and better part of which, was in the occupation of Mr. 
Theophilact Bache and his family, from New York. Though we 
were in general, civilly enough received, it cannot be supposed, 
that we were very welcome to our Low Dutch hosts, whose habits of 
living were extremely parsimonious, and whose winter provision was 
barely sufficient for themselves. Had they been sure of receiving 
the two dollars a-week, it might have reconciled them to the 
measure ; but payment appeared to them to depend on the success 
of our cause, (Congress, or ourselves, being looked upon as the 
pay-masters,) and its failure, in their eyes, would in both cases 



SOCIETY AT FLAT-BUSH. 247 

induce a stoppage of payment. They were, however, a people 
who seemed thoroughly disposed to submit to any power, which 
might be set over them ; and whatever might have been their 
propensities or demonstrations at an earlier stage of the contest, 
they were now the dutiful and loyal subjects of His Majesty 
George the Third ; and entirely obedient to the behests of their 
military masters in New York. As it was at the instance of these, 
that we were saddled upon them, they received us with the best 
grace they could put on. Their houses and beds we found clean ; 
but their living extremely poor, and well calculated to teach the 
luxurious, how infinitely less than their pampered appetites re- 
quire, is essential to the sustentation of life. In the apostrophe 
of Lucan, 

"O prodiga rerum 
Luxuries, nunquam parvo contenta paratu, 
Et qua^sitorum terra pelagoque ciborum 
Ambitiosa fames, et lautae gloria niensae I 
Discite quam parvo liceat producere vitam." 

Thus translated by Rowe : 

"Belioldl ye sons of luxury, behold I 
Who scatter in excess your lavish gold; 
You who the wealth of frugal ages waste, 
T' indulge a wanton supercilious taste ; 
For whom all earth, all ocean are explor'd 
To spread the various proud voluptuous board. 
Behold I how littb thrifty nature craves." 

A sorry wash made up of a sprinkling of bohea, and the dark- 
est sugar on the verge of fluidity, with half-baked bread, fuel 
being among the scarcest articles at Flat-bush, and a little stale 
butter, constituted ■ our breakfast. At our first coming, a small 
piece of pickled beef was occasionally boiled for dinner, but, to 
the beef which was scron consumed, succeeded clippers or clams, 
and our unvaried supper was supon or mush, sometimes with 
skimmed milk, but more generally with buttermilk blended with 
molasses, which was kept for weeks in a churn, as swill is saved 
for hogs. I found it, however, after a little use, very eatable ; 
and supper soon became my best meal. The table company con- 



248 MANNERS OF THE PEOPLE. 

sisted of the master of the house, Mr. Jacob Siiydam, an old 
bachelor, a young man, a shoemaker of the name of Rem Hager- 
man, married to Jacob's niece, who, with a mewling infant in her 
arms, never failed to appear. A black boy, too, was generally in 
the room ; not as a waiter, but as a kind of enfant de Tnaison, 
w^ho walked about, or took post in the chimney corner with his 
hat on, and occasionally joined in the conversation. It is pro- 
bable, that but for us, he would have been placed at the table ; 
and that it had been the custom before we came. Certain it is, 
that the idea of equality, was more fully and fairly acted upon in 
this house of a British subject than ever I have seen it practised 
by the most vehement declaimers for the rights of man among 
ourselves. It is but fair, however, to mention, that I have never 
been among our transcendent republicans of Virginia, and her 
dependencies. But notwithstanding some unpleasant circum- 
stances in our establishment, every member of the family, the 
black fellow, to whom we had been the cause of some privations, 
excepted, was exceedingly courteous and accommodating. Rem 
Hagerman, and Yonichy, his wife, gave themselves no airs; nor 
was out harmony with uncle Jacob ever interrupted, but on a 
single occasion, when, soured a little by I know not what provo- 
cation, he made a show of knocking down Forrest with a pair of 
yarn stockings he had just drawn from his legs, as he sat in the 
chimney-corner one evening preparing for bed. It was, indeed, 
but an offer, though it might, for aught I know, have amounted 
to an assault in law, as Jacob was not so far from the person 
menaced, but that tlie feet of the stockings, if held by the other 
extremity, and projected from an extended arm, might possibly 
have reached him ; and a pair of long- worn yarn stockings, might, 
from daily alluvion, have acquired somewhat of the properties of 
a cudgel. But moments of peevishness were allowable to our 
host ; since, though we had for some time been consuming his 
provisions, he had never seen a penny of our money and it was 
somewhat doubtful, to say the truth, whether he ever would ; for, 
considering the contractors for our boarding liable for it, we never 
thought of paying it ourselves. As the Low Dutch are a people 
little known in Pennsylvania, and more especially, as it is my 
avowed intention to advert to the character of the time, this 



SOCIETY AT FLAT-BUSH. 249 

sketch of their domestic economy and manners, may not be 
tliought impertinent. In a word, from what I saw of them on 
Long Island, I was led to consider them as a people, quiet and 
inoffensive beyond any I had seen ; such, from whom no enthu- 
siastic efforts, either of good or evil tendency, were to be looked 
for ; who were neither prolific of Catos nor Catilines ; and who, 
had they been the sole occupants of this great continent of ours, 
would still have been colonists, and never known what it was to 
be independent republicans. Their religious, like their other 
habits, were unostentatious and plain ; and a silent grace* before 
meat, prevailed at the table of Jacob Suydam. When we were 
all seated, he suddenly clasped his hands together, threw his head 
on one side, closed his eyes, and remained mute and motionless 
for about a minute. His niece and nephew followed his example ; 
but with such an eager solicitude that the copied attitude should 
be prompt and simultaneous, as to give an air of absurdity, to 
what might otherwise have been very decent. Although little of 
the vernacular accent remained on the tongues of these people, 
they had some peculiarities in their phraseology. Among these, 
instead of asking you to sit, or sit down to table, they invited you 
to sit by; and this I even observed in General Schuyler, when I 
was at Lake George. It might be asked by a stickling New 
Yorker, if "sit by" is not as proper, and even more so, than 
"sit down," w^hich, in strictness, is a redundancy. A Philadel- 
phian might admit it : but it would be no evidence of his want of 
candour, should he add, that it was, nevertheless, extremely awk- 
ward English. 

* Mrs. Grant, in lier " Memoirs of an American Lady," speaking- of the state 
of religion among- the settlers about Albany, says, " Thcii- religion, like their 
original national character, had in it little of fervor or enthusiasm; their manner of 
performing religious duties, was regular and decent, but calm, and to more 
ardent imaginations, might appear mechanical. None ever doubted of tlie great 
truths of revelation, yet few seemed to dwell on the result with that lively delight 
which devotion produces in minds of keener sensibility. If their piety, how- 
ever, was without enthusiam, it was also without bigotry ; they wished others to 
think as they did, without showing rancor or contempt towards those who did 
not. In many individuals, whose lives seemed governed by the principles of 
religion, the spirit of devotion seemed to be quiescent in the heart, and to break 
forth in exigencies ; yet that monster in nature, an impious woman, was never 
heard of among them." — Mem., chap. v. — Eo, 



250 MR. BACHE MRS. BACIIE. 

The morning after our arrival at this place, we encountered 
Mr. Bache in the piazza, which extended the whole length of 
the building on the south side. His being an Englishman and 
a determined royalist, did not prevent him from accosting us 
very civilly, and manifesting a disposition to maintain a friendly 
intercourse with us, notwithstanding the difference in our politi- 
cal sentiments. Having long resided in New York, he was ac- 
quainted with the groimds of the contest ; and well knew, that 
the opposition to the mother country, was not confined to a low 
and desperate faction, as it was the fashion among the loyalists 
to represent it. He was aware, that his brother in Philadelphia,* 
(married to the daughter of Doctor Franklin) had embraced the 
Whig side of the question, as well as others of the first respecta- 
bility in America ; and was, therefore, perfectly sensible, that we 
were not the insignificant rebels, which policy depicted us. But 
whatever was the motive, the behaviour of Mr. Bache was alto- 
gether free from intolerance and party rancour : it was more, it 
was hospitable and kind. In addition to frequent invitations to 
tea, and to partake of his Madeira, to help us along a little, as 
he expressed it, in allusion to the mean fare of Jacob's table, I 
was indebted to him for the offer of his purse, although he 
neither knew me nor my connexions. As I stood in no need of 
it, I declined it, but with a due sense of the obligation the mere 
offer imposed. I availed myself, however, of the tender of his 
services in executing small commissions for me when he went 
to New York, which was almost every day ; and among these, 
he once negociatcd a bill of exchange in my favour, on Major 

* Mr. Richard Baciie. — lie was married to Sarah FraxNklin, on the 29th of 
October, 1767. It was of tliis patriotic lady, that M. De Marbois tlius wrote to 
Dr. Franklix, from Pliiladelpiiia, on tlic 4th January, 1781 : 

" If there arc in Europe any women, who need a model of attachment to 
domestic duties, and love for their country, Mrs. Baciie may be pointed out to 
them as such. She passed a part of tiie last year in exertions to rouse the zeal 
of the Pennsylvania ladies, and she made on this occasion such a happy use of 
the eloquence which you know she possesses, that a large part of the American 
army was provided with shirt;;, bought with their money, or made by their hands. 
In her applications for this purpose, she showed the most indefatigable zeal, and 
the most unwearied perseverance, and a courage in asking, which surpassed even 
the obstinate reluctance of the Quakers in refusing." — Ed. 



CAPTAIN HIJTCHINS. y 251 

Small. It might have been this circumstance which led the 
Major to a knowledge that my mother, (at whose house he had 
long, and at different times, been a lodger, as already men- 
tioned,) had sons in the American army. For, on conversing 
once with Captain Hutchins, in London, on the subject of the 
war, he said to him, "would you have believed it, Hutchins, 
that Desdy had two of her sons in arms against us ?" But this 
fact could not have appeared quite so unnatural to the Captain, 
as it did to the Major, since, not very long after, for his attach- 
ment to the American cause, he was obliged to relinquish the 
British service, having first been arrested on a charge of trea- 
sonable practices. Captain Hutchins, I think, was a native of 
New Jersey.* On his coming over to us, he was appointed to 
the post of Geographer-General, which had probably been created 
for him. From his long and frequent residence in our house, he 
was domesticated in it : He was a worthy and a pious man ; but 
one, who, in his continued complaints of the injustice of the 
British government, in not fully remunerating his services, be- 
trayed but little knowledge of the world. Ca2sar, it is true, sent 
Labienus his pay and baggage, when that officer thought proper 
to join the standard of Pompey; but this was an instance of 
singular generosity. If Captain Hutchins, after spending the 
greater part of his life in the British army, chose to renounce it 
for that of America, he should at least have granted to his old 
employers, the privilege of some ill humour, and not have been 
too outrageous, even though some pecuniary deficiency had been 
its consequence: what was patriotism in his eyes — in theirs, 
was ingratitude ; and the right of thinking was mutual. But if 
these vile monarchists were unjust to a relinquisher of their 
cause, what shall we say of the conduct of our own republican 
rulers, to old officers, who have always been fiuthful? Com- 



* Thomas Hutchins, to whom General Washington wrote, OOUi August, 1786, 
upon the subject of " authentic documents wanted by the Empress of Russia, 
respecting- the language of the natives of this country, for the purpose of com- 
piling a universal Dictionary." Washington farther writes :— "Persuaded that a 
gentleman of your taste for science in general, and particularly of your capacity 
of acquiring the information in question, will enter upon the task with pleasure, 
I make no apology for troubling you with it." — Ed. 



252 DOMINE REUBELL — DOMINE VAN ZINDER. 

paring the destiny of many of these with that of the adherents to 
the British government, I fear we shall not all be able to say 
with Rousseau : Heureux, toutes les fois que je medite sur les 
governemens^ de trouver toujours dans mes recherches, de nouvelles 
raisons d^ aimer celui de mon pays."^ 

Besides Mr. Bache, there were at this time, several New 
Yorkers, with their families, residing at Flat-bush. Of these, 
Mr. Axtle, was apparently the first in point of wealth and im- 
portance. I think he had been of the Governor's council. He 
was neatly seated at a country-house at the entrance of the 
village from New York ; and I had once the honour of supping 
with him, together with eight or ten of my fellow-prisoners, that 
had been selected on the occasion. What the object of this 
single attention was, could not be divined ; but after partaking 
of the hospitality, it would be wrong to ascribe it to other than 
a liberal motive, and after having obtained a footing in his 
house, it was our own fault that it was not improved. In the 
family of Mr. Axtle, there was a Mr. Frederick Depeyster, a 
young man better known in the village by the fondling appella- 
tion of Feady ; and two young ladies, all of whom, were the 
relations of Mrs. Axtle. One of these, a Miss Shipton, had so 
much toleration for our cause, as some time after, to marry a 
Major Giles of our army. Next in consequence to Mr. Axtle, 
might be placed Mr. Matthews, the mayor of New York, who 
divided his time between the village and the city, in each of 
which he had a house. There were also here a Mr. Sherbroke, 
and a Mr. Jauncey ; and Major Moncrief, of the British army, a 
relation by marriage to Mr. Bache, spent much of his time here, 
where he had a daughter. But the principal personage in a low 
Dutch village appears to be the Domine, or Minister; and Flat- 
bush, at this time, revered her Domine Reubell, a rotund, jolly 
looking man, a follower of Luther and a tory, on whom were 
billetted Colonels Atlee and Miles. At Flatlands, an adjacent 
hamlet, there was also a Domine Van Zinder, a disciple of Cal- 
vin, and a Whig. He was in person as well as principles, a 

.* Happy, so often as I contemplate otlicr governments, to find, in my re- 
searches, as I always do, new reasons for loving that of my own country I 



SOCIETY AT FLAT-BUSH — DOMINE VAN ZINDER. 253 

perfect contrast to Mr. Reubell, being a lean and shrivelled little 
man, with silver flowing locks, " which streamed like a meteor 
to the troubled air," as he whisked along with great velocity in 
his chair through Flat-bush. Recalling his figure and triangular 
sharp-pointed hat, I have before me, the express image of the 
learned Knickerbocker's William the Testy. This latter Domine 
was distinguished by a species of pulpit eloquence, which might 
be truly said, to " bring matters home to mens' business and 
bosoms." Mr. Bache assured me, that, in once descanting on 
the wily arts of the devil, in seducing and ensnaring sinners, he 
likened him to my landlord, Jacob Suydam, sneaking and skulk- 
ing about to get a shot at a flock of snipes ; small birds of the 
plover kind, which, at certain seasons are very numerous on the 
beach; and in shooting of which, old Jacob, it seems, was emi- 
nently skilful and successful. I was indebted to Mr. Bache for 
much other local information; and was gratified to find, that our 
defence of Fort Washington, was considered by the British 
officers, as far from pusillanimous or disgraceful.* 

There was a fatiguing sameness in our occupations, for which 
we had no cure. During a residence of about five months 
upon Long Island, I was but once beyond the limits to which 
we were restricted, and this was to dine with Mr. Wallace, one 
of the principal merchants of New York, who now resided at 
Jamaica. Together with Major West and Captain Lenox, I 
had been recommended to him by the house of the Nesbits, or 
of Conyngham and Nesbit (I am not sure of the firm) in Phila- 
delphia, to whose friendship I was also indebted, as it was un- 
solicited, for a letter of credit on him, wdiich, however, I had no 
occasion to use. An instance, by the by, of the liberal uses of 
that commerce, which, in the enlarged and enlightened mind of 
Mr. Jefferson, only tends to corrupt and narrow the heart; and 
to sink those employed in it, into the most worthless part of the 
community. It was this circumstance, which procured us an 
invitation to dine with him; to enable us to do which, he had 
obtained for us a temporary dispensation from our parole, from 

* Even General Howe declared that the place had been well defended by the 
"Rebels." — Ed* 



254 AN EXCURSION — PUBLIC FEELING. 

Mr. Loring, We cheerfully availed ourselves of the little va- 
riety this visit would aflbrd us, and waited upon Mr. Wallace, 
who entertained us with much hospitality. But 4here was one 
incident, I must confess, I did not altogether relish: perhaps it 
was designed as a delicate mode of assuring us, that the civility 
we received, was not to be considered, in any degree as a tolera- 
tion of our principles. After dinner, the son of our entertainer, 
a boy of about seven or eight years of age, came into the room, 
and his father putting a glass of wine into his hand, asked him 
Avhat he drank. " Church and King," pronounced the little 
fellow, in an audible voice. I did not know until now, that I 
had made so much progress in republicanism. Although loyalty 
to the king, had but lately been an ardent feeling in America, 
and had certainly been mine; and although I had recently con- 
templated becoming an Episcopalian, from an idea that it was 
the duty of all men to conform to the established religion of their 
country, where, to their minds, there were no essential objections 
to its tenets — yet the sentiment appeared to me degrading and 
slavish in the extreme. This is an instance how much our opi- 
nions are swayed by our passions and habits, and a corrobora- 
tion of the remark of Lord Chatham, "that the first blood drawn 
in the contest, would prove an irritabile vulnus, a wound that 
could not be healed, but which would fester and mortify the 
whole body." 

Upon our first arrival at Jamaica, after putting up our horses 
at an inn, we concluded to take a ramble through the town be- 
fore we went to Mr. Wallace's. We had accordingly strolled 
to nearly the end of the main street, when we observed a soldier, 
or non-commissioned officer, coming after us. We suspected 
his business to be with us, when approaching with due military 
etiquette, he gave us to understand, that he came by order of 
Colonel Fanning, who desired to speak with us at his quarters. 
We immediately returned with him, and were conducted to the 
colonel, who informed us, that he presumed we were prisoners ; 
and if so, as we were without our limits, he conceived it his 
duty to inquire into the cause of it. We told him that we came 
to dine with Mr. Wallace, who, we understood, had obtained 
permission for us so to do, from the commissary of prisoners. 



AN EXCURSION — MR. WALLACE. 255 

Had we any certificate or evidence of this ? he asked. We re- 
plied, we had not, as we had entirely referred the matter to Mr. 
Wallace, and relied upon his assurance that we were privileged. 
Finding that he still seemed to consider it a dubious point, whe- 
ther we ought to be detained or set at liberty, we thought it time 
to assert ourselves, a little, and told him that it was a matter of 
the utmost indifference to us, what part he might adopt. After 
a moment's consideration, however, he thought proper to dismiss 
us. This Mr. Fanning had been secretary to Governor Tryon, 
and now commanded a regiment of new levies, stationed at this 
place. Though we assumed some cavalier airs on the occasion, 
it cannot be said, that the colonel had exceeded his duty, or be- 
trayed any wantonness of authority. 

As Mr. Wallace was from Ireland, it probably, would not have 
comported with the hospitality of his table, to have suffered us 
to leave it, unexhilarated. He pushed the bottle, therefore ; and 
detained us, anti-church and king-men, as we were, until we 
had received as much of his Madeira, as we could carry home 
with any tolerable convenience. 

Among the very few incidents which occurred to vary the 
wearisome sameness of Flat-bush, M'as the arrival, one day, of 
two or three officers of the British guards, to pay their respects 
to Captain Richardson of Magaw's regiment, who, they had but 
lately learned, was the brother of Colonel Francis Richardson, 
already mentioned in the early part of these Memoirs. I did not 
see them, but the circumstance was related to me by Edwards, 
who was cruelly mortified in the reflection, that a worse speci- 
men in outward appearance of the officers of our army, could 
hardly have been found, than in the person of Captain Richard- 
son. In addition to a mean slouching figure, he was disgustingly 
slovenly, and wretchedly calculated to support either the dignity 
of his brother or our army. Whether he was unlucky enough 
to be found by his visiters, I do not recollect; but it was un- 
questionably the interest of those who were piqued for the repu- 
tation of the American service, to keep him out of sight, or at 
least, to have him furbished up before appearing. As it was the 
policy of the enemy to vilify us, and depreciate our cause by re- 
presenting its supporters as vulgar and contemptible, it conse- 



256 officers' appointments. 

quently stimulated us to appear to as much advantage as possible. 
Those who may think we attached too much importance to a 
good exterior, in the situation in which we were, know nothing 
of the qualifications respected among military men ; and they 
w'ould betray no less ignorance of the common feelings of man- 
kind, should they doubt that the respectability of our army was 
not of vast importance to our undertaking : as much, if not more, 
I will venture to aflirm, than even the respectability of Congress, 
a small, invisible body, not possessing the means of sensible im- 
pression on the mass of the people. In civil contests, it is highly 
requisite for the party in opposition to government, to counteract 
the advantage of recognised authority, by an appearance that 
may raise them above contempt, than which nothing can be 
more unfavourable to them.* This was strikingly exemplified 
at least, in our revolution; and is another instance of its dissimi- 
larity to that of the French, whose object being the subversion 
of society, found its early strength to consist in the vaunted base- 
ness of its partisans. 

We had now been captive nearly seven months, and the ob- 
stacle to an exchange, seemed in no likelihood to be removed. 
We had seen the letters which had passed upon the subject, be- 
tween the commanders of the two armies; and although we were 
satisfied with the reasoning on our side, and consoled in some 
degree, by the feeling manner, in which our situation was ad- 
verted to by General Washington, we were far from being re- 
conciled to our fate. Notwithstanding that Lee's being consi- 
dered as a'deserterby Sir William Howe, was the ostensible bar, 
it occurred to me, that the reluctance felt by Congress to restoring 
without an equivalent, the British soldiers in their possession, 
was their principal motive for disagreeing to any cartel that 
should be attended with that consequence. The rash, though 
not undeserved letter to the Council of safety too, stared full in 
the face, the unlucky wights, who had been indiscreet enough 

* "The habits and prejudices of the Englisli people," says Mr. Fox, in his 
History of the Rei^fn of .Tames II., "are in a great degree aristocratieal; nor liad 
he (the Duke of Monmouth) before him, nor indeed have wo since his time, had 
anc single example of an insurrection that was successful, unaided by the ancient 
families aad great landed proprietors." 



OBSTRUCTIONS TO AN EXCHANGE. 257 

to put our names to it: and, as the council might be supposed 
to have some influence in the general concerns of the Confedera- 
tion, we sometimes, in our desponding fits, conceived ourselves 
no less the victims of resentment than of policy. Before our 
removal to Long Island, Colonel Miles had been permitted to 
visit his family in Pennsylvania ; and as he had been charged 
with some proposals relative to an exchange of prisoners, he had 
an interview with General Howe, either upon his going in, or 
his return. On this occasion, he received no very favourable 
impression of the literary talents or critical acumen of his Excel- 
lency, who, in commenting on the communications of General 
Washington, among other shrewd remarks, observed, that they 
were very badly compiled. For the General himself, he expressed 
much respect ; but lamented that he was surrounded by a set of 
lawyers, who led him astray, and who contributed to, if they 
did not solely cause, this bad compilation of his letters. Who 
compiled for Sir William, is not ascertained, that I know of, but 
I believe it was generally admitted, that in this particular, he 
was not better served than General Washington. General Lee 
tells us, that " McKensey, Balfour, and Galloway were his 
scribes; and that all the damned stuff which was issued to the 
astonished world, was theirs." 

Captivity is justly comprehended in the catalogue of human 
woes; its poignancy is recognised by Shakspeare in his play of 
Othello, and it is among the calamities, which are particularly 
adverted to, in the excellent liturgy of the Church of England. 
What peculiar sickness of the heart it is, may be collected from 
Rowe's beautiful allusion to it, in the wailings of Calista. 

" So the poor captive in a foreio-n realm, 
Stands on tlie shore and sends his wishes back, 
To the dear, native land from whence he came." 

How often have I done this from the summit of the com- 
manding heights which bounded our district towards Brooklyn, 
and afforded an extensive view of East Jersey. Here, like Toai 
Jones, from the top of Hazard hill, and for a similar cause, have 
I frequently reflected with a sigh upon the vast tract of land, 
which lay between me and my home. For although the par- 

22* 



258 ELEGIAC STANZAS OF THE AUTHOR. 

ticular object of my contemplation, was not within my sight, [ 
had, as was observed of Jones, by his discerning companion, a 
pleasure in looking that way. In my melancholy hours, I had 
made this spot, the scene of an elegiac essay, where, having lo- 
cated my forlorn captive, about sunset, I say, — 

Here on tlic lofty summit as he stood, 

His wistful eyes still sought the western shore; 

There, ting'd with gold, the distant liills he view'd 
Where yet her sons fair freedom's ensign bore. 

My unaffected conviction of the poverty of my poetic talent, for- 
bids a recital of more than a few stanzas of my fragmentary pro- 
duction, which are selected, as well because they serve to show 
my impressions at the time, in regard to the cruelty of the enemy, 
as that they confer attributes on General Washingto:v, which 
seem precisely, those which are the award of the present day, 
and will be that of all posterity. After a bitter apostrophe to 
Howe for the imputed murder of our soldiery, the doom-de- 
nouncing bard proceeds, 

For Heaven is just, and though the daz'z'ling rays 

Of royal favour, dignify thy name, 
Yet dire remorse shall tear thy future days, 

And hist'ry damn thee to eternal fame. 

Then too, shall truth impartially record. 

The gen'rous eflorts of the patriot few, 
Rous'd by their wrongs to draw tli' the avenging sword. 

And crush fell tyranny's destructive crew. 

First in the deathless animating page. 

Thy fame, great Washington ! illustrious shines ; 

Unsullied by the breath of party rage. 

More brilliant than Golconda's glitt'ring mines : 

For conduct, dignity and valour fam'd, 
'Midst dark adversity serenely great, 
Thy dauntless soul with godlike ardour flam'd 
And soar'd above the scowling blasts of fate. 

'Tvvas then, majestic Delaware ! thy wave. 
Became immortal from the splendid deed, &,c. 



OBSTACLES TO EXCHANGE OF OFFICERS. 259 

When the attempt to settle a cartel had proved abortive, it 
was rumored that we were to be shipped for England ; and this 
we should generally have preferred to remaining where we were. 
We figured to ourselves somethins: of the nature of an adventure 
in the measure ; and from what Ethan Allen had told us, we did 
not doubt that we should find in it, some sources of gratification. 
The step, however, was not rationally to be looked for ; there 
could be no inducement to it, though there might be for the 
threat, upon the supposition that we had connexions powerful 
enough to prevail with Congress for an exchange. The most 
sanguine among us, had now given up the hope of deliverance; 
and, in addition to the pining tediousness of our situation, that 
engine for breaking hearts, the provost-prison, was ever open to 
receive the victims of brutal insolence and malignity. That this 
was no chimera, the following incident will prove. Some fel- 
lows, one morning, on the road to New York market with fish^ 
were stopped by Captain Lenox and two other officers, Lieute- 
nant Wright of Maryland, and Lieutenant Stewart of Delaware, 
I think, who wished to buy some ; but they were told by the 
fishmongers, that they would not sell to rebels. This produced re- 
proachful language on both sides, when the officers laying hold 
of the fish, began to bandy them about the jaws of the ragamuf- 
fins that had insulted them. A complaint was immediately 
lodged with General Robertson ; the accused v^ere escorted by 
a guard to New York, and on the statement of the complainants, 
being found in aggression, they were required to make acknow- 
ledgements to the injured; which, refusing to do, they were 
forthwith consigned to the custody of the provost-marshal. 
With him they remained for two or three weeks ; but, at length, 
were released, without being held to the concessions at first de- 
manded. Conyngham, it seems, had used them well ; partly 
owing, probably, to instructions from General Robertson, and 
partly to Mr. Lenox's being well supplied with money and ap- 
pearing of consequence, which better than any thing else, is cal- 
culated to mollify the heart of a genuine caitifl["in power. 

It was a generally received opinion among us, that a close 
confinement would be a virtual cancelling of our parole ; and 
hence, when these gentlemen were returned to their district^ 



260 CAPTAIN HUCK. 

without the exaction of a new one, they submitted it to a board of 
officers, whether or not they would be justified in going away. 
I forget what officers composed the board; I only recollect that 
Colonel Ethan Allen was one, and that his opinion, was that of 
a man of honour and sound casuist. He admitted, that they had 
a right to escape from their actual confinement, but that now the 
case was altered ; and that, although no new parole had been 
given, yet the obligation of the former one, should be considered 
as returning on their enlargement ; and that they were under the 
same restraint, in point of honour, that they had been before 
their commitment to the provost. This was also the opinion of 
the board, and unanimously approved, as well by the gentlemen 
immediately interested, as by others, I have mentioned this cir- 
cumstance, principally to show, that Allen, however turbulent a 
citizen under the old regime, was not the vulgar ruffian, that the 
New York royalists represented him. 

While in this state of dejection, from the unavailing negotiation 
to establish a cartel, an incident, as little expected, as any other 

within the compass of possibility, took place. It was, to 

the best of my recollection, early in the month of June, that, one 
day, meeting with Mr. Christian Huck,* the lawyer, a refugee 
from Philadelphia, at Flat-bush, informed me, that my mother 
was in New^ York. The astonishment and even incredulity, I 
expressed by my manner, induced him to repeat liis assurance 
that such was the fact, that he had seen her and conversed with 
her, and that I might expect to see her at this place, either on the 

* Afterwards Captain Huck, of Tarlcton's Dragoons, I think, and the same 
who was killed in South Carolina in 1730-1. " This Mr. Huck" says Mr. Gray- 
don, " had read law in Piiiladelphia, with Mr. Isaac Hunt, before mentioned, and 
had received the early part of his education at the Charity School of the Acade- 
my, when I was a pupil there. He is spoken of in our accounts of him, as a 
monster of profancness and cruelty. But this ferocity must have been acquired 
by tlie fury with which the war was waged in the Southern quarter, as I remember 
nothing of these tiger-qualities in him, and I knew him from his boyish years up 
to those of manhood. If he was distinguished for any thing, it was for an af- 
fected sapience and a pretension to more knowledge than he possessed. A wag- 
gish fellow-student of his, the late Mr. Edwahu Tilghman, aware of this trait in 
his character, once asked him if a Felo-de-se could inherit an estate, when Huck, 
applying his finger to his nose, in an attitude of profound thought, replied, that, 
in some cases, he believed he could." 



AUTHOR VISITED BY HIS MOTHER. 261 

present or succeeding day. Although aware that she yielded to 
none in the ardour of maternal aifection, yet nothing could be 
more unlooked for than this event ; and even the pleasure 1 pro- 
mised myself in seeing her, did not compensate for the disappro- 
bation I felt at the imprudence of the undertaking ; improper, in 
every point of view, in which I could contemplate it. When I 
reflected upon the difficulties she had to encounter, and her 
timidity in every mode of travelling, and particularly by water, 
which w^ould be occasionally necessary in her journey, I could not 
but conclude, that there must be some very extraordinary motive 
for it ; and my desire to meet her, was mixed with a painful 
anxiety. 

She arrived the day after she had been announced, having hired 
a person at Brooklyn, to bring her from thence in a chair. Her 
only object, I found, was to see me, and to endeavour to procure 
my release on parole ; as she had heard, that we were harshly 
treated, aiid on the point of being sent to England. The fatigue 
and anxiety of her journey, had so far overcome her, that on 
reaching New York, she had been ill for a few days, and had put 
herself under the care of a Doctor Carlton or Charlton, who, though 
he appeared to have acquitted himself well enough as a physician, 
had extremely shocked and disgusted her by his intolerant tory- 
ism. Upon finding what her errand was, he seemed to take 
pleasure in confirming to her, that the prisoners were to be sent 
to England, and hanged there, he added, for aught that he knew : 
but that, at any rate, it was what they richly deserved. She had 
been visited, I learned, by the Aliens, or some of them, Huck,* 
as already mentioned, and some others from Philadelphia, who 
were anxious to hear what was going on in that quarter. Upon 



* General Henry Lee disposes of Huck in a very summary manner. "Cap- 
tain Huck, of Tarleton's legion, had been dotaclied by Lieutenant-Colonel Turn- 
bull, commanding at Hanging Rock to disperse some of the exiles of South 
Carolina, who had lately returned to the State and were collecting in the neigh- 
bourhood of that place to assist in protecting their country. The captain, with 
forty dragoons, twenty mounted infantry, and sixty militia, ventured thirty miles 
up tlic country where the very exiles he was sent to disperse, attacked and de- 
stroyed his detachment. The captain, notorious for his cruelties and violence, 
was killed, as were several others, and the rest dispersed." — Ed. 



262 OBSTACLE TO A RELEASE OF PBISONERS. 

mentioning her business to Mr. John Allen, he advised her not to 
be scrupulous as to the terms of my release, since the business 
would very soon be over, and a pardon be all that could be ob- 
tained by any who had borne arms. But before stating what took 
place on this side of the lines, let us go back a little to what oc- 
curred on the other. 

The projected undertaking had been long in contemplation ; 
and the friends as well as members of the family had been con- 
sulted on the occasion. Some advised it, but the greater part 
disapproved of it. Having acquaintances on both sides, my 
mother indiscriminately took their opinions ; and so far as party 
feeling appeared to enter into the question, it was observable, that 
the tories were for the measure, the whigs against it. The former 
were, of course, advocates for the benignity of General Howe ; 
and as they were incredulous, or affected incredulity, as to the ill 
treatment of prisoners, they would have rejoiced in her success, 
as an instance to the contrary. The ktter, did not, in the first 
place, think the application would be of any avail ; and, as upon 
this particular occasion, they were in the predicament, which 
Rochefoucault tells us, all men are in at all times, viz., that of 
" discovering something in the misfortunes of their best friends, 
which does not entirely displease them," they would, probably, 
have been better satisfied, that we should all have grown old 
in captivity, than have become vouchers for British clemency by 
an immediate release : As it was inconvenient for Congress to 
exchange us, it appeared to them much better that we should re- 
main prisoners until the conclusion of the war, if peradventure we 
should so long live, than, by coming out on parole, furnish the 
tories ivith a circumstance they might turn to the advantage of 
their side. So stern a thing is patriotism, when the comfort of 
third persons only is concerned ! As my mother, however, pos- 
sessed too little of the Roman spijit to be duly moved by such 
magnanimous considerations, the feelings of nature prevailed ; 
and she resolved on the enterprize. She purchased a horse and 
chair for the occasion, and set out for Philadelphia, her residence 
being at this time at Reading, to which place ^ she had removed, 
with several other families of her acquaintance, in the preceding 
winter, when the enemy had penetrated through Jersey to the 



MATERNAL ANXIETY. 263 

Delaware. On her arrival in the city, one Fisher, a Scotchman, 
and relation of my grandmother, was officious in tendering his 
service to drive her to New York. As he was a retailer of dry 
goods, his object, no doubt, was traffic ; and to bring home with 
him some scarce light articles, in the chair box. The offi^r was 
accepted ; they set off, and had nearly reached Princeton, w^hen, 
to their great astonishment, they were overtaken by a detachment 
of cavalry, which had been sent in pursuit of them, with orders to 
arrest their progress. The cause was this. Fisher, it seems, was 
a tory either real or putative ; and the fact having been made 
known to General Mifflin, who was then in the city, it had set him 
a fidgeting, and, as no one could exactly foresee the consequences 
that might result to the infant nation, should a suspected Scotch 
shop-keeper get out of Philadelphia into New York ; the hue and 
cry on the occasion, was proportionably eager and vehement. It 
cannot be denied, how^ever, that the proceeding was quite in 
rule. The culprits were immediately taken into custody ; but 
my mother's guilt being merely that of bad neighbourhood, 
[nimium vidua Cremona,) having been wholly ignorant of 
tlie political tenets of her companion, she was conducted to 
the quarters of General Sullivan, who commanded at this 
post. Here she remained until due order was taken in the pre- 
mises, when, she found, that, instead of proceeding on her jour- 
ney, she was under the necessity of retracing her steps towards 
Philadelphia, under an escort of horse. When they had got 
back as far as Bristol, means were found for Mr. Fisher, the 
only prisoner, to pursue his way, without the chair, with which 
he had been accommodated so far; and Colonel M'llvaine, an 
old and particular friend, and indeed connexion of the family, 
kindly offering to accompany my mother to the Head Quarters of 
our army, from whence, the proper measures might be taken for 
her proceeding into the British lines ; her horse's head was once 
more turned towards New York. They reached the hospitable 
mansion of Mr. Vanhorne, of Bound-brook, on the evening of 
the day they set out. It fortunately turned out, that he had 
been acquainted with my father, and having connexions in 
Brunswick, he furnished my mother with a letter of introduction 
extremely useful to her, on her arrival there. Passing over un- 



264 MATERNAL ANXIETY. 

important particulars, she was conducted with her horse and 
chair to the enemy's lines, by INIajor Scull, who was then obliged 
to leave her, and commit her to the courtesy of some Hessian 
officers, who were on duty there. It happened, during the cere- 
mony of the flag, that a gun was somewhere discharged on our 
side of the lines. This infringement of military etiquette, was 
furiously resented by the German officers, who expressed them- 
selves with a vehemence of gesture extremely alarming to my 
mother, who discovered what it related to, from the frequent 
repetition of the w^ords^ao- o/"^rMce; the only ones she under- 
stood. She supported herself as well as she could, under this 
inauspicious introduction into the hostile territory; and remain- 
ing in her chair, her horse was led by a soldier to the quarters 
of General Matthew or Matthews, who commanded in Bruns- 
wick.* Here, she alighted, and was shown into a parlour, 
where, in a few minutes, were set before her a decanter of wine 
and some biscuits. Being faint, and much in need of refresh- 
ment, she helped herself to a biscuit, and drank two glasses of 
wine; the first having proved so cordial and restorative to her 
dejected spirits, as to induce her to take a second. General 
Matthews did not keep her very long in waiting; and, on his 
appearing, being made acquainted with her object, and desire 
of being passed on to New York, as soon as might be conve- 
nient, he promised it should be attended to: his manner was 
that of a man of humanity and perfect good breeding. Upon 
leaving the General's quarters, her first care was to deliver the 
letter of Mr. Vanhorne. She readily found the house of the 
person to whom it was addressed, (I think Mr. Clarkson) was 
invited in, and seated alone in a parlour. There soon after 
came in two or three British officers, who, entering into conver- 
sation with the ease of men of fashion, gave her to understand 
that there had been a ball the preceding evening, at which had 
been the Misses Vanhornes, the ladies whom they now called to 
see. These gentlemen, one of whom was Sir John Wrottesley, 

* There is a General Matthew spoken of by Mr. Cunibcrhuid near tlie close of 
liis Memoirs. A son of Mr. Cumberland bad married the General's daughter, 
and be is called " a truly noble and benevolent gentleman." In all probability he 
is the same who commanded at Brunswick. 



BRITISH POST — OFFICERS — DUNOP. 265 

were such frequent visiters at this house, that my mother, during 
her stay in it, became pretty well acquainted with them, as I 
found, upon her once meeting Sir John, with Miss Susan Van- 
horne, in the street of Flat-bush. Accosting her in a very 
sociable manner, he adverted to the circumstance of her finding 
me, who had then the honour of being introduced to him ; and less, 
I cannot say, British baronet though he was, since his demeanour 
was truly gentlemanly and worthy of his rank. By the same 
means, she had the opportunity of often seeing Colonel Donop,* 
a Major Hendricks and a Major Pauli, all of the German troops; 
the latter of whom, was polite enough to take charge of her horse 
and chair; to promise to send them to Mr. Vanhorne's, at 
Bound-brook, and in the mean time, to supply the necessary 
forage. 

There were five of the Misses Vanhorne, all handsome and 
well bred, who, not long after, with their mother, a widow lady, 
removed from this place to Flat-bush. A Mr. Clarkson, who 
was a connexion of theirs; if I mistake not, their uncle by mar- 
riage, and the very gentleman, at whose house they staid at 
Brunswick, and at which, my mother was so hospitably enter- 
tained, had a house also at Flat-bush. Being a whig, he had 
left it on the approach of the enemy; and it had been a good 
deal injured by the Germans. He was now permitted to return 
to it; and Mrs. Vanhorne and her daughters came along with 
him. Perhaps the way to this measure, was smoothed by the 
interest of the officers already mentioned ; and ladies often are 
the means of mitigating the ferocities of war. 

After being detained a week or more at Brunswick, my mother, 
with a number of other passengers, embarked in a sloop or 
shallop, for New York. The vessel in her passage, was fired 
upon by some of our people from the shore, but without injury 

* Count Donop ; He was made a prisoner at Red-Bank, and Washington, in 
his letter to Christopher, Greene, October 24ti], 1777, says, "Count Donop in 
particular, is a man of importance, and ought by all means to be taken care of!" 

" He died of his wounds," says Sparks, "three days after the action, at a house 
near the fort. A short time before his death, he said to Monsieur Duplessis, a 
French officer, who constantly attended him in his illness. ' It is finishing a 
noble career early ; I die the victim of my ambition and of tlie avarice of my 
sovereign.' " — Ed* 

23 



266 SIR GEORGE OSBORNE — BON MOT. 

to any one, and the destined port was at length attained without 
farther difficulty. Among the many unexpectedly agreeable 
circumstances of her situation at Brunswick, there were some 
unpleasant ones she had no means of avoiding. Although the 
political conversation of the British officers ought to have been 
restrained in the presence of the Misses Vanhorne, who had some 
relations in our Service, it was sometimes such as to be ex- 
tremely offensive to an American ear. An instance of this kind 
arose from the following circumstance. A young man of our 
army had been recently killed by the British cavalry, and his 
body so cruelly hacked and mangled by their sabres, that General 
Washington thought proper to send it in for their inspection. 
It was brought to the post of Sir George Osborne, who with much 
admired sangfroid, simply returned for answer, that he was no 
coroner. This circumstance was a theme of considerable merri- 
ment, and the hon mot of Sir George not a little applauded. 

As Mr. Bache with his family, had been latterly a good deal 
in New York, and, consequently, his part of Mr. Suydam's 
house, become less necessary to him, he permitted my mother 
to occupy it during her stay at Flat-bush. This was highly con- 
venient to her, and she became, in some degree, naturalized to 
her new situation. Her accustomed flow of good spirits re- 
turned ; and as she came pretty well supplied with cash, she 
contrived to get something better than clippers and supon; and 
to give one or two tea-drinkings, at which the rebel clan that 
attended them, was honoured with the company of some of the 
Misses Vanhorne, avowed whigs, notwithstanding their civility 
to the British officers. She also availed herself of the opportunity 
of learning from Major Williams, the art of making Johnny 
cakes, in the true Maryland fashion ; and good part of an after- 
noon, I remember, was spent in the notable cookery. But these 
recreations did not interfere with the object of her expedition, 
and her design of getting me home. I, in vain, endeavoured 
to dissuade her from her purpose. She was resolved to prove 
the result of an application ; and, in this view, in one of her first 
visits to New York, called upon Mr. Galloway, who was sup- 
posed to have much influence at Head Quarters. He spoke en- 
couragingly of the attempt, and said, he had little doubt, but it 



APPLICATIONS FOR THE AUTHOr's RELEASE. 267 

would succeed. What would be the proper mode of applying 
to Sir "William Howe ? she asked. By memorial, said Mr. Gal- 
loway ; at the same time, kindly ojOfering to sketch one out for 
her, if she chose it. As she could do no less than accept his offer, 
and thank him for it, he went to work, and in a few minutes 
produced, what he said, accorded with his ideas on the subject. 
He then read to her, what he had written, purporting, that, 
"Whereas Mrs , had always been a true and faithful sub- 
ject of his Majesty George the Third ; and whereas, her son, an 
inexperienced youth, had been deluded by the arts of designing 
men," " 0, sir," said she, " that will never do ; my son can- 
not obtain his release on these terms." "Then, madam," said 
he, somewhat peevishly, "lean do nothing for you." She en- 
deavoured to soften as well as she could, the refusal to comply 
with • what he 'had recommended, and left him, a good deal 
depressed in her expectations. Fearful, that, in her ardour to 
obtain her object she might be tempted to go too far, I had cau- 
tioned her against yielding to any improper concessions ; and 
had solemnly declared, that I would accept of my enlargement 
upon no other terms than those of an exchange, or a parole. 
This first discomfiture, did not induce an abandonment of her 
pursuit: in a matter which interested her feelings, no one was 
more persevering; and she continued to advise with every one, 
she thought likely to have influence, and a disposition to assist her. 
Among the rest, she addressed herself to a Mr. Andrew Elliot, a 
person of respectability, and well known both in Philadelphia 
and New York. His advice was, that she should go at once in 
person to General Howe. Those you have applied to, or may 
apply to, said he, have little or no interest, though they may not 
choose to say so; but a direct, personal application to the 
Commander-in-chief, will, I verily believe, be propitious to your 
wishes. She had been some time between Flat-bush and New 
York, before this was suggested to her ; and she secretly re- 
solved to take an opportunity of putting it in execution. On 
one of her excursions to the city, she had been waited upon by 
her old acquaintance. Captain Grant, of the forty-second regi- 
ment. From him she found, that Colonel Stirling, and most of 
the old officers of the regiment, were there ; but upon Grant's 



268 APPLICATION TO GENERAL HOWE. 

being unable to deny, that he, and consequently, the rest of 
them, knew, she had a son a prisoner, she at once testified by 
the coldness of her manner, that she had expected something 
better from them than a total neglect of me. Unacquainted with 
the human heart, under the baneful influence of party fury, and 
making no allowance for the repulsive nature of misfortune, 
especially when coupled with imputed guilt, she had made cal- 
culations little warranted by the practice of the world, more par- 
ticularly of that part of it, which is flushed with prosperity. 

On account of some meditated operation of the army, no one 
at this time was permitted to pass the lines ; and so far from get- 
ting me home with her, she was not without anxiety respecting 
her own return, which had been already longer protracted than 
she had counted upon. This interdiction of intercourse continued 
for several weeks ; but as soon as it was removed, and it became 
probable, that General Howe's attention was less engrossed by 
great concerns, she determined to give the advice of Mr. Elliot, 
a trial. Accordingly, one morning she went to New York, and 
without acquainting m.e with her design, which she knew I would 
oppose, boldly waited upon Sir William Howe ; and asking to 
speak with him, was shown into a parlour, where, taking a seat, 
and meditating upon the manner of addressing him when he should 
appear, he came into the room, and had got pretty near her before 
she perceived him. Rising, she said, " Sir William Howe, I 
presume!" He answered by a bow. She then made known her 
business, doubtless in her best style of elocution, and concluded 
by expressing the greatness of her obligation for his Excellency's 
permission for me to go home with her on parole. "And then 
immediately to take up arms against us again, I suppose !" said 
the General. " By no means, sir ; I solicit his release upon parole ; 
that will restrain him until exchanged : but on my own part, I will 
go farther, and say, that if I have any influence over him, he shall 
never take up arms again." Here, the feelings of the patriot 
were wholly lost in those of the " war- detesting " mother. The 
General seemed to hesitate, but gave no answer. On the renewal 
of her suit, however, he appeared by his manner, for he was 
sparing of words to assent, and so she construed it. But to put 
the mattei: out of doubt, she asked: "Havel your Excellency's 



AUTHOR LIBERATED ON PAROLE. 269 

permission for my son to go home with me on his parole ?" Bow- 
ing, he answered " yes." " May Colonel Miles and Major West," 
added she, be permitted to go also ?" " Now, madam," observed 
the General, "you are making two requests instead of one," 
She begged his pardon for presuming to do so, as she ought cer* 
tainly to be satisfied with the great favour already granted ; and 
inquired if she was to mention the matter to Mr. Loring. He 
said it was unnecessary, as the proper measures would be taken 
to effect the purpose. The reason of her mentioning Colonel 
Miles, and Major West, was, that they had already obtained a 
promise of being liberated on parole ; and she was apprehensive, 
that unless they were put upon the same footing with me, I should 
suspect improper terms had been made, and mar the whole busi- 
ness. This caution, probably, was unnecessary ; the boon was 
extended to these gentlemen, as I presume it would have been, 
had they not been mentioned. From the General's quarters she 
immediately went to Mr. Loring, whom she had known in Phila- 
delphia, where he had some time resided, and acquainted him 
with the indulgence which had been granted her; upon which, he 
was pleased to observe, that it was more than I was entitled to, 
as not one of the prisoners had been more upon his high horse. 

Whatever grounds there maybe for ascribing cruelty to General 
Howe, it must be admitted, that no obduracy appeared at this in- 
terview ; and I have been careful to give it, precisely as it was 
related by my mother. War, indeed, in its essence is cruelty, espe- 
cially civil war: Its tendency is to make men ferocious and merci- 
less. In conflicts, in which our lives are continually at stake, we 
at length become callous even to the loss of our own party, and 
have, of course, still less concern for the destruction of our ad- 
versaries, notwithstanding, that particular situations may some- 
times call forth striking examples of sympathy and generosity. 
When, moreover, we consider the foe as obnoxious to legal 
punishment, our hearts are too apt to be steeled against all "com- 
punctious visitings of nature." Such seems to be the nature of 
man ; and the apathy of Howe to tlie miseries of his prisoners, 
serves to show that he was too like the bulk of his species, ever 
prone to severity against the opposers of established authority, 
when partaking of, or friendly to it. What was the conduct of 

23* 



270 REFLECTIONS ON WAR. 

the Duke of Alva, in the Low Countries ? That of the British, 
which we, as liege subjects, did not then disapprove, against the 
rebels in the year forty-six, commemorated by Smollet, in his 
" Mourn, hapless Caledonia, mourn ?" What were the hideous 
enormities of the French republicans against the people of La 
Vendee., and what mercy was evinced towards Burr, by the high- 
toned advocates of prerogative, under the mild sway of Mr. Jef- 
ferson? Though the abuse of power is always detestable, yet it 
may not be improper to look at home, before we devote others 
to destruction as monsters of unheard of cruelty. I neither have 
palliated, nor do I mean to palliate the sufferings of the prisoners 
at New York : they were shocking to humanity, and no one wit- 
nessed them with more anguish than myself; but this is no reason 
that we should not ask ourselves whether it was to be expected, 
that they were at once to be set at liberty, and if not, what other 
mode or place of confinement was within the power of the 
enemy ? or if the want of good and sufficient food,, and other ac- 
commodations was the cause of the mortality, are we perfectly 
sure they had better to administer ? If, in an entirely new state 
of the world, we are, on account of former injuries, to reject the 
aid of the only nation upon earth which has power to rescue us 
from impending perdition, it certainly behoves us, to inquire 
calmly into the extent of her aggressions, and for our own sakes, 
if not for hers, or the sake of justice, to admit the effect of any 
alleviating circumstances which may be found. But few of us, I 
trust, are in the unhappy predicament, to have been so hysterically 
alarmed during the war, as to be unable to forgive ; or to have 
incurred disgraces which can only be washed out and avenged 
by the common destruction of our old enemy and ourselves. 



AUTHOR LEAVES NEW YORK. 271 



CHAPTER XI. 

The Author leaves Long Island for New York and Elizabethtown. — Author ar- 
rives at New York. — Travelling Companions. — Tench Coxe. — Arrival at the 
American Camp. — General Washington. — Colonel Hamilton. — Americara 
Army. — General Wayne. — Occurrences on the Road. — Author arrives at Pliila- 
delphia. — Arrival at Reading.. — Political Feelings. — Declaration of Independ- 
ence. — Character of Franklin, — Leading Men. — Mr. Canon. 

It was not long before the welcome summons arrived for our 
repairing to New York, for the purpose of being transported from 
thence in a flag vessel to Elizabethtown ; and upon this occa- 
sion, we were escorted to the end of the village, by a no small 
troop of our less lucky fellow-prisoners. It was made a condi- 
tion by Loring, that our boarding should be paid before we left 
Flat-bush; and the heart of old Jacob, was accordingly gladdened 
by the sight of a sum of money he had despaired of receiving. 
He and I parted very good friends; and it was but justice to say, 
that the treatment I received from him and his family, Mr. and 
Mrs. Hagerman, was both civil and obliging. As there was no 
subject upon which we, prisoners, had been so much in the dark, 
and were at the same time, so anxious to be informed of, as that 
of the state of our army and public affairs in general, Tudor, 
on my coming away, furnished me with a kind of cypher, by 
which, as soon as I had time to inform myself, I was to satisfy 
him by letter on certain points he particularly wished to know. 
The disguise was not in the character, but in the substitution of 
one piece of information for another, — for instance, a lady who 
was to be named, was to signify the army, and if that was strong 
and in a prosperous train, it was to be indicated by announcing 
the health and charming looks of the lady. There was a scale 
in the key, by which the intelligence might be graduated; and 



272 AUTHOR ARRIVES AT NEW YORK. 

it was so contrived, as to admit of the transmission of pretty 
satisfactory information in a few important particulars. Know- 
ing the deep interest that was taken in the expected communi- 
cation, it was among my first cares on getting home, to perform 
this duty. But I must admit, that my statements, though correct 
in the main, were rather more flattering, than rigid truth would 
warrant. I could not endure the thought of reducing my com- 
panions in misfortune to despair. It was certainly admissible on 
this occasion, to adopt the practice of painters; and in pre- 
serving the lineaments and character of the countenance, to ren- 
der the portrait as pleasing as possible. It had the effect, as I 
afterwards learned, to put them in good heart: for, although I 
had not said every thing which might have been wished, it was 
ascribed to a propensity I was supposed to have, of looking 
rather on the unfavourable side of things ; and as I, so little san- 
guine, had ventured to say so much, it was inferred, that I 
might, with truth have said a great deal more. 

The particulars of this pleasing trip to New York, have en- 
tirely escaped my memory; as, how we travelled, though I pre- 
sume it was in a wagon for the convenience of carrying our 
baggage; whether it was in the forenoon or afternoon ; whether 
we left the city on the day we reached it, &c., though as to this, 
it is more than probable, that it was not until the day after, as I 
well recollect breakfasting with my mother at the house of Mr. 
Matthews, the Mayor, and that his daughter, who entertained us, 
was so much to my taste, that, for the moment I quite forgot the 
politics of her father, and might even have swerved, perhaps, 
from my loyalty to an allegiance, a thousand times sworn else- 
where. But it must not be imagined from the circum.stance of 
this breakfast, that I had apostatized from my principles. I have, 
fortunately, an excuse for accepting civilities from the offspring 
of an inveterate, and reputedly persecuting tory, which, I am 
not without hope, will obtain my pardon from the most deter- 
mined and least compounding republican of the present hour. 
A Miss Seymour, a cousin of Miss Matthews, had long been de- 
sirous of getting to Philadelphia to see her father who lay sick 
there; and as it was known to Mr. Matthews that my mother 
was soon to go thither, he had made himself acquainted with 



MR. TENCH COXE. 273 

her, and recommended bis niece to her protection in the medi- 
tated journey. This it was, that procured me the honour of 
breakfasting with Miss Matthews, with whom her cousin stayed. 
But who, pray, was this sick Mr. Seymour? methinks I hear 
some high-toned, fastidious seventy-six man exclaim. He was, 
you may rest assured, sir, no "anti-revolutionary adherent of 
the enemy." He was no less a personage than Commodore 
Seymour, who, at this time, had the command of the Delaware 
gun-boats. — Yes, Commodore of the gun-boats! Another pecca- 
dillo, if haply they may be so called, of a similar complexion, I 
must confess myself guilty of; though, from an exuberance of 
good fortune, not always attending my imputed apostacies, I 
have, if I would avail myself of it, an equally good come off 
here. To make ^-profert then of my offence with its ablution 
along with it, I undertook to bring out, and actually did bring 
out with me, at the request of Mr. Tench Coxe, now in the full 
tide of republican orthodoxy, a letter to a lady in Philadelphia) 
to be delivered by my own hand to another lady in that city ; 
which commission I faithfully executed. I cheerfully did that 
for him, which shortly before, would have been the greatest 
favour to myself: 

Haud ignarus mail, miseris succurcre disco. 

Having alluded to this gentleman before, and in a manner, that 
may not be pleasing to him, although I have said nothing which 
does not arise from facts, of which he will not deny the correct- 
ness, I here sincerely avow, that I am much more disposed to do 
him a good than evil office. Notwithstanding the contrasted vi- 
cissitudes of our fortune, and that the great eras of his political 
ascension, have been those of my depression, I have not forgotten 
our boyish days, of which he, not long since put me in mind; 
my early acquaintance in his family ; the pleasant hours I have 
passed with himself and his brother (nearer my own age) as well 
at his father's house in town, as at his seat on the Schuylkill ; 
and that his mother was always spoken of by mine, as the near- 
est friend of her youth. Such recollections are far more grateful 
to the heart, than the bitter collisions of interested manhood, or 
the "fury passions" of political dissension. 

But not to linger in New York at a moment so precious, I 



274 ARRIVAL AT THE AMERICAN CAMP. 

have to state, that after the signing of a new parole by Miles, 
West and myself, at the office of Mr. Loring, our little party with 
the addition of Miss Seymour, embarked in a small sloop for 
Elizabethtown-point, then held by us. The officer commanding 
on this occasion, was a son of Doctor Auchmuty, among the 
most distinguished in New York, for his zeal in the royal cause. 
The behaviour of this gentleman was perfectly agreeable to us; 
and we parted on the most civil terms. It is not impossible, 
though such rapid promotions are hardly to be looked for in the 
British army, that he may be the General Auchmuty, who not 
long since, acquitted himself so well at Montevideo; as he was 
stated in the newspapers to be a son of the Doctor.* The wea- 
ther being fine, but with very little wind, our passage was a 
pleasant one ; and in the course of the day, we had once more 
the happiness of treading our own ground. I should in vain en- 
deavour to describe my feelings on this occasion; for although 
they were chastised by the recollection, that my present liberty 
was held on suflferance, they were yet light, joyous and tumultu- 
ary. I had been about eight months captive ; and it was more 
than a year since I had seen Philadelphia. It must now have 
been from my best data for ascertaining it, about the middle o-f 
July. Our army lay at Morristown ; and after casting about for 
the means of being conveyed thither, we, at length, found them 
in a coal-wagon, little inferior to a coach and six, in a journey, 
which too much crowded the mind with pleasing ideas, to admit 
of much concern about the choice of a vehicle. When within a 
few miles of our destination, we met the General, on horseback, 
with three or four attendants. He recognised us, and stopping 
a few minutes congratulated my mother on the success of her 
errand ; and at going on, informed us, that he should return to 
camp in a few hours, where he expected to see us. By his ap- 

* Lieutenant-Ge.neral Sir Samuel Auchmuty. — He was (he youngest son of 
the Reverend Dr. Auehmuty, Rcetor of Trinity Church, New York ; was born 
June 2'2d, 1758, and received his education at King's (now Columbia) College. 
He joined the Royal army under Sir Wm. Howe, as an ensign in the 45th 
regiment, in 1776. Mr. Graydon in a note, says, "He was, I remember, ra- 
ther a serious young man, modest and unassuming in his manners, though I 
should have supposed him one or two and twenty, instead of nineteen, which the 
date of his birth made him at the time referred to." — Ed. 



GENERAL WASHINGTON — COLONEL HAMILTON. 275 

pointment, on his return, Colonel Miles, Major West and myself 
waited upon him at his marquee in the evening. In the course 
of conversation, he asked what we conceived to be the objects 
of General Howe, provided the question did not, in our opinion, 
interfere with our parole. Colonel Miles taking the word, re- 
plied, that in his opinion, he meditated a co-operation with the 
northern army by means of the Hudson. The General heard 
him out, and then observed, that indications and probabilities 
both tended to that conclusion ; but, that nevertheless, he had 
little doubt, that his object was Philadelphia. I mention this, as 
it is stated by Mr. Marshall, that he was a good deal embarrassed 
on this occasion, and rather inclined to believe, that the move- 
ments of General Howe would be up the Hudson. Whatever 
might have happened afterwards to alter or unsettle his opinion, 
it was certainly at this time, as I have mentioned ; and he spoke 
as if his conviction was strong. He had unquestionably good 
intelligence ; and a person who had communicated with him, 
had, not long before, been executed as a spy at Brunswick. 
This man, who generally resided at New York, under the dis- 
guise of a zealous royalist, had been indiscreet enough to unbo- 
som himself to Major Williams, who, in the spring of this year, 
on the prospect of an exchange, which however proved abortive, 
had been summoned to that city. He gave him much informa- 
tion as to what was passing there ; and among other things 
which regarded us, told him, that interest had been made for my 
going out on parole, but I was considered not sufficiently well 
disposed, (the fashionable phrase for yielding whiggism,) to be 
entitled to the indulgence. It was but a few weeks after this 
interview with WiUiams, that, in attempting to induce two Bri- 
tish soldiers to desert to our army with intelligence, he was de- 
tected and suffered. 

The day of our arrival and the succeeding one, we spent at 
Morristown; and here, for the first time, I had the pleasure of 
knowing Colonel Hamilton. He presided at the General's table, 
where we dined ; and in a large company in which there were 
several ladies, among whom I recollect one or two of the Miss 
Livingstons and a Miss Brown, he acquitted himself with an ease, 
propriety and vivacity, which gave me the most favourable im- 



276 COLONEL HAMILTON. 

pression of his talents and accomplishments— talents, it is true, 
which did not indicate the solid abilities his subsequent career 
has unfolded, but which announced a brilUancy which might 
adorn the most polished circles of society, and have fitted him 
for the part of an Algarotti at the court of a Frederick. 

" Vous, que Ics graces et les ris 
Formcrcnt pour flatter ct plaire," 

to borrow the words of the king, in an address to this favourite : 
Or in reference to his later conduct and matured capacity, where 
shall we find one to whom the language of Tibullus to Messala, 
would better apply ! 

"Nam quis te majora gerit castrisvc, forove ?" 

"Who tlic state's tluinder, better form'd to wield, 
And shake alike the senate and the field !"* 



* Sullivan, in his " Familiar Letters," already quoted, says, " The eloquence 
of Hamilton was persuasive and commanding; the more so as he had no guide 
but the impulse of a great and rich mind, he having had little opportunity to be 
trained at the bar, or in popular assemblies. Those who could speak of his man- 
ner from tlie best opportunities to observe him, in public and private, concurred 
in pronouncing him to be a frank, amiable, high-minded, open-hearted gentleman. 
He was capable of inspiring the most affectionate attachment; but he could make 
those, whom he opposed, fear and hate him cordially." 

Harrison Gray Otis, of Boston, delivered there an eulogy upon Hamilton, 
and the following is a concluding paragraph of his eloquent performance : " The 
universal sorrow, manifested in every part of the Union upon tiie melancholy 
exit of this great man, is an unequivocal testimonial of his public worth. The 
place of his residence is overspread with a gloom which bespeaks the pressure 
of a public calamity ; and the prejudices of party are absorbed in the overflowing 
tide of national grief." 

The man, thus honoured and lamented, and whose reputation grows still 
brighter with the lapse of time, was one of those towards whom Mr. Jefferson, 
as wc learn from his own "Correspondence," cherished a degree of " envy, hatred 
and malice," which it is dilHcult to believe even party rage and malevolence, 
however violent and bitter, could have prompted and sustained. Yet this active, 
energetic enmity, could not long operate injuriously to the character of such a 
man as Hamilton, while the "great Apostle of Democracy," in his own carefully 
preserved and ostentatiously published " Writings," has greatly aided Posterity 
in finding for Mm an appropriate niche in the temple of flimc. 

" In that remarkable chronicle of slander and second-hand abuse, the Ana 
of Jcflerson, Hamilton," says tiie New York Review, "is assailed no less than 
seventeen times; just one-fourth of all Mr. Jefferson's on dits are levelled against 
the man whom he felt to be, of all others, his most dangerous competitor for tiie 
highest honours of his country." — Ed, 



COLONEL TILGHMAN CONDITION OF THE AEMY. 277 

With Colonel Tilghman,* another of the General's aids, I was 
well acquainted, as he was a Philadelphian, and had been a 
Lieutenant of the light infantry company of Greens, already men- 
tioned. By him and Colonel Hamilton, I was taken in the even- 
ing to drink tea with some of the ladies of the village, where 
were also those with whom we had dined. 

I had been extremely anxious to see our army. Here it was, 
but I could see nothing which deserved the name. I was told, 
indeed, that it was much weakened by detachments ; and I was 
glad to find, there was some cause for the present paucity of sol- 
diers. I could not doubt, however, that things were going well. 
The Commander-in-chief and all about him, were in excellent 
spirits; and as to General Wayne, whom I waited upon at his 
quarters, he entertained the most sovereign contempt for the 
enemy. In his confident way, he affirmed, that the two armies 
had interchanged their original modes of warfare. That for our 
parts, we had thrown away the shovel, and the British had taken 
it up, as they dared not face us without the cover of an intrench- 
ment. I made some allowance for the fervid manner of the 
General,! who, though unquestionably as brave a man as any in 

* Colonel Tench Tilghman. — General Washington thus writes to General 
Sullivan in Congress, May, 17S1: "This gentleman came out a captain of one 
of the light infantry companies of Pliiladelphia, and served in tiic flying camp in 

1776. In August of the same year he joined my family, and has been in every 
action in which the main army was concerned. He has been a zealous servant 
and slave to the public, and a faithful assistant to me for nearly five years, a 
great part of which time he refused pay. Honour and gratitude interest me in 
his favour and make me solicitous to obtain his commission. His modesty and 
love of concord place the date of his expected commission at the 1st of April, 

1777, because he would not take rank of Hamilton and Meade, who were de- 
clared Aids in order (which he did not choose to be) before that period, although 
he had joined my family and done all the duties of one, from the 1st of September 
preceding." Tilghman was despatched by Washington to Congress with intel- 
ligence of the surrender of Cornwallis, and "ahorse properly caparisoned, and an 
elegant sword, were given to him." Colonel Tilghman died in Bahimore in 
April, 1786, in his 43d year. His death was deeply regretted by General Wash- 
ington, and Robert Morris, in a letter to the General, said : " You have lost in 
him a most faithful and valuable friend. He was to me the same. I esteemed 
him very, very much, and I lamented his loss exceedingly." — Ed. 

t In bravery, in heroic achievement, and in devotion to the cause of his coun- 
try in all its phases, he was unsurpassed, and his abilities as a commander were 

24 



278 GENERAL WAYNE. 

the army, was nevertheless, somewhat addicted to the vaunting 
style of Marshal Villars, a man who, like himself, could fight as 
well as brag. By the bye, I do not know whether this talent 
might not have been of use in our army : it certainly is, or at 
least is considered to be so, in a French one, since, of all the gas- 
conaders in the world, the Gallic commanders must confessedly 
take the jms. It had been humourously stated in the English 
prints, that upon a gentleman, who had been in America and seen 
our troops, being asked, what was their uniform, he replied: 
"in general, it is blue and buff", but by this time it must 
be all bufl!" The period for this unity of colour, however, 
had not yet arrived; though from the motley, shabby cover- 
ing of the men, it was to be inferred that it was rapidly 
approaching. Even in General Wayne himself, there was 
in this particular, a considerable falling off". His quondam 
regimental, as Colonel of the 4th battalion, was, I think, blue 
and white, in which he had been accustomed to appear with ex- 
emplary neatness ; whereas he was now dressed in character for 
M'Heath or Captain Gibbet, in a dingy red coat, with a black, 
rusty cravat, and tarnished laced hat. In short, from all I could 
see, I was by no means warranted in supposing that our affairs 
were in a very prosperous train, notwithstanding the cheerful 
appearance at Head Quarters : but I endeavoured to suspend my 
opinion until I should have longer and better means of forming 
a conclusion. 

We hired a wagon at this place, to carry us to Mr. Vanhorne's 
at Bound-brook, where my mother expected to find her horse 
and chair, agreeably to the arrangement made with Major Pauli. 
This was a subject of much raillery on the road, particularly with 
Colonel Miles, who could not persuade himself that a Hessian 
could forego so fine a chance of plunder ; and he took it for 
granted, that the Major had not only appropriated the equipage 
to himself, but sold it long since, and put the proceeds in his 
pocket. But, on the contrary, in the strutting phraseology of 
Burgoyne, he had been " conscious of the honour of soldiership," 

of a very higli order. His life is a history of the war. He was at Ticondcroga, 
Brunswick, Urandywinc, Gcrmantown, White Marsii, Monmoutli, Stony Point, 
and in several otiier engagements ; — always eflieient, and always distinguished. 
He died in Deceiubcr, 171)6, in the ^'2d year of liis age. — Ed. 



COLONEL BLAND — GENERAL HENRY LEE. 279 

and with good faith performed what he had promised. We had, 
in fact, met the poor beast in question, on the road to Morristown, 
but quantum mutatus ah illo ! how changed from the sleek, well- 
fed animal, that had, about six weeks before, entered the town of 
Brunswick! A constant padding of the hoof for this space of 
time, first on the royal and then on the rebel side, with such 
casual supplies of forage as campaigning affords, had reduced 
him to the continental standard ; and although it had been sug- 
gested to my mother as he passed with the chair, that they might 
be hers, she was unable to recognise either : the chair she could 
not claim, and as to the horse, she was sure he was not hers. 

Whether there were any arrangements with Mr. Vanhorne, I 
do not know ; but his hospitality ought certainly to have been 
recompensed, by an unlimited credit on the public stores.* His 
house, used as a hotel, seemed constantly full. It was at this 
time occupied by Colonel Bland,! of the Virginia cavalry, and 
the officers of his corps, to whom we were introduced; and among 
others, if my memory does not mislead me, to Captain Lee, after- 
wards so distinguished as a partisan, and now known as General 
Harry Lee.| Notwithstanding the number of guests that were to 



* This Mr. Vanhorne, however, appears to have been a suspicious character, 
if it is of him that General Washington thus speaks in his letters to General 
Reed. In the first, dated January 12th, 1777, he says: — 

"I w^ish you had brought Vanliorne off with you, for, from his noted character, 
tliere is no dependence to be placed on his parole." In the otlier, of 19th January, 
of the same year, he says : " Would it not be best to order P. Vanhorne to Bruns- 
wick ? These people, in my opinion, can do us less injury there than any where 
else." He kept his post notvvitlistanding, at Bound-Brook, wliere he alternately 
entertained the officers of both armies, being visited sometimes by the one, and 
sometimes by the other. 

1 Colonel Theodoric BLANn--of the first regiment of liglit dragoons, was 
appointed to superintend the maich of the Convention troops to Charlottesville, 
Virginia, and was directed by Washington to take command there. He was the 
author of a Treatise on Military Tactics, which was approved and strongly re- 
commended by the Commander-in-chief. General H. Lee speaks of him in his 
Memoirs, as "noble, sensible, honourable and amiable." — En. 

t This gallant and celebrated officer was a graduate of Princeton College, and 
during tlic whole war was actively and usefully employed. He commenced his 
brilliant public career as "a Captain of one of the six companies of cavalry, 
raised in Virginia, and in 1777, under Lieutenant-Colonel Bland, he joined the 
main Provincial army." By his discipline and care of his men and horses, he 



280 GENERAL HENRY LEE. 

be provided for, there appeared no deficiency in accommodation ; 
and we supped and lodged well. As the horse and chair were 
not expected back for a day or two, Major West, who was in no 
hurry, undertook to wait for it, and bring it on to Philadelphia ; 
while the rest of us, who had objects, more or less attracting in 
view, pursued our way the next morning. No other incident on 
the road occurred, interesting enough to have left any trace in my 
memory, except the meeting with Mr. and Mrs. Coxe, at Nesha- 
miny Ferry. Matters had been arranged for this interview with 
my mother on her way to New York ; and they now met her in 
consequence of a notice from her, that she would be there at an 
appointed time. Their object was, to learn what she might know 
of their son, as well as son-in-law, Mr. Andrew Allen. They 
were deeply affected at the dispersed situation of their family, and 
feelingly alive to the unhappy effects of civil dissension. The 
old gentleman, I recollect, blamed the step which had been taken 
by Mr. Allen, and his son; alleging, that they had been precipi- 

early attracted the attention of Washington, "who, at the battle of Germantown, 
selected him, witii his company, to attend as his bod}' guard." In consequence 
of his cool and determined bravery in several exploits, wliicli, for want of room, 
cannot be narrated here, he was promoted by Congress to the rank of Major, 
with the command of a separate corps of cavalry, consisting of three companies. 
In 1780 he was sent with his legion to the army of the South, under Gen. Greene, 
having been previously raised to the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel. He served 
with great distinction throughout the war, and has left a well written, manly and 
authentic " History of the War in the Southern Department of the United States." 
In 1786 he was elected to Congress from Virginia, his native State. He was a 
member of the Convention of Virginia that ratified the present Federal Consti- 
tution, of which he was a strenuous advocate. He was three years Governor of 
the State. In 17!)9 he was again chosen a member of Congress, and was selected, 
while there, to pronounce a funeral eulogium upon Washington. He prepared 
the celebrated resolutions, moved by the late Chief Justice Marshall in the 
House of Representatives, from which General Lee was accidentally absent at 
the time, expressive of the grief of Congress upon receiving intelligence of the 
decease of Washington, the last of which resolutions was as follows: — 

" Resolved, that a Committee, in conjunction with one from the Senate, be 
appointed to consider on the most suitable manner of paying honour to the 
memory of the MAN, first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his 
iiillow- citizens." 

Before the accession of Mr. .Iei person. General Lee, like many of the other 
Fathers of the Revolution, retired to private life. He died on the 25th of March, 
1818, in his G3d year. — Ed. 



AUTHOR ARRIVES AT PHILADELPHIA. 281 

tated into it by Christian Huck, who had assured them, that mea- 
sures were in agitation for their immediate arrest and confine- 
ment. 

We reached Philadelphia in the evening, where, it will be 
enough for me to say, that ray fondest anticipations were realized 
in a meeting with the object, which had caused the deepest sighs 
of my captivity. Were I dealing in fiction, or speaking of 
another, a more particular representation might be required, of so 
auspicious a winding up, of a more than twelve months' absence, 
incessantly galled by sickly hope and feverish uncertainty. But, 
in situations of tender interest, the fastidious delicacy, or, as the 
French might call it, the inauvaise honte of English manners, for- 
bids a man to place himself. It is observable, that this highest 
seasoning of French memoir w^'iting, is wholly omitted by Mr. 
Cumberland, who must have known the nation's taste. He gives 
us to understand, indeed, that he was married ; and more than 
once, marshals his children before us ; but he never ventures to 
disclose a single circumstance of his love, or to descant upon 
what ought to be considered, as the sine qua non of his two con- 
ditions of a husband and a father. Mr. Gibbon, it is true, touches 
upon his attachment to Mademoiselle Curchod, afterwards Madame 
Necker; but, evidently with a mortal fear of being laughed at, 
for only glancing at his "early love.'^ Perhaps nothing is more 
characteristic of the manners of the two nations, than this very 
circumstance, which serves also among others, to justify Sterne, 
in his singular declaration, that the French are too serious.* An 

* The Edinburg-h Review, in descimting on Ihe correspondence of Baron 
Grimm, observes, tlmt it chronicles the deatlis of half the Author's acquaintance, 
and makes jests upon them all ; and is much more serious in discussing the 
merits of an opera-singer, than in considering the evidence for the being of a 
God, or the first foundations of morality. Grimm, though a German, was tho- 
roughly Frenchified by his long residence in France. He was among Rousseau's 
most early acquaintances on his first going to Paris, and with some others, was 
once engaged with him to traverse all Italy on foot; but the project, of which the 
parties were at first highly enamoured, came to nothing. The pedestrian exploit 
lost its charms, as the time for undertaking it approached. 

Tiic review of the " Correspondence, Littiraire, Philosopliique et Critique. Par 
le Baron de Grimm, et par Diderot,^'' is by Lord Jeffrey, and is included in 
the Philadelphia edition of Jeffrey's '■'■Contributions to the Edinburgh Review. — 
Ed. 

24* 



282 AUTHOR ARRIVES AT PHILADELPHIA. 

amour in their hands, be it their own or another's, is always an 
extremely grave affair ; and thence derives an interest, which an 
English writer in his own case, would be sure to spoil, by a 
levity assumed from the apprehension of ridicule. But, to what- 
ever cause this diversity of sentiment may be owing, it shows the 
superior decorum of English literature, as formed in the school 
of Addison, Steel, Johnson, &c. to that of the French, under the 
guidance of Voltaire, Rousseau, Raynal, &c. ; the one, by its 
circumspection, cherishing religion, morals, and government ; the 
other, by its licentiousness, undermining them all. 

Having now brought myself back to Philadelphia, from whence 
I marched the preceding summer, it naturally puts an end to the 
narrative of my campaign and captivity ; as, though yet a prisoner, 
I was at home. What t have farther to say, therefore, will have 
less the air of adventure ; and I shall, consequently, be relieved, 
I hope, from so minute an attention to my own concerns. 
' One of the first things which struck us, on getting within our 
own territory, was the high price of wune and other liquors. ,' We 
attributed this to their growing scarcity, though equally owing, 
probably, to the incipient depreciation of tlie paper currency, of 
w'hich we had then no idea. We saw, to our great surprise, no 
military parade upon our journey, nor any indication of martial 
vigour on the part of the country. General Washington, with 
the little remnant of his army at Morristown, seemed left to scuffle 
for liberty, like another Cato at Utica.* Here and there, we saw 
a militia man with his contrasted coloured cape and facings ; and 
we found besides, that Captains, Majors and Colonels had 

* The wisdom of Washington's proceedings was acknowledged and appre- 
ciated by those especially who were merely spectators of the great drama in 
which he was performing the most conspicuous part. Walpole, a cool and saga- 
cious observer,, writirig to Horace Mann, in December, 177G, says, "Washington 
has retired with his whole army to other heights about five miles oft', seeming to 
intend to jnotract the war, as mas always thought would be their icisest way" 
Again March 5th, 1777, he writes : "The campaign in America has lost a great 
deal of its florid complexion, and General Washington is allowed by both sides 
not to be the worst General in the field." And again he writes, April 3, 1777: 
"Washington, the Dictator, has sliown himself both a Fabius and a Camillas. 
His march through our lines is allowed to have been a prodigy of generalship." 
Walpole here alludes to the passage of the Delaware, and the surprise and 
capture of the Hessians at Trenton. — Ed. 



PROCEEDS TO READING. 283 

become "good cheap" in the land. But, unfortunately, these 
war-functionaries were not found at the head of their men : They, 
more generally, figured as bar-keepers, condescendingly serving 
out small measures of liquor, to their less dignified customers. 
Still were they brimfull of patriotism, the prevailing feature of 
which was, to be no less ardent in their pursuit, than fervent in 
their hatred of Tories.* 

Daring a stay of a few days in Philadelphia, my mother and 
myself, I recollect, dined at President Hancock's. He had been 
one of the opposers of her scheme of going into New York, but 
was sufficiently a man of the world, to put on an appearance of 
being pleased with its success. Yet, as he was among the most 
conspicuous on the American side, and deeply staked in the issue 
of the contest, it is not uncharitable to suppose, that he was not 
very cordially gratified by an event which might give to the 
adverse cause any colour of clemency. But I have no right to 
attribute his advice upon the occasion, to other than the most 
friendly motives ; since mine, had I been consulted, would have 
been the same. 

My mother, as already mentioned, having removed her resi- 
dence to Reading, thither, in company with the lady so often 
adverted to, whose family was also established there, we pro- 
ceeded in high spirits. Many other Philadelphians had recourse 
to this town, as a place of safety from a sudden incursion of the 
enemy ; and, among a score or more of fugitive families, were 
those of General Mifilin and my uncle, as I have called Mr. Bid- 
die, though only standing in that relation by marriage. It was 
also the station assigned to a number of prisoners, both British 
and German, as well as of the principal Scotch royalists, that had 
been subdued and taken in North Carolina. I soon discovered 
that a material change had taken place during my absence from 
Pennsylvania; and that the pulses of many, that at the time of 
my leaving it, had beaten high in the cause of Whigisra and 
Liberty, were considerably lowered. Power, to use a language 
which had already ceased to be orthodox, and could, therefore, 

* The generous exertions of the Philadelphia troop of cavalry, and other por- 
tions of the militia, in the preceding winter, are honourable exceptions to the 
general supineness. 



284 POLITICAL FEELINGS. 

only be whispered, had fallen into low hands: The better sort 
were disgusted and weary of the war. Congress, indeed, had 
given out that they had counted the cost of the contest : but it 
was but too apparent, that very many of their adherents, had 
made false calculations on the subject, having neither allowed 
enough for disasters in the field, nor domestic chagrins, the in- 
evitable consequence of a dissolution of old power and the as- 
sumption of new.* It was, in fact, just beginning to be per- 
ceived, that the aidour of the inflamed multitude is not to be 
tempered ; and that the instigators of revolutions are rarely those 
who are destined to conclude them, or profit by them. The great 
cause of schism among the Whigs, had been the Declaration of 
Independence. Its adoption liad, of course, rendered numbers 
malcontent; and thence, by a very natural transition, consigned 
them to the Tory ranks. Unfortunately for me, this was the pre- 
dicament in which I found my nearest and best friend, whose ex- 
ample had, no doubt, contributed to the formation of my political 
opinions, and whose advice, concurring with ray own sense of 
duty, had placed me in the army. I now discovered, that we no 
longer thought or felt alike ; and though no rupture took place, 
some coldness ensued, and I have to regret a few words of 
asperity which passed between us, on occasion of the French 
alliance. But this was but a momentary blast ; as neither of us 
was infected with that hateful bigotry, which too generally aetuated 
Whigs and Tories, and led to mutual persecution, as one or other 
had the ascendency. As to the Whigs, the very cause for which 
they contended was essentially that of freedom, and yet all the 
freedom it granted, was, at the peril of tar and feathers, to think 
and act like themselves, the extent, indeed, of all toleration pro- 
ceeding from the multitude, whether advocating the divine right 
of a king ; the divine sovereignty of the people ; or of the idol 
it may be pleased to constitute its unerring plenipotentiary. 
Toleration is only to be looked for upon points in which men are 
indifferent ; or where they are duly checked and restrained by a 
salutary autliority. 

* For some justifications of tlicsc remarks, which,. I know, have been thought 
heterodox — see Wilkinson's Memoirs, vol. 1, pp. 20i-2 — particularly a cited 
letter from General Sciiuyleiv to General Heath, dated Saratoga, July 28th, 1777. 



POLITICAL FEELINGS. 285 

Mr. Edward Biddle, then in a declining state of health, and no 
longer in Congress, ap^iarently entertained sentiments not accord- 
ant with the measures piu'suing ; and in the fervid style of elocu- 
tion, for which he was distinguished, he often exclaimed, that he 
really knew not what to wish for. "The subjugation of my 
country," he would say, " I deprecate as a most grievous calamity, 
and yet sicken at the idea of thirteen, unconnected, petty demo- 
cracies : if we are to be independent, let us, in the name of God, 
at once have an empire, and place Washington at the head of 
it."* Fortunately for our existence as a nation, a great proportion 
of those, whose early exertions tended to that issue, were not 
aware of the price by which it was to be acquired ; otherwise, my 
knowledge of the general feeling at this time, so far as my means 
of information extended, obliges me to say, that it would not have 
been achieved. Not that disgust and despondence were universal 
among the leading and best informed Whigs, but an equal propor- 
tion of disaffection to independence, in the early part of the year 
1776, must have defeated the enterprize. Still, it may be ob- 
served, that as Whigism declined among the higher classes, it in- 
creased in the inferior : because they who composed them, thereby, 
obtained power and consequence. Uniforms and epaulets, with 
militia titles and paper money, making numbers of persons gen- 
tlemen who had never been so before, kept up every where 
throughout the country, the spirit of opposition ; and if these were 
not real patriotism, they were very good substitutes for it. Could 
there, in fact, be any comparison between the condition of a daily 
drudge in agricultural or mechanic labour, and that of a spruce, 
militia-man, living without work, and, at the same time, having 
plenty of continental dollars in his pocket ! How could he be 
otherwise than well affected to such a cause! 

Shortly after the Declaration of Independence by Congress, a 
Constitution had been formed for the Commonwealth of Pennsyl- 
vania. This was understood to have been principally the work 

* I have presumed to put in tlie wrong, those who were adverse to the Decla- 
ration of Independence; and the liigh ground on which we have since stood, fully 
justified me : but i)rcscnt appearances seem again to unsettle the question, in the 
minds of those at least who are heterodox enough to doubt the eligibility of a 
dependence on France. 



286 DR. FRANKLIN. 

of Mr. George Bryan, in conjunction with a Mr. Canon, a school- 
master ; and it was severely reprobated by those, who thought 
checks and balances necessary to a legitimate distribution of the 
powers of government. Doctor Franklin was also implicated in 
the production ; and either his participation in it, or approbation 
of it, was roundly asserted by its fautors. The Doctor, perhaps a 
sceptic in relation to forms of goverment, and ever cautious of 
committing himself, had thrown out an equivoque about a wagon, 
with horses, drawing in opposite directions ; as, upon the adoption 
of the federal constitution he told a pleasant story of a self-com- 
placent French lady who always found herself in the right. But 
whether he meant by his rustic allusion, to show his approbation 
of checks or otherwise, is an enigma that has never been solved ; 
nor is it worth the trouble of solution. The constitutionalists, 
however, claimed him ; and whether he thought with them or not, 
he was too prudent to disoblige them. It is rather probable the phi- 
losopher was of opinion, that the ferment of the revolution should 
be left to work itself off;. that the effect could not be produced 
by the exhibition of paper sedatives ; and that, therefore, the form 
of a constitution was scarcely worth quarrelling about. His ob- 
servations embraced moral, no less than natural subjects : and as 
he had discovered that oil would smooth the ruffled surface of the 
sea, so had he found it most effectual in assuaging the troubled 
minds of his fellow men. Hence, his demeanour to both parties 
was so truly oily and accommodating, that it always remained 
doubtful to which he really belonged ; and while president of the 
Executive Council, to which office he had been elected on his re- 
turn from France, he sedulously avoided voting on questions, 
which partook of the spirit of party. No man had scanned the 
world more critically than the Doctor ; few have profited more by 
a knowledge of it, or managed it more to their own advantage. 
Old, and without an object to intrigue for, he seemed wholly de- 
voted to his ease and amusement ; and I have been told by a 
gentleman who acted with him as Vice-President, that he not only 
devolved upon him the whole business of the department, but 
even declined the trouble of thinking. As to the Constitution, 
whose provisions it was sometimes necessary to consider, it did 
not appear to him, that he had ever read it; or if he had, that he 



DR. FRANKLIN MR. BRYAN. 287 

deemed it worthy of remembering. In short, as to the political 
concerns of the State, he was apathy itself; and like King Lear it 
was obviously his "fast intent, to shake all cares and business 
from his age."* 

With respect to Mr. Bryan, so conspicuous at this era in the 
home department, he was one of those, whose memory treasures 
up small things, with even more care than great ones. He was 
said to be a very diligent reader, and was certainly a never weary 
monotonous talker, who, in the discourses he held seldom failed 
to give evidence of an acquaintance with the most minute, recon- 
dite, and out of the way facts ; insomuch, that a bet was once 
offered, that he could name the town-cryer of Bergen-op-Zoom.| 
As Ireland had given him birth, he was probably like the bulk of his 
emigrating countrymen, in the antipodes at all points, to whatever 
was English ; and a staunch patriot, of course. It was, moreover, 
his passion or his policy, to identify himself with the people, in 
opposition to those, who were termed the well born, a designation 
conceived in the genuine spirit of democracy, and which, as it 



* Dr. FiiANKLiN was chosen President of the Convention to form a Constitution 
for the State of Pennsylvania, and wliile a member of this Convention, he was, 
also, a member of Congress where important duties required his occasional attend- 
ance. " He is reported," says Sparks, " to have been the author of the most re- 
rnarkable feature in this Constitution, that is, a single Legislative Assembly, 
instead of two branches, v.'hich other Statesmen have considered preferable, and 
which have since been adopted by all the States of the Union, as well as in other 
countries where the experiment of popular forms has been tried. He disapproved 
of the distinctions of rank incident to two Assemblies, one being called the Upper 
and tiie other the Lower House, as having an aristocratical tendency, unfavoura- 
ble to the liberty and equality, wliich are the essence of republican institutions." 
These distinctions, borrowed, as are too many other opinions and practices, from 
England, however significant and expressive there, are utterly meaningless here, 
yet are obstinately persevered in. It is time that this absurd imitation of Lords 
and Commons should be discontinued, and the common-sense of the country is 
appealed to in this behalf. At the period of the adoption of tiiis Constitution, 
Franklin was in his 71st year ; but he was, nevertheless, according to Sparks, 
actively attentive to his two-fold duties, the assertion of our author's informant, to 
the contrary notwitlistanding. — Ed. 

t This place was probably suggested to the mind of the bettor from the circum- 
stance of its having been taken in the year 1747, by Marshal Count Lowendahl 
though deemed impregnable, and being, on that account, a common theme in 
conversation and newspapers. 



288 MR. BRYAN MR. CANON. 

maybe supposed, did "yeoman's service" to her cause, now 
dispensing with its use from a just deference to its well born ad- 
vocates from Virginia and her dependencies. In other respects 
Mr. Bryan was well enough: let us say, a well meaning man, and 
even one, who, in the main, felt he w^as acting the patriot : for 
this part, it is well known, is played in very different styles. 
Should any reader require a proof of this, I might refer him to the 
modes of Washington and Jefferson. Some only see danger, 
bless their optics! on the side of aristocracy ; and, therefore, rivet 
themselves with all their might, in an anti-patrician spirit of per- 
verseness to every thing candid, or noble, or honourable. Nothing 
is republican with them, but as it is crawling, and mean, and can- 
died over with a fulsome and hypocritical love for the people. I 
do not say that Mr. Bryan was actuated by such motives, but 
merely, that his patriotism was of the humble character they are 
calculated to inspire. Of his colleague Mr. Canon, it may not be 
uncharitable to presume, that having the little knowledge of man, 
and scholastic predilection for tlie antique in liberty, which gene- 
rally falls to the lot of a pedagogue, he acted accordingly.* But 
death quickly snatched him away ; osfendent terris hunc tantum 
fata. These constituted the duumvirate, which had the credit of 
framing the Constitution and thence laying, in Pennsylvania, the 
corner stone of that edifice, which, however retarded in its pro- 
gress by aristocratical interferences, towers, like another Babel, to 
the skies, and will continue to tower, until finally arrested and 
dilapidated by an irremediable confusion of tongues : for anarchy 
ever closes the career of democracy. 

* As to myself, who always find it impossible to separate from my idea of a 
good government, somewhat of ignoble fireside comfort and tranquillity, I must 
say, that I have but a poor opinion of old Roman felicity, notwithstanding the im- 
mense amor patrice that attended it. 



PHILADELPHIA THREATENED. 



289 



CHAPTER XII. 

Philadelpliia Threatened. — Washington Marches to meet the Enemy. — Review 
of the Army. — Action at Brandywine. — Reflections on National Strength. — 
Measures of Washington. — Character of his Operations. — Defeat of Burgoyne. — 
Society at Reading. — Generals Mifflin, Gates, Conway, Lee. — Captain Speke. — 
Prisoners. — British Officers on Parole. — Author Exchanged. — Married. — Re- 
flections. — Occurrence of the War. — Charles Thomson. 

General Howe had remained inactive during the summer, 
and it was not until the latter part of August, that it became 
manifest that Philadelphia was his object. This rendered it ex- 
pedient in the opinion of the active Whigs of that city, to put out 
of the way of mischief, the most influential and zealous of the 
disaffected ; several of whom were accordingly, on authority of 
Congress, apprehended, and deported to the western parts of 
Virginia. On their way thither, they passed through Reading; 
and it being proposed by some of their old fellow citizens there 
resident, to show them some attention in their misfortune, the pro- 
position was generally approved, and I was among the number 
of those who called on them, at the inri at which they stopped. 
Here, we found some of the piincipal and most respectable 
Quakers, Mr. James Pemberton, Mr. Myers Fisher, and several 
others, whom I do not, with certainty, recollect. Mr. Fisher 
was the only one of this society, with whom I was personally 
acquainted ; and he, I remember, took occasion significantly to 
observe, that " I did not look as if I had been starved by those 
sad people the British." But J found among them another ac- 
quaintance of a wholly different order. This was no other than 
my old friend Pike, the fencing master, who, although he had 
dissembled so well at the outset of the business, as to render it 
dubious whether he was for or against us, had, in the sequel it 
25 



290 ^VASHINGTON MARCHES TO MEET THE ENEMY. 

seems, evinced himself a (rue-hearted Briton, to which circum- 
stance, he owed the honour of his being in his present very good 
comparnj^ as he termed it. The red coat and laced hat of Pike, 
were, to be sure, very strikingly in contrast with the flat brims 
and plain drab-coloured garments of the rest of the assemblage: 
nevertheless, from an internal similarity, this seemingly discord- 
ant ingredient incorporated perfectly well with the mass; and 
friend Pike, as he was called, officiating in the capacity of a 
major domo or caterer at tlie inns they put up at, was a person, 
I found, of no small consideration with his party. The prisoners 
were not much dejected, probably looking upon themselves as 
martyrs to the cause of their country; and, in fact, though ap- 
parently well pleased with the civility we showed them, their 
manner rather indicated, that they considered us, as more ob- 
jects of pity than themselves. How much is it to be lamented, 
that the public good should not always be so manifest as not to 
be mistaken ! If this were the case, how many of the fantastic 
tricks we play ofi' against each other, in its name, might be 
spared ! But then, we should no longer be the self-important, 
"forked-animals," "the quintescence of dust," called man. 

Having drawn together his forces. General Washington 
marclied to meet the enemy, who, from the head of Elk, w-as 
directing his course to Philadelphia. As it had been given out 
by the disafTected, that we were much weaker than in truth we 
were, the General thought it best to show both Whigs and Tories 
the real strength he possessed; and in this view, took his route 
through the city, the bcllorum maxima nierces, or at least, the 
great object of the campaign, and the point, which if gained, 
would, in the opinion of Mr. Galloway, be decisive of the con- 
test. I happened to be there at the time, and from the coffee- 
house corner, saw our army with the Commander-in-chief at its 
head, pass down Front street. The sight was highly interesting to 
persons of all descriptions; and among the many who, perhaps, 
equally disclaimed the epithet of Whig or of Tory, Mr. Chew, 
from an upper window in the house of Mr. Turner, appeared a 
very anxious spectator. By the bye, it might savour of bigotry, 
to impute guilt to this want of decision. In civil commotions, 
there is generally so much to disapprove on both siiles, and the 



REVIEW OF THE ARMY. 291 

issue is so little answerable to the designs of the well-meaning 
men embarked in them, that neutrality, if it could be maintained, 
might often be the most eligible part. Atticus was perhaps as 
good, and probably a wiser man than either Cicero, or Pompey, 
or Csesar. There are certainly times in which inaction becomes 
virtue, notwithstanding that active ardour may be more conge- 
nial to upright intention ; and that it is in the glowing tempera- 
ment of a Cato, disdaining that " his house should stand secure 
and nourish in a civil war," that the noblest feelings of an honest 
heart are to be looked for. And yet, this very Cato, under the 
guidance of the same poet, who puts this heroic sentiment into 
his mouth, is made to counsel his son to "live retired, and to 
content himself with being obscurely good." 

The impression made by this review of the American army, it 
is to be presumed, was rather favourable than otherwise from the 
propensity of persons unaccustomed to the sight of large bodies 
of men, to augment them. But it was very disproportioned to 
the zeal for liberty, which had been manifested the year before. 
It amounted to but about eight or nine thousand men, according 
to Chief Justice Marshall ; but these, though indifferently dressed, 
held well burnished arms, and carried them like soldiers, and 
looked, in short, as if they might have faced an equal number 
with a reasonable prospect of success. 

The action which ensued at Brandywine, on the eleventh of 
September, is an instance, among many others furnished by his- 
tory, both of the temptation to dispute the passage of a river by 
fronting the enemy on the opposite side, and of the inefficiency of 
such attempts. The difficulty and ineligibility of these under- 
takings, are noticed by most of the writers on the art of war, and 
particularly by the Marquis De Feuquiere.* To a person of any 



* He says : " It is impossible to guard the shores of a river when the ground 
to be guarded is of a great extent, because tlie assailant, pointing his efforts to 
several places, for the purpose of separating the forces of his adversary, and to 
draw his attention to spots very distant from each other, at length determining 
to make his effort at the point where he finds the least ability to resist, always 
prevails over the labours and vigilance of his enemy ; more especially when he 
employs the night for the execution of his enterprize, that being most favourable 
for concealing, the place of his principal effort." 



292 BRANDYWINE. 

military experience, who reflects how easy it must be, to distract 
the opposing army by fallacious demonstrations, in a situation at 
once concealed from observation, and exempted from the peril 
which results from movements in the face of an adversary, in a 
state of profit by them, the little chance of succeeding in the 
effort, on a merely defensive plan, must be apparent. Where, 
indeed, the defending General shall permit himself to become the 
assailant, if occasion should offer, he, in some degree, balances 
advantages; and the conception of General Washington, as 
mentioned by Judge Marshall, of crossing at the lower ford to 
attack the enemy's right under Knyphausen, was masterly ; and 
might, if rapidly put in execution, have handsomely turned the 
tables. It can hardly be doubted, however, that a position on 
the enemy's flank to the westward, would have been more eligible 
than that taken in front; and that the means of annoying and 
possibly crippling him on his march, which was all that could 
reasonably be looked for from an army so inferior as ours, might 
have offered at this river or at Schuylkill. This was probably, at 
one tijne contemplated, under the recommendation, as it was said, 
of General Greene. But the public clamour demanded that a 
battle should be risked for the city ; and I well remember, that it 
was given out at Reading, on the suggestion of General Mifflin, 
that Greene, of whom he was no friend, was jealous of Southern 
influence, and, therefore, indifferent to the fate of Philadelphia. 
But if Greene really advised the measure attributed to him, thereby 
securing the open country to our army in case of disaster, in pre- 
ference to the plan adopted, and which, in addition to its other 
faults, tended to place us in the nook formed by the course of the 
Delaware, I cannot but say, that, whatever were his motives, and 
we have no ground to presume them bad, he was right. Yet, if 
Congress required that the enemy should be fought, and we have 
good authority that they did require it, the opportunity of bringing 
him to action, in any other mode than that of placing ourselves 
directly in his way, might have been lost.* 

* "The expediency of fightings tliis battle," says Sparks, in his Life of Wash- 
ington, "with a force so much inferior, and under many disadvantag'es, has been 
questioned by foreign writers. If the subject be viewed in a military ligiit only, 
there may, perhaps, be just grounds for criticism. But it should be differently 



REFLECTIONS ON NATIONAL STRENGTH. 293 

But why so much caution, it may be asked, against a foe in 
the very heart of the country? Why not rather turn out en masse, 
surround, and make a breakfast of Mr. Howe and his mercena- 
ries? Coukl not a population of two miUions of souls, have fur- 
nished fighting Whigs enough for the purpose ? Where were 
the multitudes which used to appear in arms, in the commons 
of Philadelphia? W^here the legions of New-England men that 
hemmed in Gage at Boston? Where, in short, the hundred and 
fifty thousand men in arms throughout the continent, spoken of 
by General Lee* and others, at the beginning of the contest? 
Where were the Pennsylvania riflemen, those formidable, un- 
erring marksmen, each of whom, could venture to put a ball in 
a target, held by his brother? How came it, that that excellent 
jest of a British dragoon pursuing one of them round a tree, was 
not exemplified on this occasion? These things promised well ; 
they were flattering in the extreme, and admirably calculated to 
buoy us up in a confidence of the martial superiority of freemen 
to slaves. Yet, on the day of trial, from whatever cause it pro- 
ceeded, the fate of the country and its liberties, was always 
committed to a handful of mercenaries, the very things, which 
were the eternal theme of our scorn and derision. The fact 
must either be, that the effective strength of a nation does, after 
all, reside in regular, disciplined forces, or that appearances 
were lamentably deceitful; that all the patriotic ardour we had 
at first displayed, had already evaporated ; and that the gallant 
affair of Bunker's hill, and others, were but the efTects of mo- 



rcgarded. General Wasiiingtox knew the expectation of the countr}' and ot 
Congress; and he was persuaded, that a defeat would be less injurious in its 
effects on the public mind, than the permitting of the enemy to march to Phila- 
delphia without opposition. He doubtless hoped to make a better resistance ; 
which he would have done, if he iiad not been deceived by contradictory intelli- 
gence in the time of battle, against which no foresight could guard. Although 
some of his troops behaved ill, yet otiiers, and the larger part, fought with signal 
bravery, and inspired him and themselves with a confidence, which could have 
been produced only by the trial." See Appendix K. — Ed. 

* Not less than a hundred and fifty thousand gentlemen, yeomcii and farmers 
are in arms, determined to preserve tlieir liberties or perish. — Letter from Gene- 
ral Lee to General Burgoyne. 

*25 



-294 REFLECTIONS ON NATIONAL STRENGTH. 

mentary excitement. America does not seem to be a soil for 
enthusiasm ; and I am not at all disposed to dispute the assertion 
contained in a letter of General Du Portail, in the time of the 
%var, that there was more of it in a single coflee-house in Paris, 
than on our whole continent put together. From these facts, 
and facts they assuredly are, let our theoretical men calculate 
the probable result of a formidable invasion of our country in our 
present state of preparation; and, if in the heroic epoch alluded 
to, when there had been really a promise of great things, so little 
was done, how much less, is rationally to be expected from the 
empty vapouring of demagogue valour. Would it have been 
credited in the year 1775, that a British army of eighteen thou- 
sand men could have marched in perfect security from the 
Chesapeake to Philadelphia ? that a much smaller force could 
have penetrated through the Jerseys to the Delaware ? and that 
mere partizan-bodies, could have traversed the southern states 
in utter contempt of the long knife of Virginia! All these things 
were done; and yet our babbling statesmen will talk, "Ye 
Gods! how they will talk," of the irresistable prowess of a 
nation of freemen ! From the perseverance of Spain, when com- 
pared with the short-lived exertions of Austria and Prussia, 
some argue the superiority of a determined people to regular 
armies. But it is not certainly like Spain, that we would wish 
to have our country defended to be first over-run and destroyed! 
Neither can the glory we aspire to, be merely that of the boxer, 
who bears a great deal of beating, and solely depends on out- 
winding his adversary. I have lately seen sneers at what are 
called technical armies ; but what are we to call those with which 
Napoleon has achieved his victories and attained his present 
fearful ascendancy! We can hardly say, they are not technical, 
because, in part, composed of conscripts; and, if by the term, 
is meant disciplined^ who will deny them that qualification ? 

Previously to Sir William Howe's getting possession of Phila- 
delphia, measures were taken by General Washington to give 
him battle a second time. The two armies were on the point of 
engaging, and the encounter was only prevented by a heavy fall 
ef rain. The weather continued wet for a day or two ; and by 



MEASURES OF GENERAL WASHINGTON. 295 

damaging our ammunition, rendered it inexpedient to seek the 
enemy.* While our army had been preparing foi action,! have 
been informed by several discerning officers, that the General 
discovered unusual impetuosity ; and that as he rode along the 
line exhorting his men to do their duty, his manner evinced an 
extreme impatience of ill-fortune, and a determination to retrieve 
it, or perish in the attempt. 

Although defeat had been the consequence of his unequal 
conflicts with the foe, and his country seemed lost to the gene- 
rous ardour which had once inspired it, his manly mind was not 
subdued. Of this he gave an illustrious instance in his assault 
of the post at Germantown. That the British army was not de- 
stroyed on this occasion, and Philadelphia recovered, has been 
represented by certain malcontents, as a shameful dereliction of 
a victory already gained ; and General C. Lee, sneeringly de- 
nominates it a stroke of the bathos. But what would he that we 
should have done? He would hardly have had us press on 
hap-hazard, without redressing the disorder which had taken 
place in our line ; a disorder which might have ensued, had 
even General Lee himself commanded. Besides, the step would 

* "After allowing' liis men one day for rest and refreshment, Wasmington re- 
turned across the Schuylkill, and took the Lancaster road, leading to the left of 
the British army, fully determined to offer battle. This bold step, taken before 
the enemy had left the field of action at the Brandyvvine, was a proof that the 
late repulse had in no degree unsettled his own resolution, or damped the ardour 
of iiis troops. The two armies met twenty-three miles from Philadelphia, and an 
engagement was actually begun between the advanced parties, when a heavy 
rain came on and rendered both armies totally unfit to pursue the contest. Wash- 
ington retired to the Yellow Springs, but was not followed by the British; and 
he finally passed over the Schuylkill at Parker's Ford." 

Washington gives the following account of his movements on this occasion : 

"When I last re-crossed the Schuylkill, it was with a firm intent of givino- the 
enemy battle wherever I should meet ihem; and accordingly I advanced as far 
as the Warren Tavern upon the Lancaster road, near which place the two armies 
were upon the point of coming to a general engagement, but were prevented by 
a most violent flood of rain, which continued all the day and following night. 
When it held up, we had the mortification to find our ammunition, which had 
been completed to forty rounds a man, was entirely ruined ; and in that situation 
we had nothing left for if, but to find out a strong piece of ground, which we 
could easily maintain, till we could get the arms put in order, and a recruit of am- 
munition." — Sparks^ Life of Washington. — Ed. 



296 CHARACTER OF HIS OPERATIONS. 

have been b}' no means congenial with his own conduct at 
Monmouth ; which was sufficiently circumspect and respectful 
of an enemy, he here seems to consider as nothing.* But the 
reputation of a commander ought not to depend upon a sarcasm ; 
and in order to have shown, wherein General Washington's 
conduct had been defective, Mr. Lee should have fairly set be- 
fore us, what Duke Ferdinand, whom he is pleased to bring into 
contrast, would have done. Possibly, the Duke might have 
duly respected the British grenadiers, and made comparisons not 
altogether animating, between the respective numbers, equip- 
ments and discipline, of his own army, and that of his adversary. 
But this, as a prudent General, he would, doubtless, have kept 
to himself; since to proclaim the bravery of an enemy, to our 
own men, on the field of action, is at best, but a doubtful mode 
of encouraging them. It would, however, be no just disparage- 
ment of General Washington, to admit his inferiority to Prince 
Ferdinand, in matters wherein the desultory Indian warfare, had 
furnished no experience. We had no right to count upon him. 
as consummate in the science of tactics; or to hold him fully 
competent to the nice arrangements required in the movements 
of an army, should it even be disciplined. Indeed, it was ob- • 
servable, and confirmed by every instance which came under 
my notice, that little benefit, with respect to the discipline of 
parade, so essential to the effect of operations on the large scale, 
was derived from any of the gentlemen who had been in the 
provincial service. The fortitude which is acquired from a 
familiarity with the perils and privations of war, was conspicuous 
in many; but being too for advanced in life, readily to acquire 
new habits, they were far from excelling in the business of 
manoeuvring, or in an aptitude of imparting to their men the air 

* A partial advantage over the enemy, was, probably, all t'.iat was contem- 
plated on tliis occasion, and it was certainly as much as we had a right to calcu- 
late upon with our very inferior army. Tliis may account for the delay at Chew's 
house, which has been so mucii censured by those, vvlio have rashly asserted that 
a complete victory was in our power. 

I presume this is tlie first defence that has been made of tiie failure at Ger- 
manlown, and I must confess my satisfaction to find tliat it agrees with Genera!, 
Wilkinson's and General Henry Lee's opinion& of tliat ojfair. 



DEFEAT OF GENERAL BURGOYNE. 297 

and adroitness of regular soldiers. In the situation of our army, 
necessarily deficient in discipline, something of that attention to 
minutioe ; that acquaintance with the duties of the adjutant and 
drill sergeant ^^■ith the occasional exercise of them, which have 
been ascribed to the King of Prussia ; that searching eye, which 
runs along the line, detecting at a glance, the remissness of every 
lounger, might have been desirable in its commander, possessing, 
in other respects, exterior qualifications for the station, in a de- 
gree not to be surpassed : a manner which at once inspired con- 
fidence and attachment ; a figure pre-eminently gentlemanly, 
dignified, commanding, equally removed from heaviness and flip- 
pancy, and blending the gravity of the sage, with the animation 
of the soldier. Had it belonged to Alexander, Hephsestion would 
have lost his compliment, as it must infallibly have prevented 
the mistake of the mother of Darius. 

The success of General Howe ; the loss of Philadelphia ; as 
well as the ground given in the northern quarter by the retreat of 
General St. Clair ; were amply counterbalanced by the utter ex- 
tinction of Burgoyne's army on the fifteenth of October.* As 
Reading lay in the route from Saratoga to York where Congress 
was now assembled, we received before that body, the particu- 
lars of this glorious event, from Major Wilkinson,! who was 

* Oil the return of General Burgoyne to England, on his parole, the King- re- 
fused to see him, and he in vain solicited a Court-martial. Under these circum- 
stances, he threw himself upon Parliament, and a motion was made in the House 
of Commons, for an inquiry into the Convention at Saratoga; wiiich was got rid 
of by the previous question." Note hythe Editor of Walpole's Letters. — Ed. 

t Afterwards General James Wilkinson. He was more distingiiislicd for his 
ponderous "Memoirs" of doubtful authority, than for any very effective service 
in war at any period of his career, although, like anotlier celebrated ciiieftain, he 
was a '•'■hero of two toars^'' the Revolutionary and Madisonian, that is to say, he 
belonged to the army at both periods. He was no doubt a brave man. He was 
sent by Gates to Congress to communicate intelligence of Burgoyne's surrender. 
He was also charged with being concerned in the famous Conway cabal. In 
return for the magnanimity of our author in his reference to tliis gentleman, it is 
but proper that the General's very favourable, but no doubt very just, impressions 
in regard to him should appear. In Vol. I. at p. 339, of the Memoirs of Wilkin- 
son, we read as follows : " Besides Mr. Biddle, I had anotlier acquaintance, a 
contemporary whose independence of sentiment and manly deportment, had at- 
tracted my attention and engaged my esteem during my residence in Piiiladel- 
phia; but exclusive of his personal merits, a congeniality of feeling and parity of 



298 AMERICAN GENERALS. 

charged with the despatches of General Gates. But without 
loading my Memoirs with obvious and trite reflections on this 
memorable occurrence, I turn a moment to myself, to observe: 
That were I a prey to the vulture of ill-starr'd ambition, the men- 
tion of a gentleman, with whom I commenced in the same rank, 
my military career, and who is now in the chief command of the 
American forces, might suggest somewhat unpleasantly, the im- 
measurable distance he has left me behind ; but the recollections 
his name awakens with infinitely more interest, are of a nature 
wholly different. They relate to pursuits and occupations of a 
character more congenial to that season of life, when, as a stu- 
dent of physic, he attended medical lectures in Philadeliihia, be- 
fore either of us wore a uniform, and before a foundation was 
laid for the many strifes which have since ensued. Thus much 
without connecting him with any of them, I freely pay to the 
remembrance of an early friendship, ever renewed wdien casual- 
ties have brought us together, maugre the estranging influence of 
difTerent party-associations. 

The ensuing winter, at Reading, was gay and agreeable, not- 
withstanding that the enemy was in possession of the metropolis. 
The society w^as sufficiently large and select; and a sense of com- 
mon suffering in being driven from their homes, had the effect ot 
more closely uniting its members. Disasters of this kind, if duly 
weighed, are not grievously to be deplored. The variety and 
bustle they bring along with them, give a spring to the mind ; 
and when illumined by hope, as was now the case, they are, 
when present, not painful, and when past, they are among the 
incidents most pleasing in retrospection. Besides the families 
established in this place, it was seldom without a number of v'i- 
siters, gentlemen of the army and others. Hence the dissipation- 
of cards, sleighing-parties, balls, »Scc., was freely indulged. 

predicament, as it regarded a passion wliich above all olliers most inloicsts the 
youthful iicart, had produced a confidential intimacy, the recollection of which 
at this distant day, awakens the sweetest sensibilities of my bosom ; and I know 
not whether I compliment the living or the dead, when I declare that I have 
rarely met with a man of more refined honour, a more feeling heart, or more 
polished manners, than Alkxander Graydon, Esq." The Memoirs of Wilkinson 
were printed in 1816. — Ed. 



GENERAL MIFFLIN. 299 

General Mifflin, at this era, was at home, a chief out of war, 
complaining, though not ill, considerably malcontent, and appa- 
rently, not in high favour at Head Quarters. According to him, 
the ear of the Commander-in-chief, was exclusively possessed by 
Greene, who was represented to be neither the most wise, the 
most brave, nor most patriotic of counsellers.* In short, the 
campaign in this quarter, was stigmatized as a series of blunders ; 
and the incapacity of those who had conducted it, unsparingly 
reprobated. The better fortune of the northern army, was 
ascribed to the superior talents of its leader ; and it began to be 
whispered, that Gates was the man who should, of right, have 
the station so incompetently sustained by Washington. There 
was, to all appearance, a cabal forming for his deposition, in 
which, it is not improbable, that Gates, Mifflin and Conway were 
already engaged; and, in which, the congenial spirit of Lee, on 
his exchange, immediately took a share. The well known 
apostrophe of Conway to America, iraporiing "that Heaven had 
passed a decree in her favour or her ruin, must long before have 
ensued, from the imbecility of her military counsels," was, at 
this time, familiar at Reading; and I heard him myself, when he 
was afterwards on a visit to that place, express himself to the 

* A far abler, more sincere, and more " earnest man," as Carlyle would ex- 
press it, than General Mifflin, namely, General Henry Lee, entertained and ex- 
pressed a very different opinion. " No man," he says, " was more familiarized to 
dispassionate and minute research than General Greene. He was patient in hear- 
ing every tiling' offered, never interrupting or slighting what was said ; and, having 
possessed himself of the subject fully, he would enter into a critical comparison 
of the opposite arguments, convincing his hearers, as he proceeded, of the pro- 
priety of the decision he was about to pronounce." "His vivid plastic genius 
operated on the latent elements of martial capacity in his army, invigorated its 
weakness, turned its confusion into order, and its despondency into ardour. 
A wide sphere of intellectual resource enabled him to inspire confidence, to re- 
kindle courage, to decide hesitation, and infuse a spirit of exalted patriotism in 
the citizens of the State. By his own example, he showed the incalculable value 
of obedience, of patience, of vigilance and temperance. Dispensing justice, with 
an even hand, to the citizen and soldier; benign in heart, and happy in manners; 
he acquired tlie durable attachment and esteem of all. He collected around his 
person, able and respectable officers; and selected, for the several departments, 
those who were best qualified to fill them. His operations were then commenced 
with a boldness of design, well calculated to raise the drooping hopes of his coun- 
try, and to excite the respect of the enemy." — Ed. 



300 MIFFLIN GATES — LEE — CONWAY. 

effect : " That no man was more a gentleman than GeneralWASH- 
iNGTON, or appeared to more advantage at his table, or in the usual 
intercourse of life ; but as to his talents for the command of an 
army, (with a French shrug) they were miserable indeed." Ob- 
servations of this kind, continually repeated, could not fail to 
make an impression within the sphere of their circulation ; and 
it may be said, that the popularity of the Commander-in-chief, 
was a good deal impaired at Reading. As to myself, however, 
I can confidently aver, that I never was proselyted ; or gave into 
the opinion for a moment, that any man in America, was worthy 
to supplant the exalted character, that presided in her array. I 
might have been disposed, perhaps, to believe, that such talents 
as were possessed by Lee, could they be brought to act subordi- 
nately, might often be useful to him; but I ever thought it would 
be a fatal error, to put any other in his place. Nor was I the 
only one, who forbore to become a partizan of Gates.* Several 
others thought they saw symptoms of selfishness in the business; 
nor could the great eclat of the northern campaign, convince them, 
that its hero was superior to Washington. The duel which af- 
terwards took place between Generals Conwayf and Cadwalader, 

* General Horatio Gates was an Englishman, and had served in America 
during the war of 1755. Little is known of his early career. He is said to have 
been born in 1728, " and rose to the rank of major by the force of merit alone." 
Horace Walpole, in v/riling to Horace Mann, speaks of the god-son of the lat- 
ter, Horatio Gates, and of his capture of Burgoyne, at Saratoga. 

He settled in Virginia, where, at tlie commencement of the war of the Revolu- 
tion, he received from Congress the appointment of Adjutant-General, with the 
rank of Brigadier to the army assembled before Boston in the first campaign. 
After the capture of Burgoyne, when the popularity of Gates, in consequence of 
this good fortune, was at its height, " intrigues were commenced for elevating him 
to the station occupied by Washington, which were as shameful as tiicy were un- 
successful." How far he was engaged in them it is not now possible to determine. 
In June, 1730, Gates received the Chief command of the Southern army, and 
when about to leave Virginia for the south, "his old acquaintance, General 
Charles Lke, waited on him to take leave, and pressing his hand, bade him bear 
in mind, that the laurels of the North must not be exchanged for the v\illow of 
the South." He was defeated by Cornwallis, at the battle of Camden, on the 
IGth of August. He died on the 10th of April, 1806, in the 78th year of his 
age." — El). 

t General Thomas Conway was born in Ireland. He received a military edu- 
cation in France, where, at the age six years, he accompanied his parents. He 



SOCIETY AT READING. 301 

though immediately proceeding from an unfavourable opinion 
expressed by the latter of the conduct of the former at German- 
town, had perhaps a deeper origin, and some reference to this 
intrigue :* as I had the means of knowing, that General Cad- 
walader, suspecting Mifflin had instigated Conway to fight him, 
was extremely earnest to obtain data from a gentleman who 
lived in Reading, whereon to ground a serious explanation with 
Mifflin, So much for the manoeuvring, which my location at one 
of its principal seats, brought me acquainted with ; and which, 
its authors were soon after desirous of burying in oblivion. 
Among the persons, who, this w-inter, spent much time in 

came to this country with strong recommendations, and, in 1777, received from 
Congress the appointment of Brigadier-General. He was, however, distinguished 
only by his ridiculous hostility to Washington, and by his absurd endeavour 
to place his friend General Gates, in the Chief command of the army. " In this 
he was supported by several members of Congress. He was appointed by that 
body Inspector-General of the Army, with the rank of Major-General, but, was 
soon obliged to resign his commission, on account of his unpopularity with the 
officers. In consequence of his calumnies against Washington, he was chal- 
lenged by General Cadwalader, and wounded in the head. Supposing that he 
was mortally injured, he wrote a satisfactory letter of apology to Washington, 
for the injury he had endeavoured to inflict upon his character," He returned to 
France at the close of the year 1778. 

The absurd aspirations of the Englisli General, Gates, the weak and mi- 
serable intriiiues of his countryman and partisan, Conway, the vanity and in- 
subordination of their able but eccentric countryman, General Charles Lee, 
caused far more annoyance to the Commander-in-chief, than the inexperience 
of all the other officers together, who, suddenly summoned to the field from the 
ordinary avocations of life, were compelled to learn the art of war, amidst its 
perils and responsibilities. — Ed. 

* Not that General Cadwalader was induced from the intrigue to speak un- 
favourably of General Conway's behaviour at Germantown. That of itself, was a 
sufficient ground of censure. Conway, it seems, during the action, was found in 
a farm-house by Generals Reed and Cadwalader. Upon their inquiring the 
cause, he replied, in great agitation, that his horse was wounded in the neck. 
Being urged to get anotiier horse, and at any rate to join his brigade which was 
engaged, he declined it, repeating tliat his horse was wounded in the neck. Upon 
Conway's applying to Congress, some time after to be made a Major-General, and 
earnestly urging his suit, Cadwalader made known this conduct of his at German- 
town ; and it was for so doing, that Conway gave the challenge, the issue of 
which was, his being dangerously wounded in the face from the pistol of General 
Cadwalader. He recovered, however, and some time time after went to France. 

26 



302 MR. DUER CAPTAIN SPEKE. 

Reading, was one Luttiloe,* a foreigner, who was afterwards 
arrested in London on suspicion of hostile designs ; also Mr. 
William Duer, who either was, or lately had been, a member of 
Congress. His character is well known. He was of the dash- 
ing cast, a man of the world, confident and animated, with a 
promptitude in displaying the wit and talents he possessed, 
with very little regard to the decorum, which either time or 
place imposed. Of this he gave an instance, one day, at Mr. 
Edward Biddle's, which, had it been on a theatre, where the 
royal cause was predominant, I should have relished : as it was, 
it was unpleasant to me. Captain Spekef of the British army, 
a prisoner, was present, with his eye on a newspaper, several 
of which had lately come out of Philadelphia, when Duer, 
taking up another began to read aloud, commenting with much 
sarcasm on the paragraphs as he went along. Speke bore it a 
good while, but at length Duer's remarks became so pinching 
that he was roused to reply. To this he received a ready re- 
joinder, and a warm altercation was on the point of taking 
place, when Captain Speke prudently took the resolution of re- 
linquishing the field ; and taking up his hat, abruptly retired. 

* Henry Lutterloh, Esq., a German. He is so called in the account, under the 
head of Britain, in Dobson's Encyclopedia, and was concerned witli De la Motte 
who was executed for treason, whom, on being arrested, he informed against. 
Henry Emanuel Lutterloh.— On the 14th of April, 1790,, at the second session 
of the first Congress, after the organization of the Government, a petition was 
presented by this gentleman praying to be allowed the pay and emoluments of a 
colonel, in consideration of military services rendered to the United States during 
the war. This petition was referred to the Secretary of War, who reported on 
the 20th May. His report was referred to a committee, and their report was 
taken up on the 2d of August, and disagreed to, and the petitioner had leave 
granted him to withdraw his petition. At the third session of tliis Congress, he 
presented another petition praying that his memorial might be reconsidered — 
and he was again rejected. At the first session of tlie secoxid Congress, he again 
petitioned. A committee reported, but there was no action on the report; but at 
the next session, the House resolved — that the account of "Colonel Henry Ema- 
nuel Lutterloh, for his travelling and passage expenses incurred in coming to 
America, and joining the army of the United States, in 1777, being seven hun- 
dred and forty-six dollars, be settled, and the amount thereof to be paid out of the 
treasury of the United States." History of Congress during first term of Wash- 
ington. — Ed. 

t Captain Speke was taken prisoner at tlic battle of Germantown. 



CAPTAIN SPEKE. 303 

AsSpeke, although a thorough Englishman, was a well-bred man, 
with whom I had become acquainted, and had exchanged some 
civilities, I was not a little hurt at this circumstance, as the com- 
pany in general seemed to be. Duer for his part triumphed in 
his success, displaying a heart, which however bold on the safe 
side of the lines, might nevertheless have been sufficiently meek 
on the other ; at least, such a conduct would but conform to the 
result of my observations on persons who play the bashaw in 
prosperity; and I believe it is pretty generally agreed, to be no 
mark of game to crow upon a dunghill. While upon the subject 
of Captain Speke, I will finish the little I have to say of him. 
He belonged, if my recollection does not fail me, to the same re- 
giment with Mr. Becket ; at least, he was well acquainted with 
him, and told me he had heard him speak of me. He was young 
and lively, with an addiction to that sly significance of remark, 
characteristic both of his profession and his nation; and which 
may be pardoned, when accompanied with good humour. Taking 
up my hat, one day, when at his quarters, to take coffee with him 
and one or two others of his fellow prisoners, he observed, that 
it was a very decent one, which is more, said he, than I can say 
of those generally worn by the officers of your army: they have 
precisely what we call in England, the damn my eyes cock. At 
another time, having called upon me at my mother's, I was led 
by some circumstance, to advert to the awkward form and low 
ceiling of the room ; but " faith," said he, looking round, " you 
have made the most of it with furniture ;" which was true enough, 
as it was unmercifully overloaded with chairs, tables and family 
pictures. Such freedoms may fully justify me in scanning Mr. 
Speke, who, to say the truth, was, in point of information, far 
above the level' which is allowed to the gentlemen of the British 
army, by Swift and other writers of their nation. As to " your 
JYoveds and Blutarks, and Omurs and stuff'," I know not if he 
was of the noble Captain's opinion, in Hannah's animated plea 
for turning Hamilton's bawn into a barrack; but he had read 
some of the English poets;, and speaking of Prior and Pope, I 
remember his saying, that the former was much preferred to the 
latter, by people of taste in England. But grant what we may 
to the sprightliness and easy gaiety of Prior, this can hardly be 



304 BRITISH OFFICERS ON PAROLE. 

the award of sound criticism. Being heartily tired of the condi- 
tion of a captive, Mr. Speke was extremely anxious to get rid of 
it, and to this effect suggested, that by mutual exertion, we might 
be exchanged for each other. He said, that if I could obtain 
permission for him to go into Philadelphia on parole, he had no 
doubt of having suflicient interest to effect it. I accordingly 
took the liberty to write to General Washington on the subject, 
but was a long time in suspense as to the success of my ap- 
plication. An additional inducement to the step, was, that both 
Colonel Miles and Major Wqst, had by requisition of General 
Howe, repaired to Philadelphia ; and I every day expected a 
similar summons. It had been given out that these gentlemen 
had not observed all the passiveness which had been enjoined 
upon them by their parole ; and I well knew that I was charged 
with a like transgression. I had spoken freely, it is true, of the 
treatment of prisoners; and this was considered by the Tories and 
some of the British officers in our hands, as very unpardonable 
in one who had been favoured as I had been ; and I was aware 
that I was threatened with a retraction of the indulgence. I re- 
mained, however, unmoleste(|. The .situation of Miles and West 
in the neighbourhood of the army at White Marsh, was, perhaps, 
the circumstance which gave colour to the accusation against 
them ; but they were not long detained. 

Besides, that it would have ill comported with the indulgence 
I enjoyed, it was abhorrent to my feelings, to behave haughtily to 
a prisoner. There were two puppies, however, in that predica- 
ment, in whom I immediately recognised the insolent manner of 
a genuine scoundrel in red; and these, I cautiously avoided. 
They were subaltern? ; one of whom, of the name of Wilson, was 
base enough, under the false pretence of being related to the Cap- 
tain Wilson, who he had some how learned had treated me with 
civility, to borrow a few guineas of my mother, which it unluckily 
slipped his memory to repay. ■ Had I been aware of the applica- 
tion, the loan would have been prevented ; but I never knew of 
the circumstance until after his exchange. With the exception of 
these fellows, who, I had the mortification to hear, had found their 
way to General Washington's table, at the time of their being 



BRITISH OFFICERS ON PAROLE. 305 

taken, all the prisoners in Reading behaved with much decency. 
Among them, were a number of German officers, who had really 
the appearance of being, what we call, down-right men. There 
w^as a Major Stine, a Captain Sobbe and a Captain Wetherholt of 
the Hessians, wdiom I sometimes fell in with. There were several 
others, with whom I was not acquainted, and wdiose names I do 
not remember. One old gentleman, a colonel, was a great pro- 
fessional reader, whom, on his application, I accommodated with 
such books of the kind, as I had. Another of them, a very portly 
personage, apparently replete with national phlegm, was, never- 
theless, enthusiastically devoted to music, in which, he was so 
absorbed, as seldom to go abroad. I did not know this musical 
gentleman, except by siglit ; but I have understood from those 
who did, that call upon him at what time they would, and, like 
another Achilles in retirement, 

Amus'd at ease, the godlike man they found. 
Pleas'd with the solemn harp's liarmoiiious sound : 

for this was the obsolete instrument, from which he extracted the 
sounds that so much delighted him. But of all the prisoners, one. 
Graff, a Brunswick officer taken by General Gates's army, w^as 
admitted to the greatest privileges. Under the patronage of Doc- 
tor Potts, who had been principal surgeon in the Northern Depart- 
ment, he had been introduced to our dancing parties ; and being 
alwa^'S afterwards invited, he never failed to attend. He was a 
young man of mild and pleasing manners, with urbanity enough 
to witness the little triumphs of party without being incited to ill 
humour by them. Over-hearing a dance called for, one evening, 
^'hich we had named Burgoyjie's surrender, he observed to his 
partner, that it was a very pretty dance^ notwithstanding the name ; 
and that General Burgoyne himself would be happy to dance it 
in such good company. There was also a Mr. Stutzoe, of the 
Brunswick dragoons, than whose, I have seldom seen a figure 
more martial ; or a manner more indicative of that manly open- 
ness, which is supposed to belong to the character of a soldier. I 
had a slight acquaintance with him ; and recollect with satisfac- 

26* 



306 EXCLUSIVE PATRIOTISM. 

tion, his calling on me at the time of his exchange, to make me 
his acknowledgments, as he was pleased to say, for my civilities 
to the prisoners. 

Perhaps I may be excused for these trifling details, when it is 
considered, that they serve to mark the temper of the times, and 
to show, that they were not all fire and fury, as certain modern 
pretenders to the spirit of Seventy-Six^ have almost persuaded us 
they w^ere. It ought to be granted, indeed, that an equal degree 
of toleration was not every where to be met wath. It w^ould 
scarcely have been found in that description of persons, which 
soon arrogated, and have since voted themselves the exclusive 
possession of all the patriotism in the nation. Even that small 
portion of the monopolists which resided at Reading, revolted at 
a moderation they did not understand ; and all who were less vio- 
lent and bigoted than themselves, were branded as Tories. All 
the families which had removed from Philadelphia were involved 
in this reproach ; and, in their avoidance of the enemy to the 
manifest injury of their affairs, they were supposed to exhibit 
proofs of disaffection. Nor was I much better off": my having 
risked myself in the field was nothing: I should have staid at 
home, talked big, been a militia-man and hunted Tories. 

In confirmation of my remark, that toleration was not among 
the virtues affected by those who were emphatically styled the 
PEOPLE, I will instance the case of a young Scotch oflftcer of the 
name of Dunlap, who was one day beset in the street by certain 
persons overflowing with Whigism ; and, for presuming to resent 
the insults he received from them, was not only severely cudgeled, 
but afterwards put to jail. This treatment might have fairly 
squared with that of our officers from the royal side, in relation to 
the fish sellers ; though I will undertake to aver, that, generally 
speaking, the prisoners in our hands, were treated both with lenity 
and generosity. Some time after this affray, happening, at a table 
in Philadelphia, to be placed by the side of Doctor Witherspoon, 
then a member of Congress, I took occasion to mention it to him ; 
and to intercede for his good offices in regard to the liberation of 
Dunlap, who was still in jail. I counted something upon the 
national spirit, supposed to be so prevalent among North Britons ; 



DR. WITHERSPOON. 307 

and yet more, upon the circumstance of knowing from Dunlap 
and two other young Scotchmen, his fellow prisoners, that Doctor 
Witherspoon had been well acquainted with their families. I did 
not find, however, that the Doctor was much melted to compassion 
for the mishap of his countryman, as he contented himself with 
coldly observing, that if I could suggest any substantial ground 
for him to proceed upon, he would do what he could for the young 
man. It appeared to me, that enough had been suggested, by my 
simple relation of the facts ; and I had nothing more to offer. But 
whether or not my application was of any benefit to its object, 
my presentation of the laddies to the recollection of the Doctor, 
seemed to have something of national interest in it ; and had the 
effect, to incite him to a shrewd remark, according to his manner. 
He told me he had seen the young men soon after they had been 
taken, and was suprised to find one of them, whose name I forget, 
so much of a cub. His father, said he, was a very sprightly fel- 
low, when I knew him. This lad is the fruit of a second marriage ; 
and I immediately concluded, when I saw him, said the Doctor, 
that Jemmey, or Sawney something, mentioning the father's name, 
had taken some clumsy girl to wife for the sake of a fortune.* 

* John Witiif.rspoon, D. D., L. L. P. He was born in Scotland, and was dis- 
lingnislied among- the Scotch Clcrg-y for talent and influence. He was twice in- 
vited to the Presidency of Princeton College, and finally arrived in New Jersey 
with his family, in 1 768. The War of the Revolution dispersed the students, and 
President Witherspoon almost immediately entered upon political life. He was 
a member of the Convention which formed the Constitution of New Jersey, and 
in 1776 was tip])oiuted a member of Congress, and retained his seat during the 
War. His nime is atlixed to the Declaration of Independence, and the articles 
of Confederation. After the War,, he returned to his duties at the College. He 
died in 1794, in the 7.3d year of his age. — Ency. Amer. 

"On the morning of our national birth. day, the fourth of July, 1776, when the 
Declaration of American Independence was made — when the Committee, pre- 
viously appointed to draft that instrument, made their report through their Chair- 
man, Thomas Jefferson — and by whom it was read, the House paused — hesi- 
tated. That instrument, they saw, cut them off even from the merry of Great 
Britain. They saw with prophetic vision all the horrors of a sanguinary war — 
carnage and desolation passed in swift review before them. Tlicv saw the 
prospect of having riveted still more closely upon their already chafed and bleed- 
ing limbs the chains of slavery. The House seemed to waver — silence, deep and 
solemn silence, reigned throughout the hall of the spacious Capitol. Every 



308 SELFISHNESS OF COMMUNITIES. 

On looking back here, and adverting to the free observations I 
have from time to time made, both on revolutionary men and 
measures, I am aware, that I have no forgiveness to expect from 
many, for attempting to rub off the fine varnish which adheres to 
them. But I set out with the avowed desi<jn of declaring the 
truth; and to this, I have most sacredly and concientiously con- 
formed, according to my persuasions, even as to the colouring of 
each particular I have touched upon. The same veracity shall 
direct my future delineations, well knowing, that, independently 
of my obligation to do justice, this alone must constitute the 
merit of my Memoirs. That we were not, and still are not with- 
out patriotism, in an equal degree, perhaps, with other nations, I 
have no inclination to question ; but that a noble disinterestedness 
and willingness to sacrifice private interest to public good, should 
be the general disposition any where, my acquaintance with human 
nature, neither warrants me in asserting or believing. The preva- 
lence of generous sentiment, of which, no tfoubt, there is a portion 
in all communities, depends very much upon those, who have the 
direction of their affairs. Under the guidance of Washington, 
both during the Revolution and his administration of the General 
Government, the honourable feelings being cherished and brought 

countenance indicated that deep meditation was at work ; and tlic solemn reso- 
lutions were calling for double energy. At this fearful crisis, when the very 
destiny of the country seemed to be suspended upon the action of a moment, the 
silence, the painful silence was broken. An aged patriarch arose — a venerable 
and stately form, his head white with the frosts of many years.. He cast on the 
assembly a look of inexpressible interest and unconquerable determination ; 
while on his visage the hue of age was lost as burning patriotism fired his 
cheek. ' There is,' said he, ' a tide in tiie affairs of men, a nick of time. We 
perceive it now before us. Tliat noble instrument upon yqur table, which ensures 
immortality to its author, should be subscribed this very morning, by every pen 
in the house. He who will not respond to its accents and strain every nerve to 
carry into etfect its provisions, is unworthy the name of a freeman. Although 
these gray hairs must descend into the sepulchre, I would infinitely rather they 
should descend thither by tiie hand of the public executioner, than desert at this 
crisis the sacred cause of my country.' The patriarch sat down, and forthwith 
the Declaration was signed by every member present. Who was that venerable 
patriarch? It was John Witiierspoon, of New Jersey, a distinguished Minister 
of the Presbyterian Church, a lineal descendant of John Knox, the great Scotch 
Reformer." — Speech of the Rev. S, S. Templctou. — Ei>. 



THE AUTHOR EXCHANGED AND MARRIED. 309 

into action, they had a temporary predominance over those, which 
were selfish and base. But these, in their turn, having acquired 
the ascendency, we may sadly recognise with the poet, that 

" An empty form 
Is the weak virtue that amid the shade 
Lamenting lies, with future schemes amus'd, 
While wickedness and folly, kindred powers, 
Confound the world." 

The liberty I have taken, in making the reader the confidant 
of the attachment I carried with me into the army, and brought 
home whh me, unimpaired, on the extension of my parole, im- 
poses it upon me as a sort of duty in point of poetical justice, to 
announce my marriage, which took place in the spring of 1778. 
But this was not until my exchange had been notified to me by 
Colonel Boudinot, the Commissary of prisoners ; and having now 
little before me, but the vapid occurrences of retired life, I shall 
here hold myself absolved from farther attention to any matters 
merely of a personal or private nature. Captain Speke had gone 
into Philadelphia, some time before ; and it is not improbable, 
that we had been exchanged for each other ; but, of this, I was 
not informed. I was now at liberty to act, and w'as also liable 
to be called into Service ; but, however willing I might have 
been to consider myself a soldier, or to obey orders, I had no 
regiment to join, or men to command. The third battalion still 
existed in name, but with scarce a particle of its original mate- 
rials. It was entirely changed as to officers and men, with the 
exception, perhaps, of one or two of the former, that had escaped 
captivity by absence on account of sickness or otherwise. The 
affair of Fort Washington, had an effect not unlike that of enter- 
ing into a monastery in England, in days of yore: as, in the one 
case, a man was said to be civilly dead, so in the other he was 
militarily so ; and although as much alive as ever to corporeal 
wants and necessities, yet was he dead as an antediluvian, as to 
all purposes of worldly advantage. Nor was it the garrison 
alone, but the very event itself, that was offensive to remembrance ; 
and it has grown into a sort of fashion among our annalists, to 
pass lightly over this inauspicious transaction, somewhat in the 



310 HISTORICAL TRUTH. 

same spirit, that Rome, according to Liican, was willing to forget 
the disastrous day of Pharsalia. 

" Tcmpora sigiiavit leviorum Roma malorum 
Hunc voluit uescirc diem." 

The comj)iler of the article "America," in Mr. Dobson's En- 
cyclopedia, does indeed inform us, that there was such a fortress, 
which, some how or other, fell into the hands of the British, who 
by the bye, did not catch a man of the garrison. Other chro- 
niclers, of an humbler class, are equally concise upon the occa- 
sion ; and even the very fanciful biographer, who gives to the boy- 
hood of General Washington, certain prettinesses we should 
have little suspected it of, and to General Wayne, the manners 
of a rustic booby with the blundering facilities of a true Hiber- 
nian, finds, in it, no attractions for the strokes of his very popular 
pencil. These are but summaries, it is true, in which we ought 
not to look for full details ; yet, as they are more generally read 
tlian ampler histories, and thence tend to fix the colours of the 
time, it is of consequence that they should exhibit some resem- 
blance of the facts and characters they profess to treat of.*"- 

* There is no allusion in these remarks to The Life of Watiiington, by Dr. 
Ramsay, which, in fact, I did not see mitil after they were written. Though 
brief on the transaction, as the nature of his worlv required, he touches it with a 
due regard to truth and the reputation of those concerned. 

The false in manners and character is as reprehensible as the false in fact, 
but when the former is built upon the latter it is truly odious. Nor can the 
making of a good book, in the language of the Trade, justify the transferring a 
story from the infancy of Doctor Bf.attie to that of General Washington, nor 
from the cups of an old army contractor in the war of 1756, to those of General 
Wayne in the war of the Revolution. In the one case, General Washington is 
represented as a pert jackanapes of a much later date, as the hon repos of General 
Wayne sets him before our eyes as a man wliolly unacquainted with tlie forms 
of good society. On the contrary. General Wayne was a fashionable and dressy 
man, familiar with city manners, and the tone of good breeding in his day. How 
unwortliy, then, of the biographer, and still more of the clerical character, to 
vamp up and misapply old stories by way of seasoning to his kickshaws !* 

* Tiie present generation is more fortunate, if not wiser than tlie past. The 
press literally groans with elementary books, adapted to every capacity, and the 
business of education is becoming comparatively easy over the "royal road" 
unknown to our plodding predecessors. In regard to Histories and Biographies, 



CHAELES THOMSON. 311 

But whatever may have been the common rekictance to advert 
to the unkicky occurrences of the war, and the propensity to 
dwell only on pleasmg ones, nothing can be more fair, and free 
from misrepresentation, than were the official statements both of 
Congress and General Washington. Even the British officers, 
from an experience of their veracity, came to consider the name 
of Charles Thomson,* as a voucher, not to questioned ; nor was 

there is no end to them, and the silly and once popuhir inventions of Weems, who 
is above referred to, are seldom seen in the hands of judicious and well informed 
people. The streams of knowledge have been explored to their various sources 
and the result is a flood of authentic and healthful information, invigorating and 
fertilizing every section of this broad land. Foremost among the ablest of these 
explorers is Ma. Jared Sparks, whose many and important contributions to his- 
torical and biographical lore entitle him to the gratitude of his country. The 
industry and research displayed, especially in his noble editions of the Life and 
Writings of Washington, and of Franklin, can scarcely be conceived by the 
mere reader of History. The Student only can properly appreciate the ability 
and labour of this indefatigable investigator and Author. These, with his " Ame- 
rican Biographies," the work of various hands, and the numerous similar and 
equally authentic publications which every where abound, leave no excuse for 
ignorance in regard, especially, to the history of our country, and the lives and 
services of its distinguished men. — Ed. 

* Charles Thomson — the " Rlan of Truth," as he was styled by tlie Indians. 
He was Secretary to the Congress of the Revolution — was a native of Ireland — 
and came to this country, indigent and friendless, at the age of eleven years. 
His " quiet memory" attracts but little notice in this bustling age, indifferent to 
every thing but gain, yet the simple story of his useful and virtuous life would 
be rich in impressive teachings. Thomson was furnished by one of his brothers 
with the means to enter the school of Dr. Allison, before mentioned, at Thunder 
Hill, in Maryland. It is related, — so great was his thirst for knowledge, at a 
time when " books were so rare that a single lexicon served the whole school, — 
that one of the boys having brought from Philadelphia a volume of the Spectator, 
Thomson was so delighted with it, that upon his school-fellows' telling him that 
a whole set of the work was for sale at a Book-Store in that place, he set off 
the next day, without asking leave, walked the whole distance, and having pos- 
sessed himself of the treasure, returned to school without farther delay." At 
this Seminary he made such proficiency in the Greek and Latin languages and 
Mathematics, as to enable him, while still very young, to keep the Friends' 
Academy in Philadelphia. He subsequently married and entered into business 
there. He was a strict republican in his principles, and has had the credit of 
having been first in opposition to the Stamp Act in Pennsylvania. He discharged 
the duties of the office of Secretary to Congress, from the period of its first assem- 
bling to the close of the war, with credit to himself and advantage to the public. 
His integrity was unimpeachable, and " procured implicit credit for every thing 



312 CHARLES THOMSON. 

less respect due to the communications of the Commander-in- 
chief, from which the annunciations of Congress were generally 
derived. Such was the spirit and the policy oi Seventy-Six ; and 
they were successful as they were honourable. Why then, they 
should have been so lamentably departed from, and a suppressio 
veri, have become the primary maxim of our government, it is 
for the republicans of the Gallic school to explain. 

published in his name." He assisted in the organization of the new government, 
after the adoption of the Constitution, and was deputed to inform Wasuington of 
his nomination to the Presidency. He soon after retired to private life, and em- 
ployed himself upon a Translation of the Bible and a Synopsis of the New Tes- 
taraent. He died in 1824, aged 95 years. — Ed, 



AFFECTATION IN TITLES. 313 



CHAPTER XIII. 

Affectation in Titles. — Escape of Prisoners. — Major Williams. — Mr. Forrest. — 
General Exchange of Prisoners. — Supernumerary Officers. — Generals Wash- 
ington and Charles Lee. — Character of Lee. — Drayton. — Laurens. — Military 
Anecdotes. — Author enrolled in the Militia. — Wanton Oppression. — Mr. Parvin. 
— Quaker Opinions of War. — Dr. Franklin. — Visiters at Reading. — Mrs. 
Macaulay. — Popular Feeling. — Milton. — Constitutionalists and Republicans. — 
Author obtains an appointment. — John Dickinson. — Political Consistency. — 
Charles James Fox. 

My hankerings after the business of the tented field, which, 
dog's life as it is, I had become fond of, had led me to visit the 
camps both of White Marsh and Valley Forge, at each of 
which I spent a day or two. At the first, we had a better 
army than I had yet seen. The post too, I thought a good one ; 
and it soon after appeared to be sufficiently respected by General 
Howe, to induce him to decline attacking it, although he had 
apparently drawn out his army for the purpose. At Valley 
Forge, the aspect of affairs was different, the army being re- 
duced and in a wretched state. Baron de Steuben was, how- 
ever, here ; and just beginning to infuse into it, that discipline 
and regularity, in which it was still too deficient. On reaching 
the camp, I shaped my course for the tent of Colonel Stewart, 
who, I was informed, was at a barbecue on the banks of the 
Schuylkill ; and being directed to the place, I found him there, 
together with the greater part of the principal officers of the 
army. It is scarcely necessary to say, that the Commander in 
Chief was not there, nor any of those more immediately attached 
to his person. Neither was General Lee of the company. He 
had been invited, but had drily replied, that "he did not like 
barbecues." In fact, they are seldom a very attic entertain- 
ment ; and it is probable that Lee's mind was not disposed to 
27 



314 ESCAPE OF PRISONERS. 

hilarity. He had but lately been exchanged ; and it is not un- 
charitable to suppose, that he was beginning to discover, that, 
much as he hated the British court, he was not, as he had once 
supposed, Ainericanior vpsis Amerlcanis, more American than 
the Americans themselves. It being late in the afternoon, the 
party was joyous and pretty full of liquor ; and I had the chagrin 
to observe, that the drummer and fifer who made music for 
them, and were deserters from the enemy, were sneering at 
some of the gentlemen, who did not entirely preserve the dignity 
of their stations ; and were by much too liberal in the reciprocal 
use of the term General, for that oblivion to self-consequence, 
which is the most graceful attendant of condition, and so much 
appreciated in the British army, as to introduce a species of 
affectation in the other extreme, substituting Mr. for the title of 
rank. Lee, for instance, says Mr. Howe and Mr. Wolf; and 
it was not always a disrespect, when a British officer said Mr. 
Washington. I am sensible, that it is against the laws of good 
fellowship, for a sober man to make reticctions upon a mellow 
company into which he may chance to be introduced ; but I 
mention no names, and indeed my memory would hardly serve 
me were I disposed to do it. Still, I have a perfect recollec- 
tion of the circumstance ; and cannot but recognise, that there 
was no time, at which the question sometimes peevishly asked 
by Conway, Did Congress see you before they appointed you? 
might not have been applicable to some of the officers of our 
army in every grade. 

On the first day of December, 1777, my fellow-prisoners on 
Long Island were, on account of a suspected descent upon that 
place, put on board of a prison-ship, and there detained two 
weeks. Their treatment, it seems, was not to be complained 
of. It could hardly have been otherwise, says the officer from 
whose information I give the statement, since, it would not have 
been safe for any man or dozen of men to have treated us ill. 
During their confinement. Major Jack Stewart, before noticed 
in these memoirs, and one or two others, whom I do not re- 
member, found means to make their escape. A boat, one eve- 
ning, happened to be fastened to the vessel's side. The chance 



MAJOR WILLIAMS MR. FORREST. 315 

of escaping in her was immediately suggested by Lieutenants 
Forrest and Woodside, the latter also of Slice's regiment, and 
they resolved to make the attempt : but, previously to engaging 
in it, they stepped between decks, either for some papers or 
articles of clothing that were in their trunks. In the mean 
time, Stewart and the others availed themselves of the oppor- 
tunity, quietly let themselves down into the boat, cast her off, 
and let her drift astern of the ship. They were lucky enough 
to get clear of her unperceived ; and at length to reach the 
Jersey shore in safety, notwithstanding that their elopement was 
soon discovered. But it being dark, pursuit was unavailing, as 
were also some random shots fired upon the occasion. The 
disappointment to Forrest and Woodside, when they found 
themselves supplanted, was extreme ; and still more cruel when 
it appeared, that the adventurers had been successful. 

Early in the Spring, I think, of 1778, I got a letter from 
Major Williams, acquainting me with his release, by exchange, 
if I am not mistaken.* It breathed the most extravagant joy ; 
and the excessive friskiness he describes on touching our actual 
territory, put me in mind of that of Francis the First, upon find- 
ing himself once more at liberty, after his long detention at 
Madrid. Williams, it is true, was not restored to a throne ; but 
he was restored to his country, to the right of proclaiming his 
sentiments and wishes, to the right of locomotion and action, 
and, above all, to the right of avenging his wrongs, and particu- 
larly a cruel confinement in the provost prison, from which his 
exchange had immediately delivered him. His motives, there- 
fore, for exultation, were not less than those of the King of 
France. 

In the summer following, I had also notice of the liberation 
of Mr. Forrest, which, from the singularity of its circumstances, 
requires some detail. It had been a settled opinion among us at 
Flatbush, that if the place, or we who were stationed there, by 
a military operation, should fall into the hands of our people, for 



* He was exchanged for Major Ackland of Burgoyne's army, of whose kind- 
ness and liberal treatment of Williams, see an interestingr account in Wilkinson's 
Memoirs, v. i. pp. 376 — 77. — Ed 



316 ESCAPE OF PKISONERS. 

ever so short a time, we were ipso facto released from the 
obhgation of remaining with the enemy, notwithstanding our 
parole ; and it was under this idea, combined with a lucky and 
unexpected adventure, that Forrest found himself a freeman. I 
know not how far this opinion of ours may be conformable to 
the jus belli as established among nations, but it was our deduc- 
tion from principles, which we held to be correct, and of general 
and equal application. I think it is also recognised in the old 
play of prison-base, from which, if the idea was not original, it 
is more probable we derived it, than either from Grotius, 
Puffendorf, or Vattel. One Mariner, a New Yorker, in revenge 
for some real or supposed ill treatment from Matthews, the 
mayor of that city, made a descent, with a small party, upon the 
island, with the view of getting Matthews into his clutches, who, 
as I have already mentioned, had a house at Flatbush, and 
generally slept there. He had it also in view, to obtain the 
release of a Captain Flahaven, who had been billetted in my 
place, on Jacob Suydam. Disappointed in both objects, he 
liberated Forrest by means of his magical power, and made 
prisoners of Mr. Bache and Major Moncrief, the latter of whom 
spent much of his time at Flatbush, where he had a daughter. 
But I will give the relation in the words of Mr. Forrest, who, 
on my application for the particulars of the event, has thus 
communicated them in answer to certain queries proposed. 
" Mariner was the man who took me from Long Island. He 
was a shoemaker, and had been long confined and cruelly used, 
as I understood, by Matthews, who, it seems, knew him person- 
ally. The name of the officer who lodged with me was 
Flahaven, a captain, who had been in the provost with Mariner, 
and whom he particularly wished to release ; but, having 
changed his quarters, he could not be got at. Mariner crossed 
from the Jersey shore, and retreated to, and landed at the place 
of his departure, or near it, a distance of two miles across. His 
party consisted originally of twenty militia men, in two flat- 
bottomed boats. At his landing on Long Island, he left his two 
boats under the guard of five men, while he visited the interior; 
but these five, hearing a firing, which was kept up upon us by 



ESCAPE OF PRISONERS. 317 

the Flatbush guard, while we were taking our prisoners, con- 
cluded that Mariner was defeated and taken ; so, without further 
ceremony, they took one of the boats and made their escape. 
The other boat, as we reached the shore, was just going adrift: 
we were much crowded in her, but it fortunately was very calm, 
otherwise we could not have weathered it. Matthews was on 
the top of his house, at the time of the search for him. We got, 
from our place of landing, in wagons, to Princeton. Mr. Bache 
and Moncrief lodged there in the same house with me for two 
or three days. How they were disposed of afterwards, I do 
not know, as I was sent on with an explanatory letter from 
Governor Livingston to General Washington ; but Bache I think 
was sent home shortly, and Moncrief also, (who was a good 
prize,) as a prisoner on parole. Mariner's party must have 
stayed at Flatbush nearly two hours, for they were there some 
time before the alarm was taken, and there was afterwards time 
to despatch an express to Brooklyn for assistance, and the rein- 
forcement which came in consequence, was pretty close upon 
us, as we could see them on the shore, when we had left it about 
a quarter of an hour. This happened on the 15th of June, 
1778, the very day two years, I had marched from Phila- 
delphia." 

From this episode it appears, that the moral of iEsop's fable, 
respecting the eagle at the top of the tree, that, by the law of 
power, had made free with the fox's whelps below, was very 
near being brought home to Mr. Matthews. Mr. Bache, as 
Forrest has told me, was overwhelmed with his disaster; and 
interceded with him, as, from his civility to us, he had a right 
to do, for his good offices with Governor Livingston, which, I 
have no doubt, were duly exerted for him. Major Moncrief, 
like an old soldier, submitted with a more equal mind to the 
fortune of war, reminding Bache, that he had often told him, 
they were not safe at Flatbush. Bat Bache had peculiar cause 
for dejection, on account of the consternation, into which his 
wife and children had been thrown by the attack of his house, 
and his being forcibly seized and borne away in the dead of the 
night. Upon delivering Governor Livingston's letter to General 

27* 



318 ESCAPE OF PRISONERS GENERAL EXCHANGE. 

Washington, Forrest stated the circumstances under which he 
had come out, and had conceived himself hberated, but added, 
that if the act did not meet his Excellency's entire approbation, 
he begged to be permitted to return immediately to New York. 
The General observed, that it was a nice case, on which, much 
might be said on both sides, but that, at any rate, a return to 
confinement was unnecessary ; that he was at liberty to go 
home, and that, if upon consideration, he should be of opinion, 
that the mode of his release was not warranted by the rules and 
usages of war, a prisoner of equal rank should be exchanged 
for him. Not long after this enterprise of Mariner, a general 
exchange of prisoners took place, and all were put upon an 
equal footing. To beguile the tedious hours of captivity. Colonel 
Magaw had taken to himself a wife, as had one or two others. 
A policy had arisen from the pressure of our affairs, to give 
every man a commission who was likely to pick up a few re- 
cruits. This, at least, was the case in Pennsylvania ; hence, 
as to officers, all the regiments were not only complete, but 
overflowing ; and upon the reorganization of the army, there 
were a great many supernumerary. Of this description, those 
who had been taken at Fort Washington, emphatically were. 
They were considered as extinct ; and their places had been 
supplied by others. A show, indeed, was made in the fall of 
1778, of doing justice to their claims, so far as it might be prac- 
ticable. But it was evident, that a reinstatement in the rank to 
which they were entitled by the rule of seniority, was not to be 
effected without extreme embarrassment, and injury to the Ser- 
vice. A very few, who had been willing to engage in the 
scramble, had been retained ; but none without the chagrin of 
seeing new men, and numbers who had originally ranked below 
them, now above them. Captain Tudor contrived to squeeze 
in, as did also Captain Biles ; and I do not recollect another of 
our regiment, except Bitting, who was provided for. He was 
a second Lieutenant with us, and lost his life in the rank of a 
Captain, at the time of the mutiny in the Pennsylvania line. In 
Marshall's Life of Washington, he is erroneously called Billing. 
But on consideration, I rather think, that Bitting had not been 



SUPERNUMERARY OFFICERS. 319 

a prisoner ; and if so, he is no exception to the general exclu- 
sion, and his advance in rank is naturally accounted for. He 
was at liberty to attend to his interests. I never applied for 
reinstatement ; but, had nay country really wanted my services, 
and there had been an opening, in which I could have been pro- 
vided for, without too much degradation, I do not hesitate to say, 
that I should have laid aside all private considerations, and em- 
braced it. To show, that I do not exaggerate the difficulties 
which opposed a continuance in the army, I shall content my- 
self with referring to two letters of General Washington upon 
the subject. In the first, dated the 10th of November, 1777, 
addressed to Congress, he says : " Among the various difficulties 
attending the army, the adjustment of rank is not the least. 
This, owing to the several modes, the several principles that 
have prevailed in granting commissions, is involved in great 
perplexity. The officers of the Pennsylvania troops are in 
much confusion about it : in many instances, those who were 
junior in rank, from local and other circumstances, have ob- 
tained commissions older in date than those which were granted 
afterwards to officers their superiors before. This, with many 
other irregularities, has been, and is, the cause of great uneasi- 
ness ; and though precedency of rank, so claimed, should not be 
supported in justice, or upon any principle, we find all, having 
the least pretence for the title, strenuous to support it, and wil- 
ling to hold a superiority." In the second letter, dated August 
21st, 1778, relating to the restoration of Colonel Rawlings, who 
had presented a memorial in behalf of himself and the officers 
of his corps, after doing ample justice to their bravery at Fort 
Washington, he says : " It seems hard that officers of their 
merit should be overlooked; and a loss to the service, that they 
should remain unemployed : but, the consequences that would 
attend their incorporation with any of the corps now existing, 
appear too disagreeable to try the experiment." A conviction 
of the existence of these obstacles, concurring with motives of 
a private nature, induced me to renounce the soldier's trade ; 
but not without poignantly regretting my " occupation gone," 
as often as "the spirit-stirring drum," or other " circutnstance 
of glorious war," reminded me of the deprivation. 



320 GENERALS WASHINGTON AND CHARLES LEE. 

The bitter animosity of General Lee* to the Commander in 
Chief after the affair of Monmouth, is well known. There were 
not wanting a good number, who thought he had been hardly 
dealt with ; and, with these, added to many that had real or 
imaginary grounds for discontent, and the still greater number, 
who already saw in Washington a character and influence, 
which might give a check to the democratic career they had 
in contem))lation, he was in hopes of being able to form a party. 
About this time, being in Philadelphia, I had the pleasure, one 
day, of meeting my old friend Edwards in the street. He was 
now the aide-de-camp of General Lee, with the rank of Major. 
He was lavish in the praise of his General, whom he spoke of 
as one with whose conversation, abounding with wit and in- 
struction, I could not but be delighted ; and proposed taking me 
to dine with him that very day. While we were yet upon his 

* General Charles Lee was born in England, was a soldier of fortune, and a 
citizen of the world. He was the third major-general appointed by Congress. He 
was a man of ardent temperament, independent in thought and action, and very 
ambitious. He so far imposed upon the credulity of Mr. Thomas Rodney, of 
Delaware, as to induce him to believe that he was the author of the " Letters of 
Junius." Twenty years after the death of Lee, Mr. Rodney tlms communicated 
this important confession to the public : 

" General Lee said there was not a man in the world, no, not even Woodfall, 
the publisher, that knew wlio the author was; that the secret rested wholly with 
himself, and for ever would remain with him. Feeling in some degree surprised 
at this unexpected declaration, after pausing a little, I replied, ' No, General Lee, 
if you certainly know what you have af&rmed, it can no longer remain solely with 
him ; for certainly no one could know what you have affirmed but the author him- 
self.' Recollecting himself, he replied, ' I have unguardedly committed myselfj 
and it would be but folly to deny to )'ou that I am the autlior; but I must request 
you will not reveal it during my life ; for it never was, nor ever will be, revealed by 
me to any other.' He then proceeded to mention several circumstances to verify his 
being the author, and, among them, that of his going over to the Continent, and 
absenting himself from England the most of the time in which these letters were 
published in London. This he thought necessary, lest by some accident the 
author should become known, or at least suspected, which might have been his 
ruin." He died in Philadelpliia, on the 2d of October, 1782, at the age of fifty, 
one. In his delirium, the last words he was heard to utter were, " Stand by mc, 
my brave grenadiers !" He had previously expressed a wish " not to be buried 
within a mile of Presbyterian ground — as he would, otherwise, be too near very 
bad company !" He was buried in Cln-ist Church Cemetery, in Second Street on 
the south side of the Church. See Appendix (L). — Ed. 



GENERALS WASHINGTON AND CHARLES LEE. 321 

subject, the General appeared on the other side of tbe street, 
and, crossing over to us, I had the honour of being presented to 
him. He soon, however, marred Edwards's proposal of dining 
at his quarters, by asking where he dined, and giving him to 
understand, that he, the General, did not ,dine at home; Whether 
he was now in one of his saving moods, to which he was said 
to be occasionally addicted, and only meant this as a ruse de 
guerre to keep the war from his own territories, I know not, but 
certain it is, that Edwards had calculated upon a dilTerent 
arrangement, and fully expected to have owed his dinner of the 
day to the cook of his General. After a few minutes' conversa- 
tion, I left him, but not before agreeing with Edwards upon a 
time and place of meeting next day. 

The life of General Lee, as presented in the volume pub- 
lished by one of his friends, under the title of Memoirs, holds 
out very salutary instruction to factious and discontented spi- 
rits.* Though he commences his career among us, as an 
American and a democrat, he at length subsides in the Eng- 
lishman and aristocrat. He finds out that he has kept very 
bad company in America ; and that her independence, which 
he has been among the most ardent to promote, will be a curse 
rather than a blessing to her. Washington, to him, becomes 
another George the Third; and his 'earwigs,' courtiers as cor- 
rupt as those of any sceptred calf, wolf, hog, or ass ; to use the 
language of his letter to Dr. Rush. It must be confessed, 
however, that if he acted to the best of his judgment at Mon- 
mouth, his treatment is to be lamented, as a hard and ungener- 
ous return for the zeal he once manifested in our cause. But 
his conduct in this atfair, to say the least of it, betrays a total 
want of American feeling. Having, in the latter part of his 
captivity, been treated with attention by the British officers, his 
old discontents appear to have been effaced by the greater 
poignancy of new ones ; and if, as has been asserted, he ex- 

* The Life of Lee, by Mr. Sparks, in the 8th volume of the new series of "The 
Library of American Biography," published in 1846, may also be strongly recom- 
mended. It is the most satisfactory account of this erratic genius that has yet 
appeared, and is exceedingly interesting and well written. — Ed. 



322 CHARACTER OF LEE. 

claimed in the hearing of his troops, that " the British grena- 
diers never run," it would almost seem a suflicient ground to 
convict him of disaffection, if not treachery. I shall not, how- 
ever, impute them to him ; neither am I prepared to say, that 
his conduct was unmilitary. I would rather suppose, if he 
committed a fault, it was because he was too respectful of the 
enemy ; and that he was too scientific, too much of a rcasoncr 
for a merely executive officer ; " for action too refined," as 
Pope says, or as Voltaire expresses it : 

Mais souvcnt il sc trompo Ji force dc prudence, 
II est irresolu par trop dc prcvoyancc, 
Moius agissant qu'liabile. — * 

As to his early republicanism, and fancied attachment to 
liberty and the rights of man, there is no reason to think him 
insincere. That he cordially detested, at least, the courtly arts, 
for which he had not temper ; and in whose career, if he ever 
tried it, he had been far outstripped by more pliant competitors, 
I have not the smallest doubt ; but, if he supposed, by an ex- 
change of the sovereign one for the sovereign 7ninuj, he was to 
restore the reign of manly candour and blunt honesty, how 
much, how very much, alas, was he deceived ! 

With all his abilities and acquaintance with the polite world, 
the General was certainly a very indiscreet man, with little 
dignity of character : witness the frequent scrapes he got into, 
and particularly the ridiculous one with Miss Franks, in which, 
the most complete success of the jeu cVesprit could have added 
nothing to the fame of the major-general.f 

In my interview with Edwards the next day, he gave me a 
number of military anecdotes, and let me into the state of par- 
ties in the army. As might be supposed, he was a warm par- 
tisan of Lee, though at the same time, expressing great respect 
for the virtues of the Commander-in-chief Among other things, 
he gave me the details of Lee's quarrel with Mr. William Henry 



* Sec Appendix M. — En. 

t Sec Appendix N. for tlie particulars of this atfair. — Ed. 



CHARACTER OF LEE DRAYTON. 323 

Drayton,* repeating the words of the letter of defiance, of 
which he was the bearer, and in which Mr. Drayton is sarcas- 
tically represented as a mere Malvolio, &c. — also, of the duel 
with Colonel Laurens, in which he acted as the second or 
friend of Lee. Colonel Laurens and his attendant, Colonel 
Hamilton, were, it seems, rather late in coming to the ground. 
During the delay produced by this circumstance, Edwards 
took occasion to amuse his Principal, if amusement it might be 
called, with some metaphysical subtilties on predestination, 
free will, &c., a little in the style of the disquisition of the 
Brissotines on a future state, when on their way to the guillo- 
tine. From want of punctuality in the adversaries, he also 
suggested, that they might not come at all ; but Lee replied, 
there was no danger of that, as Colonel Laurens was a man 
of unquestionable bravery ; and the observation was imme- 
diately verified by his appearance.f The manner of fighting 
was somewhat new; and, if I am not mistaken, it was on Lee's 
suggestion it was adopted. Taking their ground and facing 
each other, it was agreed, that either should fire when he 

* This eminent citizen was cut off in the midst of his useful and brilliant 
career, at an early stage of tlic Revolution. He died in Philadelphia, September, 
1779, in his thirty-seventh year. William Henry Drayton, of South Carolina, 
was one of the earliest and most active defenders of the liberties of his country, 
in the first stages of the revolutionary movements. His writings contributed 
equally to enlighten the public mind, and enforce the claims of justice. A charge 
to the Grand Jury of Charleston, delivered by him as Chief Justice of South Caro- 
lina, on the 23d of April, 1776, is one of the most important historical documents 
of that period, whether considered in regard to the facts it contains, or the force 
of its arguments. He was an efficient member of Congress, and was conspicuous 
for the part he took in counteracting the objects of tlie British Commissioners, by 
several spirited and well-written essays in the newspapers. — See Draytoii's Me. 
moirs, and Sparks' Writings of Washington, vol. v. p. 439. 

Mr. Jefferson was indebted almost as much to Judge Drayton's celebrated 
"Charge," as he was to the patriotic and spirited citizens of Mecklenhurgh, for 
the sentiments and much of the language of the " Declaration of Independence," 
that enduring monument at once of patriotism, and of genius and skill in the art 
of appropriation ! — Ed. 

+ For another purpose the Editor has been kindly furnished by Mr. George W. 
P. CusTis, with some interesting particulars in relation to this gallant officer, which, 
as they will bear repetition, he has placed in the Appendix, to which the reader is 
referred. See Appendix O. — Ed. 



/ 



324 MILITARY ANECDOTES LAURENS. 

thought proper. Accordingly they both advanced, and the 
effect was, that at the same instant, each presented and drew 
the trigger. Colonel Laurens' ball grazed the side of General 
Lee, carrying away some flesh and producing a considerable 
effusion of blood. The Principals proposed another shot, but 
the Seconds agreed that enough had been done; and so the 
afiair ended, without the smallest bearing, however, on the 
point in controversy, to wit, whether General Lee was right 
or wrong in speaking reproachfully of the Commander-in-chief; 
and only establishing the fact, that the combatants could risk 
their lives with the gallantry and self-possession of soldiers and 
men of honour.* 

Major Edwards further gave me the particulars of a similar 
affair, in which he himself had been concerned as principal in Ca- 
rolina; and, in which, the small knowledge he had derived from 
me, in the noble science of fencing, had enabled him to triumph 
over an adversary, who thought to obtain an advantage of him 
by commuting the pistol, with which it had been at first agreed 
to fight, for the small sword. His skill in the weapon was not, 
indeed, brought to the test ; but the readiness he evinced to put 
it to issue, induced his prevaricating opponent to succumb and 
make him concessions. 

From his aptitude to take the tone of good company, and his 

* Had not this "fact" been well "established" before? History informs us 
that it had; and if it were untrue, the hostile meeting here referred to, cannot fairly 
be cited in verification. Although brave men, as in this instance particularly, 
have resorted to this mode of adjusting tiieir difficulties, many a poltroon has been 
forced, sadly against his own volition, into this position of " honour." There can 
be nothing more insanely absurd than the condescension of men, especially those of 
unquestionable re[)utation for courage, to this savage and senseless mode of "es<a. 
blishinir the fact ;" and it is much to be regretted that such men, at least, should 
be deficient in tiie greater courage to resist and defy the customs and requisitions 
of society, when — as is too often the case — they arc at variance with the solemn 
and imperative requisitions of the laws of God. 

A clever anecdote has been related of General Adair. A young officer con- 
ceiving himself aggrieved, challenged the veteran, who took no notice of the 
matter. A second note was the consequence, in which Adair was informed, that 
if " satisfaction" were not accorded, he would " post" him as a coward ! The 
General then replied, in substance, that he might proceed, but assuredly in so 
doing he would " post" himself a "fool and a liar," as certainly no man would 
believe him. — Ed. 



WANTON OPPRESSION MR. PARVIN. 325 

close intimacy with Lee, whose manners and phraseology were 
in the style of the highest military school, this gentleman, whose 
first appearance had been so unpromising, had become a distin- 
guished proficient in all the cavalier airs and " convenient 
seeming" of a man of the sword ; of which the favour of Lee, 
in selecting him for his second in his duels, may be considered 
as a proof: as the devising to him a third part of his landed 
estate in Virginia, may be taken as a voucher for his satisfac- 
tion with him, in the capacity of his aide-de-camp. 

As soon as it was understood at Reading, that I was no 
longer in the army, care was taken to have me enrolled in the 
militia ; and for declining to perform a tour of duty, which was 
immediately imposed upon me, I found myself fined in a sum, 
which I do not now recollect, but which, when reduced to 
specie, was far from inconsiderable. I must confess, I consi- 
dered this as very unfair treatment, and accordingly, submitted 
my case in a memorial to President Reed, who shortly after 
came to Reading, in consequence of a proclaimed intention to 
visit the diflerent parts of the State, for the purpose of hearing 
and redressing grievances. I was not at home when he arrived, 
but had left my memorial with a friend to be presented to him. 
It was very favourably received, the gentleman who delivered 
it, being instructed to inform me, that the President would have 
been glad to have seen me at Reading : that he considered the 
fine which had been imposed upon me, very improper, and that 
he would do what he could to prevent its exaction. His inter- 
position proved efflsctual ; and I had no further molestation 
from the militia-men. 

During the high-handed game, that was at this time playing 
by that description of patriots, who, from their close adherence 
to their homes, miglit emphatically be said to be fighting pro 
foci's, a Mr. Thomas Parvin, of the Society of Friends, was an 
object of much wanton oppression. He resided at Maiden 
Creek, about six miles from Reading, and was nearly broken up 
by the levies on his property for taxes and militia fines. A cow 
or a horse, for instance, was often taken and sold for some tri- 
fling demand, and no surplus returned. Having sons grown up, 
and enrolled in the militia, he was the more exposed to rapacity. 
He frequently came to my mother's, to vend some product of 
28 



326 QUAKER OPINIONS OF WAR MR. BENEZET. 

his farm, and talking with him one day, on the subject of his 
grievances, I was drawn into a discussion of the non-resisting 
principles of his sect ; and urging their impracticability in the 
present state of the world, in a manner that discovered sym- 
pathy for his sufferings, he was not displeased, and proposed 
lending me a treatise in defence of their tenets, which he begged 
I would read and give him my opinion of. In a few days, he ac- 
cordingly sent it, accompanied with a very long letter, so ac- 
curately written in all respects, as to convince me that Mr. 
Parvin was a well-educated man and no mean polemic. In 
compliance with his request, after reading his pamphlet, I gave 
him pretty fully my observations in writing ; and here, I con- 
cluded the discussion would terminate. In a few weeks after- 
wards, how^ever, I found it renewed in a letter from Anthony 
Benezet of Philadelphia.* This pious and truly benevolent 
man, thus explains in his first sentence, the cause of his ad- 
dressing me : 
" Esteemed Friend, % 

"My friend Thomas Parvin having communicated to me, thy 
remarks with respect to the sentiments many in our Society 
hold in the case of war, I found my mind drawn affectionately 
to salute thee, and take the liberty to enclose thee a collection 
of religious tracts, which, I have, at dilTerent times been instru- 
mental in publishing." And he is further pleased to say — "I 
am persuaded, that to a man of thy generous turn of mind, 
many of the sentiments will not be disagreeable, particularly 
the extract from the writings of Soame Jenyns," &c. — This 
was an extract from his View of the Internal Evidence of the 
Christian Religion. There were several other tracts in the 
volume, one of which, A Letter from Elizabeth Webb to An- 
thony William Boehm, Mr. Benezet adds, " I think might prove 
agreeable to thy mother and aunt, whom I affectionately salute." 
As it is not my intention to lead the reader into the subject of 
this correspondence, it is enough to have barely stated it; and 

* Anthony Benezet was a native of France. His parents were Huguenots, 
and came to Philadelpliia in 1731. His first employment was that of a teacher at 
Germantown. He was particularly distinguished for his general philanthropy, 
and ardent opposition to the slave trade. He became a Quaker, and died at 
Philadelphia in May 1784, at the age of 71 years. — Ed. 



MR. IZARD CAPTAIN GADSDEN. 327 

it appears to me, that I should have been wanting to myself, 
had I suppressed an occurrence, which procured me the good 
opinion of these plain, but innoxious, intelligent, and pious men. 
In the summer probably of 1782 or '83, or thereabouts, Mr. 
Ralph Izard, and Captain Gadsden, of South Carolina, being on 
a tour through Pennsylvania, brought me a letter of introduc- 
tion from Colonel Magaw, at Carlisle. Being desirous to render 
them all the attention in my power, I had the pleasure of often 
being with them. Captain Gadsden was a young man, who 
had perhaps never been out of America ; but Mr. Izard, who 
was advanced in years, had spent much of his time in Europe, 
and was very entertaining on the subject of his travels ; giving 
me, among other things, a more satisfactory account of the 
awful wonders of Pompeii and Herculaneum, than I had yet 
received. His manner, though blunt, announced the style of 
the best company ; and though one of those who deliver their 
opinions with freedom and decision, he seemed untinctured 
with asperity upon every subject but one ; but this never failed 
to produce some excitement, and his tone ever derived anima- 
tion from the name of Dr. Franklin.* When, therefore, ; the 
Doctor's daughter, Mrs. Bache, in speaking of the Carolinians, 
said, that " she hated them all from B to Z," the saying, I pre- 
sume, must be taken inclusively; since, though I know nothing 
of the sentiments of Mr. Bee, I am enabled to pronounce those 
of Mr. Izard to have been anti-Franklinian in the extreme. 
What cause he had for this, I do not know, but he certainly 
lost no opportunity of inveighing against the philosopher, to 
whom, he said, he had once been warmly attached, and had 

* Mr. Izard had been in France, and on his return " complained that Dr. 
Franklin neglected to make proper representations to the French Ministry." He 
deemed it necessary to alarm the French Government with the danger of the 
United States falling into the hands of England, unless she would contribute 
largely to the support of the Republican cause. Count de Vergennes upon hearing 
of these statements, declared that nothing could be more pernicious than to attempt 
to alarm the French Government witli false and exaggerated accounts. And in 
his letter to Luzerne the French Minister at Philadelpiiia, he writes, " I flatter 
myself, that these marks of regard will be understood by the patriots, and will 
destroy any prepossessions, which the ill-advised language of Mr. Izard and Mr. 
Arthur Lee may have produced." — Sparks^ Writings of Washington, vol. vii. 

Ed. 



328 DR. FRANKLIN. 

attended as his friend, at the time he was so unmercifully 
bespattered by Wedderburne. I sat upon thorns, said Izard ; 
and had it been me, that had been so grossly insulted, I should 
instantly have repelled the attack in defiance of every conse- 
quence, whereas, this old man sat cowering like a caitiff, with- 
out daring to utter a syllable.* But in repeating the words, I 
do not join in the reproach of the Doctor's forbearance. As he 
was not a ready public speaker, silence, was, perhaps, most 
prudent and dignified. The extreme wariness of his character, 
it is true, is not more congenial to my feelings than to those of 
Mr. Izard. Nevertheless, when I reflect, that he possessed 
qualities, which have not only enabled him to extend the limits 
of human knowledge, but have pre-eminently entitled him to the 
fame of a wise man ; that, to solidity of understanding, he 
added the amenity of wit and good humour, and that his weight 
and influence, so far as I know, have never been lent to in- 
humanity, immorality, injustice, or oppression, I am entirely 
disposed to acquiesce in the award of the world, and to consider 
him as one, who has done honour to his country. He died 
before the volcanic explosion of the French Revolution ; but, as 
he tells us in his life, he had an early and steady abhorrence of 
tyranny, we cannot, without giving the lie to this assertion, 
suppose, if he had lived, that he could in any event have been 
a jacobin or the fautor of a ferocious despotism. 

Mr. George Lux, of Baltimore, who had married a daughter 
of Mr. Edward Biddle, was, at this time, at Reading, and by 
me, introduced to Mr. Izard and Mr. Gadsden. Mr. Lux was 
the greatest reader in a certain line, I have ever known. His 
historical knowledge was accurate to minuteness ; and he seemed 

* The forbearance and coolness of Franklin on this memorable occasion, how- 
ever offensive it may have been to Mr. Ralph Izard was well understood and ap- 
preciated by much wiser heads. The following letter quoted by Sparks in his 
Life of Franklin, p. 370, from Dr. Rush to Mr. Arthur Lee," will show the high 
estimation in which Dr. Franklin was held by his countrymen." " There is a 
general union among tiie colonies which no artifices of a Ministry will be able 
to break. Dr. Franklin is a very poi)ular character in every part of America. 
He will be received, and carried in triumph to his house, when he arrives among 
us. It is to be hoped he will not consent to hold any more offices under govern. 
ment. No step but this can prevent his being Iiandcd down to posterity among 
the first and greatest characters in the world." — Ed. 



VISITERS AT READING.'' 329 

intimately acquainted with the ramifications and affinities, not 
only of the great families in England, but also of those on every 
part of the continent of Europe. Of these, he spoke with a 
precision w^hich astonished Mr. Izard, particularly when he 
learned that he had never been out of America. " To what 
purpose is it," said he, when afterwards speaking of Mr. Lux, 
" that I have been travelling all my life, when this gentleman, 
who has never left his armchair, knows more of the countries 
I have visited than I do ; and what perplexes me most of all is, 
that he even knows better than myself, the public business I was 
employed in, and which was of a secret nature." But this 
latter knowledge was obtained by Lux's having officiated for 
his amusement, (having nothing better to do,) as secretary to 
the board of Congress, which had regulated Mr. Izard's affair. 
Yet with all this information, Mr. Lux appeared to me to pos- 
sess but a veiy moderate share of judgment or discernment, and 
to be little more than a dry matter of fact man. He had a 
handsome paternal estate ; and at Chatsworth, his seat near 
Baltimore, was in the habit of entertaining all strangers of dis- 
tinction, though so shamefully negligent of his person, which 
was naturally none of the best, as to seem not at all adapted to 
this function. Among his guests, he was once honoured with 
the company of Mrs. Macaulay, the historian, whom, at her 
request, as he informed me, he accompanied to Mount Vernon, 
on a visit to General Washington, where they stayed some days. 
While in conversation, one day after dinner, the lady, in a high 
republican strain, took occasion to expatiate on the vast advan- 
tages of rotation in office. This was in the manner of an ap- 
peal to her host, of whose approbation she seemed to be secure ; 
but as the General w^as rather a practical or accidental, than a 
republican by preference, I will not say a republican maJgre lui,* 

* It may be safely averred, that a majority of our best whigs of 1776, were not 
republicans by predilection ; but still the best of practical republicans, as honest 
and virtuous men. 

Nothing can be further from the truth than the idea propagated for party pur- 
poses, that the Declaration of Independence was an option made between the monar- 
chical and democratical form of government. The measure was adopted with ex- 
treme reluctance, as the effect of dire necessity alone, as the only means of uniting 
and giving efficiency to the opposition, and of obtaining foreign aid if it should be 

28* 



330 MRS. MACAULAY. 

he could only carry his politeness so far as not absolutely to 
dissent from the opinion ; and there was, of course, no com- 
mingled flow of soul upon the occasion. But Mrs. Macaulay 
was not the only person of her nation, who has found the re- 
publicanism of the new world, lagging shamefully behind that 
of the old. Experience is the best of schools ; and, in the 
philanthropic science of levelling, as in others, we may truly 
say: 

Here, shallow draughts intoxicate the brain, 
And drinking largely sobers us again. 

One of the strongest cases in point, and which has been strangely 
overlooked, is that of the poet Milton, against whom the great 
Samuel Johnson, is supposed to be even more than usually in- 
tolerant. He certainly could not have been aware, nor Mr. 
Boswell either, (or from his profusion we should have heard of 
it) of the following passage in the Paradise Regained, the last 
work, and therefore, to be presumed to contain the last and 
most solemn opinion of its author. 

necessary — in short, as the only alternative between subjugation and voluntary 
submission. The general sentiment in America, as the publications of the era will 
testify, was an ardent attachment to the British Constitution, and a deep regret that 
we were refused an equal participation in its benefits, in common with our fellow- 
subjects on the other side of the ocean. Tliis was the constant language of the 
day, both in public and private discourses, in official and in anonymous publica- 
tions ; and it was not until a separation was deemed unavoidable that any attempts 
were made to set fortli its advantages. In the same spirit, after having become a 
nation, and being invested with the right of governing ourselves, it was the policy 
of our best and wisest men, alas, how fruitless ! to check the wildness of innova- 
tion, and to cling as much as might be, to the genius of the institutions under 
which we had enjoyed our unexampled prosperity ; and in the same view to obli. 
terate, as soon as possible, the mutual animosities engendered by the unhappy 
contest. Sucli was the object of Washington, Jay, Hamilton, and other virtuous 
and enlightened statesmen ; and we have it from Mr. Burke, that even Dr. Franklin 
whose name is often used to sanction the vagaries of democracy, suffered not only 
a sigh, but an expression of regret to escape him, on account of the happiness we 
were about to lose by our separation from tlic mother country, (see his Appeal to 
the Old Whigs) ; and yet our post-revolutionary and imported patriots, would make 
us believe that the beginners of the Revolution were whigs after the fashion of 
Thomas Paine and certain other European malecontents and reformers, and our 
first Congresses composed of Jacobins, " as true as ever snuffed the scent of blood," 
or devised the expeditious mode of taking off the heads of aristocrats by the guil- 
lotine. 



MILTON POPULAR FEELING. 331 

And what the people, but a Iierd confus'd, 

A miscellaneous rabble, who extol 

Things vulgar, and well weigii'd, scarce worth the praise: 

They praise and they admire they know not what; 

And know not whom, but as one leads the other; 

And what delight to be by such extolled. 

To live upon their tongues and be their talk, 

Of whom to be despised, were no small praise. 

It would be difRcult to conceive sentiments more at variance 
with the republican maxim of Fox populi vox Dei; and yet, they 
are the sentiments of the sublime poet John Milton, the demo- 
crat, the regicide, the secretary and parasite of Oliver Crom- 
well. From this one man, we may learn the character of his 
sect, the immaculate, people-adoring republicans of the present 
hour. For the love of liberty, they will kill a king ; yet fawn 
upon a usurper, clothed with a power infinitely less accountable, 
infinitely more oppressive and tremendous. The crime then, 
is not in " one proud man's lording it over the rest,"* but that 
he should lord it in opposition to our particular interests and 
prejudices. In the direction of these, he cannot be too high- 
handed. 

Party spirit, in Pennsylvania, had by this time, taken a con- 
sistency, and the politicians were divided into Constitutionalists 
and Republicans. The first rallied round the constitution al- 
ready formed, which was reprobated by the others, for its total 
deficiency in checks and counterbalancing powers, thence tend- 
ing, as it was alleged, to rash, precipitate, and oppressive 
proceedings. The term republicans was embraced, as recog- 
nising the principles of the revolution, and as indicative perhaps 
of tenets, which admitted the utility of modifications and re- 
straints, in a system resting on the broad base of general suf- 
frage and popular sovereignty. The word democrat was not 
yet much in use, neither was the distinction established between 
a democrat and a republican, which appears to consist in the 
idea, that the former is for placing the whole governing power 
in the " multitude told by the head ;" the latter, for giving it 
some checks, and infusing into it a leaven of what is termed by 
Mr. Burke, the natural aristocracy of a country. But to do 

* Terres tot posse sub uno 

Esse viro. — Lucaii. 



332 CONSTITUTIONALISTS AND REPUBLICANS. 

this, where the source of power has been diligently explored 
and discovered too, like that of the Nile, and universal suftrage 
with the right to pull down and build up again, thence recog- 
nised as a fundamental, may well puzzle the learned advocates 
for strong executives, and independent judiciaries, and in the 
end, perhaps, turn all their fine-spun theories into lumber, little 
better than nonsense. However, like the rest of my country- 
men, 

With sad civility, I read, 
With lionest anguish and an aciiing liead. 

To counteract the constitutionalists, the disaffected to the 
revolution were invited to fall into the republican ranks ; and 
there was an agreement, or at least an understanding, among 
the lawyers, who were generally on the republican side, neither 
to practise or accept of any office under the constitution, which, 
in that case, they would be bound, by an oath, to support. But 
the constitutionalists had a Roland for their Oliver. They had 
proihonotaryships, attorney-generalships, chief justiceships, and 
what not to dispose of. Patriots have their price, 'tis said ; and 
persons were found to accept of these, some of whom, indeed, 
had cautiously avoided committing themselves by the promul- 
gation of rash anathemas. All, however, were not so fortunate, 
if fame is to be believed ; and although the fruit was to them 
forbidden, they were tempted, and did eat. But in this age of 
thrift and self-aggrandizement, I am not going to impute it to 
them as a crime. Who would now reject the means of better- 
ing his condition, through the childish fear of being charged 
with a dereliction of principle? It is not of such imbecility that 
the world is now " the friend, or the world's law." Bonaparte 
would never have made himself a consul, much less an emperor, 
by such squeamishness. 

Soon after the organization of the Republican Society, it was 
proposed to me by my friend Major Scull, then in Philadelphia, 
to join it ; but after the recent agitations of the greater contest 
with the mother country, I felt no inclination to disturb myself 
with domestic broils. My eyes, indeed, were open to the illibe- 
rality of the constitutionalists, and the extreme jealousy they 
already manifested against those who had been in the army ; 
but on the other hand, so far as I can recall my feelings, I did 



CONSTITUTIONALISTS AND REPUBLICANS. 333 

not fully relish the policy of courting the disaffected, and those 
who had played a safe and calculating game. But they were 
rewarded for it : pelf, it appeared, w^as a better goal than liberty; 
and at no period in my recollection, was the worship of 
Mammon more widely spread, more sordid and disgusting. 
Those who had fought the battles of the country, at least in the 
humbler grades, had as yet earned nothing but poverty and con- 
tempt ; while their wiser fellow-citizens who had attended to 
their interests, were the men of mark and consideration.* As 
to military rank, no man seemed to be without it, who had an 
inclination for it ; and the title of major was the very lowest that 
a dasher of any figure would accept of Nothing more was 
wanting for its attainment than to clap on a uniform and pair 
of epaulettes, and scamper about with some militia general for 
a day or two. And thus, the real soldier was superseded, even 
in the career of glory. Never having been good at a scramble, 
as already observed, whether honour or profit were the meed, I 
did not press into the field of pretension ; and being in a state of 
apathy as to the political parties, I declined enlisting with either. 
The agitations which now prevailed in the capital, led to the 
well-known outrage on Mr. Wilson, who, for the exercise of his 
professional duty as a lawyer, in behalf of certain persons who 
had been prosecuted for treason, had been proscribed by the 
mobility. The punishment decreed for his crime, was banish- 
ment to the enemy, yet in New York : and for the purpose of 
inflicting it, an attack, by men in arms, was made upon his 
house, into which a number of his friends had thrown them- 
selves, with a determination to resist the assailants. A few lives 
were lost before the tumult was suppressed ; but as my residence 
at Reading deprived me of the means of a personal knowledge 
of the transaction, it is enough for me to notice it as one of 
those which shows the toleration of the vulgar heart, and the 

* These assertions are supported by sundry letters from General Washington 
to General Reed, in which he reprobates, in strong language, the rage for " money, 
making speculations." In one dated December 12th, 1778, speaking of the officers 
in the army, he says, " resignations must cease to be wonderful, when it is a fact 
too notorious to be denied that officers cannot live in the army under present cir- 
cumstances, whilst they see others enriching themselves in an infinity of ways. 
These are severe tests of public virtue, and should not in point of policy, be pushed 
too far." 



334 



AUTHOR OBTAINS AN APPOINTMENT. 



idea it annexes, to what it is pleased to term the blessings of 
liberty. 

The constitution kept its ground in defiance of its adversa- 
ries ; and as it is sometimes easier to make a pun than to avoid 
it, it may be said, that The confederates of Bar, were completely 
foiled in their undertaking. They came over by degrees ; and 
it at length appeared, that the cobweb ties, by which, they had 
vainly flattered themselves they could pinion the love of interest, 
had only benefited the least scrupulous of the confederates, who 
like the stronger flies, had burst their flimsy fetters, and thence, 
dashed at the treacle, unannoyed by competition. 

All interdiction to practice being now removed, I found it 
necessary once more to open my law books. I obtained admit- 
tance as an attorney in the county of Berks ; and was already 
employed to bring actions and defend them ; but was soon 
drawn from this track by the following incident. 

Among a number of newly introduced maxims of republi- 
canism, it was a highly favoured one in Pennsylvania, to bring 
justice home to every man's door. In the spirit of this prin- 
ciple, several new counties had been erected; and in the year 
of 1785, I had the good fortune, through the warm exertions of 
an influential friend, to obtain an appointment to the Prothono- 
taryship of the county of Dauphin. By a combination of small 
circumstances working together for my advantage, I obtained, 
contrary to expectation, the sufl^rage of the Supreme Executive 
Council, of which Mr. Dickinson was then President. The 
Republican party possessed a majority in the Council; and 
Colonel Atlee, who belonged to it, was designated for the office. 
He was conspicuous as a party-man, and, if I mistake not, at 
the time, a member of the Legislature ; and on the score of 
services and character, no one had better claims. But upon 
this occasion, the negative character of my politics, contrary 
to the usual course of things, probably gave me the advantage. 
To keep out Atlee, the constitutionalists were disposed to give 
their votes to any one of his competitors. Of course, I had all 
their strength ; and by adding to it two or three republican 
votes, I acquired a greater number than any in nomination. As 
the mode was to vote for the candidates individually, there was 
no physical, or perhaps moral impediment, to each of them re- 



JOHN DICKINSON. 335 

ceiving the vote of every member. A promise to one, was not 
broken, by voting also for another, unless it was exclusively 
made. The President had, probably, given a promise to Colonel 
Atlee as well as to myself; and considering me, perhaps, as too 
weak to endanger his success, thought he might safely gratify 
my friend, who pinned him to the vote, which, on coming to 
the box, he seemed half inclined to withhold. Or, where was 
his crime, if he really thought our pretensions equal, and there- 
fore determined not to decide between us? Such were the 
accidents which procured my unlooked-for appointment. 

Mr. Dickinson, for his want of decision, as it was called, 
was bitterly inveighed against by his party ; and the next day 
at the coffee-house, when receiving the congratulations of some 
of my acquaintances, Mr. Michael Morgan O'Brien, who 
chanced to be present, and to whom I was then introduced, 
asserted it as a fact, that the President had suffered his hand to 
be seized and crammed into the box with a ticket for me; "but 
no matter," said he, " you are a clever fellow, I am told, and I 
am glad that you have got the office." That this gentleman, 
who had been a short lime among us, should have been so 
furious a partisan in our poliiics, can only be accounted for, 
from his being perfectly in the O'FIaherty style, and conse- 
quently a ready champion of the cause of those he was in the 
habit of associating with. 

In the station of President, Mr. Dickinson added not much 
to his reputation, in the opinion of either of the parties. By en- 
deavouring to stand well with both, he, unfortunately, pleased 
neither. He had been brought in by the republicans ; and had 
soon after been virulently attacked by a writer under the sig- 
nature of Valerius, who was no bad imitator of the manner of 
Junius. Against the charges that were urged against him, he 
made his own vindication, which, even by his political friends, 
was thought nerveless and whining. Upon the expiration of 
his term of service as President of Pennsylvania, he retired to 
Wilmington, in the State of Delaware, where he became a 
plain Quaker, in the principles of which sect, I think, he had 
been educated. But his Quakerism did not prevent his becom- 
ing President of this State, as he had before been of Pennsyl- 



336 JOHN DICKINSON. 

vania. Neither did it, in his old age, so far withdraw him 
from worldly concerns, as to restrain his pen from again dipping 
in politics, during the progress of the French Revolution, with 
the sublime virtues and benign influences of which, he appears to 
have been deeply and permanently smitten : insomuch as to be 
rendered so acceptable to the Jefiersonians, as just before his 
death, which happened in the year 1808, to be held up by them 
as a candidate for a seat in the House of Representatives of 
the United States. While residing in the State of Delaware, 
he seems always to have been claimed by this class of politi- 
cians ; and from his Fabius, which is a curious jumble of irre- 
concilable, abstract contradiction, and philanthropic inconsist- 
ency, he, probably, belonged to them. Like the rest of the sect, 
he is for devolving the whole virus of the revolution on the 
shoulders of Robespierre, and his immediate colleagues; and but 
for a few unlucky Ifs, he is persuaded, all things would have gone 
well. The unfortunate Louis, he loves with no less enthusiasm, 
than he does the fanatic multitude, whose demoniac frenzy sent 
him to the scaffold ; and he apostrophizes the manes of the dead 
monarch with as much solemnity and pathos, as if his blood 
had been a banquet to the Federalists, who, it is true, are wholly 
lost to the morality, which would, with Fabius, transfer the 
gratitude which might have been due to the king, to those, 
who, though not actually his murderers, do yet exultingly 
trample upon his ashes. 

Mr. Dickinson was very far from a consistent politician. 
Though so little of a republican at the commencement of our 
revolution as to boggle at independence, he became so out- 
rageous a one in the sequel, as to be an amateur of French 
liberty, and in respect to the parties in England, a Foxite* pro- 

* Many, I am well aware, arc partial to Mr. Fox as a statesman. His abilities 
might have been very great, but he can hardly be called a candid, principled, and 
virtuous citizen. If, when he became minister, he pursued the same policy that 
Mr. Pitt had done, it is evident that his opposition to him proceeded from factious 
and interested motives, under the influence of which, he acted the part of a wild 
and disorganizing Jacobin. He is said to have been a pleasing companion, and 
what is called a good-natured man, which is generally, by the by, an unprincipled 
one. Refined virtue is indignant and somewhat austere. Estimating him, how- 
ever, from his historical fragment of the reign of James the Second, one would 
suppose him to have been a humane, just, and generous man. — (See Appendix P.) 



JOHN DICKINSON C. J. FOX. 337 

fessed.* To account for this, for certainly there is a glow of 
sentiment in his writings which would promise better things, 
we must have recourse to some casualties in his public career. 

* The successors of the Men of the Revolution must be grateful for what this 
distinguished gentleman did, and not indulge in feelings of dissatisfaction for what 
he omitted to do, especially as Mr. Dickinson lived long enough, as may be in- 
ferred from his subsequent career, to regret the extreme moderation which charac 
terized his proceedings at the period of the Declaration. He was like many 
men of whom we read, and who at all times abound, who are endowed with suffi- 
cient sagacity to discern the right, and with ample ability for its assertion or de- 
fence, but who, either from irresolution, or a desire to please all parties, are, at 
the final moment, unfaithful to themselves or to great public interests committed 
to their charge. It cannot be supposed that Mr. Dickinson designedly erred, or 
that his motives, at any period, were either sordid or unpatriotic. He was a man 
of great elevation of character and purity of conduct ; but it certainly is unfortu- 
nate for his reputation that he omitted the immortal act of affixing his signature 
to the Declaration of Independence. That only was wanting to place him in 
the highest rank among the Revolutionary worthies to which, otherwise, his dis- 
tinguished abilities would, unquestionably, have entitled him. With all his talents, 
however, he lacked the great qualifications essential to the perfection of the charac- 
ter of a real statesman, — tlie promptitude, decision, and boldness which nerved the 
heart and the pen of a Henry and an Adams ; and he was, moreover, not thoroughly 
weaned from habitual and hereditary attachment to England ; or, perhaps, not 
sufficiently disinterested to stake his honour, and life, and fortune, upon an issue 
that it was, assuredly, his greatest misfortune ever to have considered doubtful, or 
uncalled for, by the suicidal policy of an infatuated Ministry ; — a policy, the design 
and inevitable tendency of which was, the degradation of his country, and the con- 
sequent debasement of its citizens. The Declaration appears to have surprised 
Mr. Dickinson into opposition before his mind could perceive that it was unavoid- 
able, or necessary. With the best intentions, he was, of course, still imder the 
guidance of human motives ; and it will be no very violent exercise of charity to 
yield the largest allowance for the influence of early education, which inculcated 
endurance, and reverence, especially for the authority and institutions of the 
Father-land, — for constitutional timidity, from which even Tullv — glorious in other 
attributes, — was not exempt; or for a predilection for a cautious, temporizing 
policy which looked rather to a tardy and peaceful accomplishment of its end ; 
than to a prompt redress of grave and acknowledged grievances, through violence 
and bloodshed. Whatever may have been the motives by which he shaped his 
course, he is, unquestionably, entitled to the enduring gratitude of his country, — 
gratitude that should not be withheld because he paused, irresolute, at that point 
of time and tide, which, " taken at the flood, leads on to fbrtune." He had, most 
ably and faithfully, served his country to that momentous and perilous period, and, 
if he then hesitated, or declined to take the leap, it should be remembered that the 
sacrifice was by no means essential to the cause of Independence ; which, indeed, 
was neither injured nor retarded by his indecision : while the consequences flowing 
from such indecision affected his own reputation alone. There were, moreover, 
29 



338 THE PKOTHONOTARYSHIP. 

In the first place, then, from his supposed want of energy while 
in the first Congress, Mr. John Adams had, in a letter inter- 
cepted and published by the British, styled him, " a piddling 
genius;" and Mr. Adams being afterwards President of the 
United States, and then thoroughly anti-Gallican, might, pos- 
sibly, have contributed to place Mr. Dickinson in the opposite 
ranks. Probably, too, the once celebrated Pennsylvania farmer, 
and writer of Congressional addresses, was not altogether 
pleased at finding himself in the background, and eclipsed by 
statesmen of less standing than himself, the Hamiltons, the 
Ameses, &c. It is enough for those beneath the sphere of 
competition to exclaim : 

Let modest Forster, if he will, excel 
Ten metropolitans in preaching well. 

In addition to this liberty was the stock, on which the farmer's 
celebrity was engrafted ; and, lest the fine foliage might " grow 
into the yellow leaf," he was, perhaps, resolved to cherish, at 
all events, the vigour of the parent tree ; and hence, liberty, 
even to jacobinism, was among the toys of his dotage. This 
is the best I can say, for a teacher of political ethics, who 
(with whatever good intentions) for wisdom, gives us folly; 
for virtue, " deeds to make heaven weep, all earth amazed," 
under the idea of modelling the world according to a pretty 
theory. 

The post I was honoured with, fully satisfied my ambition ; 
it was sufficiently respectable, and in a few years, wholly ade- 
quate to my wants. The duties it imposed, I was pretty well 
acquainted with; and I exerted myself to lay such a foundation 
in the office arrangements, as might support a regular super- 
structure. The trust committed to me, was conscientiously 
attended tO; and I venture to say, not negligently executed. My 
cares for a future competency, which alone had disturbed me, 
were done away by my establishment; a new town was rising 
under my eyes on the magnificent banks of the Susquehanna ; 
and though remote from the capital and obscure, I had little 
left to wish for ; — a state too tranquil to be lasting. 

other members of the same memorable Conjrrcss, equally irresolute, and without a 
tithe of his redeeming talents, who also suffered the " fair occasion" to pass " for 
ever by." — Ed. 



CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 339 



CHAPTER XIV. 

Constitution of the United States.— Washington elected President. — Meeting of 
Convention. — The Senate. — Executive Power. — Regulation of the Press.— State 
of Parties. — Leading Characters in the Convention. — French Revolution. — 
Burke and Paine. — Washington's Administration.— Party Dissensions. — Mr- 
Jefferson. — State of Parties. 

Being now about to enter upon political discussions, I deem 
it due to those enthusiastically republican readers, who think we 
can never sufficiently praise ourselves, to tell them to stop here; 
if, from some unlucky notices I may have given, they have not 
already anticipated me. I am truly sorry that my convictions 
will not permit me to trace events in the usual strain of panegy- 
ric ; but I am compelled, in the style of a grumbler, to say, that 
the patriotism, which had been calculated upon to bear us out 
with little or no aid from authority, and, which, in the opinion of 
many, was still in full vigour, was, to the eyes of all sober men, 
wholly inadequate to the demands which were made upon it. 
It had the knack, indeed of evading the most important of 
them, by representing them as spurious ; and this was chiefly 
done, by restricting patriotic duties to the limits of a State- 
The country of a demagogue is the precise sphere of his in- 
fluence ; and making common cause on this principle, they 
were every where deaf as adders to the claims of a general 
interest. The articles of Confederation, receiving cement from 
the sense of common danger, which prevailed during the war, 
had occasionally afforded faint marks of continental impression; 
but as soon as the fear of subjugation was removed, they were 
no better than a rope of sand ; and the general sovereignty was 
a very unequal match for the thirteen individual ones. The 
voice of the United States, was, as it had been observed, but 



340 CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 

the drone of the bag-pipes. Its buz was heard, but it contributed 
not at all to the modulation of the music. It could recommend, 
but not enforce a measure ; and hence, the imposition of cer- 
tain internal taxes, and a duty of five per centum on imported 
articles, essential to the discharge of the public debt and the 
fulfilment of a stipulation in the treaty of peace, could never be 
accomplished. The refractory States were not to be moved by 
considerations of national justice or character ; and they were 
equally regardless of the consequences of a dissolution of the 
Union. 

To rescue the country from the impending anarchy and ruin, 
the influence of General Washington was called for, and again 
exerted for its salvation. Nothing less than the weight of his 
name could have induced the adoption of the new federal con- 
stitution, which had been framed under his auspices ; and it 
had become very doubtful, whether the anxious struggle for 
independence had not been in vain, and the anticipated blessing 
of self-government, would not be frustrated in its very dawn. 
The interests opposed to an efficient union of the States, were 
truly formidable, as well from the conviction of the popular 
leaders that it would lessen, if not annihilate their importance, 
as from the too contracted notions of the people at large, and 
their inability to comprehend the necessity of a general con- 
trolling authority. The battle was hard fought on both sides. 
To the manly sense and patriotic eloquence of the one, was 
opposed the trite, but seductive cant of sedition and faction, 
The refined and irresistible reasoning of Publius, the signature 
to a series of essays chiefly written by Colonel Hamilton, was 
assailed by incessant volleys of words of dire import, such as 
monarchy, aristocracy, monopoly, and consolidation.* But the 

* Whatever frantic and unscrupulous demagogues may choose to assert to the 
contrary, it is matter of history, which, however, it is not always convenient or 
even possible for them to consult, — that Hamilton gave to the new Constitution, 
after its adoption, a cordial and manly support. That he had, previously, delibe- 
rately formed, and unreservedly expressed, opinions, which no man possessed of 
decent intelligence, or a spark of generosity, will deny were honestly entertained, 
— adverse to some of its provisions, — matters concerning which, wise and virtuous 
and patriotic men might well diflFcr, and about which they unquestionably did 
differ, — is also true ; and there were then, as there are now, few men living so well 
entitled, by deep study, and enlightened reflection, to hold, and to promulgate 



CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 341 

last being the lucky hit, from which most immediate effect was 

anticipated, it was most unmercifully hackneyed in the service. 

The Constitution was represented to be a consolidation, not a 

original views upon this or other grave national interests, as Alexander Hamilton; 
who, of all the statesmen of the period, or of later time, ranks next to Washington, 
and whose name and memory, second only to his, should be fondly cherislied as a 
proud, national inheritance ; for it has rarely happened tiiat 

" to those mansions where the mighty rest 

Since their foundation came a nobler guest." 

The Life of Patrick Henry, written by a disciple of Thomas Jefferson, him- 
self a professed admirer, at least, of the " Forest- born Demosthenes," and who 
furnished materials for his biography : — informs us that the celebrated orator, 
whose patriotism and wisdom the revilers of Hamilton, — between whom and Henry 
there was, on this subject, a perfect coincidence of opinion, — never think of ques- 
tioning, opposed with all the power and influence of his surpassing eloquence, the 
adoption of this same Constitution, We learn also from unquestionable authority, 
that this Constitution as finally adopted in Convention, was the result of wise and 
patriotic conciliation and compromise on the part of all its members. Washington, 
as is well known, was President of this Convention, and even he has been charged 
with hostility to the work it accomplished. In the letter addressed by him in his 
official capacity, to the President of Congress, enclosing tlie result of the anxiously 
patriotic labours of the enlightened body over which he had presided, — this passage 
occurs, and should be deeply impressed on the hearts and memories of present and 
future statesmen and legislators : 

"The Constitution which we now present, is the result of a spirit of amity, and 
of that mutual deference and concession which the peculiarity of our political 
situation rendered indispensable." 

Washington's opinion expressed on another occasion, as we learn from Sparks' 
Life, p. 403 ; — was, " Nor am I yet such an enthusiastic, partial, or indiscriminat- 
ing admirer of it, as not to perceive that it is tinctured with some real though not 
radical defects." 

Franklin said, " I consent to the Constitution because I expect no better, and 
because I am sure it is not bad." 

And Madison, in the 57th number of the " Federalist," a neglected volume 
which all honest " Democrats," not easily frightened by a name, would be wiser 
for perusing, says : — 

" It was acceded to by a deep conviction of the necessity of sacrificing private 
opinion and partial interests to the public good, and by a despair of seeing this ne- 
cessity diminished by delays or by new experiments." 

Tlie last number of the Federalist, written by Hamilton, proves the coincidence 
of opinion between him and the illustrious men thus cited. He says — 

" The system, though it may not be perfect in every part, is, upon the whole, a 
good one ; is the best that the present views and circumstances will permit, and is 
such an one as promises every species of security, which a reasonable people can 
desire." — Ed. 

29* 



342 CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 

confederation of the States ; and under this shrewd idea, its 
adversaries very ingeniously endeavoured to ward off the im- 
putation of anti-federalism, now becoming odious. They con-r 
tended, that they were, in fact, the federalists, as the self-styled 
federalists, were consolidators, aristocrats, and monarchists. 
Luckily, at this time, there were no French imperialists, or 
promoters of universal despotism ; or, without doubt, they 
would have been these too. But the tribunitial arts of the soi di- 
santes federal men, were all in vain. Some dire infatuation, 
according to them, had seized upon the people ; and to perdi- 
tion they must go, since their best friends were no longer lis- 
tened to. The grand processions of trades and occupations 
■which were exhibited at Boston, New York, and Philadelphia ; 
the hint of which, was, probably, taken from the shows of Ta- 
merlane at Samarcand, * had completely federalized the popu- 
lace of these capitals, and given an eclat to the business else- 
where, that could not be resisted. Under the " curses" therefore 
" not loud but deep," of its enemies, the measure was sullenly 
acquiesced in ; and the Constitution gradually ratified by the 
States. By this event, the constitutional 'party of Pennsylvania, 
was laid at the feet of the Republicans, who now triumphing 
under the appellation of federalists, overwhelmed their adver- 
saries with the short-lived odium of anti- federalism. 

But the reputation of Washington which had carried the new 
system, was no less necessary to give efficacy to its operations, 
than it had been to originate it, and obtain its ratification ; and 
as he could not but be aware of this, he consented from a sense 
of duty, but without a particle of that " sweet, reluctant, amo- 
rous delay" with which more ethereal patriots sometimes yield 
to the wishes of the people, to be a candidate for the presidency. 
As the disapprovers of the Constitution, knew that their oppo- 
sition to his election would be unavailing, they gave none, but 
contented themselves with taunts and dismal forebodings. Ge- 
neral Washington was then elected ;f and I mention it as a 

* "The public joy was tostifieci by illuminations and masquerades; the trades 
of Samarcand passed in review ; and every trade was emulous to execute some 
(juaint device, some marvellous pageant, with the materials of their peculiar art." 
— Gihhon''s Decline and Fall, Harper^s Edit., vol. iv. p. 283. — Ed. 

t He thus wrote in his Diary, on the day of his departure, two days after re- 



ELECTION OF WASHINGTON. 343 

proof of my decided conduct in the controversy, that my coun- 
try did me the honour to appoint me one of his electors. Had 
not my persuasion of the pressing importance of the measure 
forbade my being passive, it would have been scarcely possible 
to have remained so. From an idea that those holding offices 
under the State, would feel it their interest to oppose a system 
which circumscribed the authority from which they derived 
them, and might, thence, disturb the enjoyment of them, or even 
render them nugatory, they were confidently appealed to by the 
anti-federalists, as the natural enemies of the constitution : 
while, on the other hand, persons who had been in the army, 
were counted upon by the federalists, as likely to promote a 
scheme, in which the late Commander-in-chief, had taken so 
warm a part. But I did not wait to be solicited by the parties ; 
neither did I poise their relative strength, or listen, for a mo- 
ment, to the narrow dictates of self-interest. I am happy in 
being able to say, that I was an early, undisguised, ardent, 
active, and, in my sphere, conspicuous partisan of the Constitu- 
tion ; of course, a mark for the vengeance of the professional 
wielders of the people, who felt the potency of their incanta- 
tions most cruelly impaired by its adoption. The discomfiture 
being complete, they made a virtue of necessity ; and not long 
after, yielded with a tolerably good grace, to the call of a con- 
vention for altering the constitution of the State, so as to render 
it more conformable to that of the United States. They consi- 
dered this, and wisely, as a means of recovering their lost con- 
sequence ; and exerting themselves at the elections for members 
of this convention, they contrived to take the field, with a force 
not very inferior to that of their adversaries. 

This body has been considered respectable for abilities : and 
among the men of note who were delegated to it, may be found 

ceiving from Congress, through its special messenger, Charles Thomson, notifica- 
tion of his election : 

" About ten o'clock I bade adieu to Mount Vernon, to private life, and to do- 
mestic felicity ; and, with a mind oppressed with more anxious and painful sensa- 
tions than I have words to express, set out for New York, in company with Mr. 
Thomson and Colonel HuxMphreys, with the best disposition to render service to 
my country in obedience to its call, but with less hope of answering its expecta- 
tions." — Ed. 



344 MEETING OF CONVENTION. 

the names of Mifflin, M'Kean, Wilson, Lewis, Ross, Addison, 
Sitgreaves, Pickering, Gallatin, Smilie, Findley, and Snyder. I 
had mvself the equivocal honour of being a yea and nay menn- 
ber ; but having been elected in the room of one who died, I did 
not take my seat, until some progress had been made in the 
business. The point which had excited most interest, and was 
thence the subject of the warmest controversy, was now upon 
the carpet. This was the construction of the senate, or upper 
house, (as it is sometimes called,) of the legislature. A com- 
mittee, selected for the purpose, had reported an outline of the 
constitution; and that part of the report which recommended 
the choosing of senators through the medium of electors, was 
under discussion. Mr. Wilson took the lead in opposition to 
the report ; Mr. Lewis in support of it. It was urged by the 
latter and his co-operators, that the senate should be so consti- 
tuted as to form a check upon the house of representatives ; and, 
as in the proposed mode of creating it through the alembic of 
electors, it would be purged of the impurities of an immediate 
election by the people, the desideratum would be obtained ; — 
that being chosen by a selected few, it was presumable, it would 
be more wise, more respectable, and more composed of men of 
wealth, than if chosen by the multitude ; and hence it was in- 
ferred that it would partake, in no inconsiderable degree, of the 
proper qualities of an upper house — of a house of lords, it 
misht have been said if the idea had been endurable. As to 
Mr. Wilson's scheme, (for he had moved a substitute,) of 
choosing the senators in the same manner as the representatives, 
with the exception only of larger election districts, it was repro- 
bated as doing away every purpose of a divided legislature — 
since that the persons composing the two houses, would be pre- 
cisely of the same character, and too homogeneous to operate 
as correctives of each other ; and that unless the elector-sys- 
tem should be adopted, the convention had been called in vain. 

Wilson, in defence of his plan, was for resting the chance of 
the two bodies being sulficient checks upon each other, upon 
the circumstances of their difl'erent spheres of election; of their 
sitting in ditTcrent chambers, which would produce, he con- 
tended, an esprit du corps in each ; and their being chosen for 



CONSTITUTION OF THE SENATE. 345 

different periods, the representatives for one year, the senators 
for four years. He moreover urged, that electors would open a 
door to unfair practice and intrigue ; that the senators should 
be as much favourites of the people as the representatives, and 
be inspired with equal confidence, by equally feehng themselves 
their choice. 

As the debate seemed to turn upon the idea, that this was 
a contest between the principles of democracy and aristocracy, 
and that great advantages would be gained to either that might 
prevail, a considerable degree of heat was engendered ; and 
Wilson, hitherto deemed an aristocrat, a monarchist, and a des- 
pot, as all the federalists were, found his adherents on this occa- 
sion, with a few exceptions, on the democratic or anti-federal 
side of the house. In the list of exceptions, I was ; but not so 
much from the arguments adduced, though appearing to me both 
ingenious and sound, as from my conviction of its being wholly 
immaterial, so far as a check was contemplated, whether the 
senate was brought together through the intervention of electors 
or not; and I was, of course, adverse to a measure, at once, 
circuitous, useless, and unpopular. As it was my practice to 
commit my thoughts to paper, upon questions which underwent 
discussion, I have the following note of this. 

" The desire of choosing senators through the medium of 
electors, is certainly founded on a fallacious idea : for, admitting 
that a small number of dispassionate, sensible men, would make 
a better choice than the people at large, is it possible that the 
advocates for the measure can be so blinded by prejudice rs not 
to see, that it is not the most dispassionate and intelligent men 
that will be sought for as electors, but the most devoted tools of 
party; and that the prevailing party, in the district, will always 
make the senator ? To suppose the contrary, or that any one, 
when parties run high, (and when do they not ?) would be voted 
for as an elector, merely from a reliance on his wisdom and 
integrity, without a knowledge of his sentiments, is to suppose 
a political miracle, and to forget that ever party spirit existed. 
Let it not be said that the object is to get a good man of what- 
ever party. This is contrary to all party policy and practice, 
which, if it cannot succeed in procuring the election of its own 



346 author's opinions. 

members, prefers the weakest and most contemptible of the 
other side, as being less capable of doing mischief. The respec- 
tability of the Maryland Senate, which has been so often 
instanced in the debate, proves nothing to the purpose. If it is 
a respectable body, and of superior wisdom to the other house, 
it is not because it is chosen by electors. It must be owing to 
the more enliglitened persons who compose it, reserving them- 
selves for it, and having sufficient interest with the people to 
secure their seats ; which interest would be the same without 
the intervention of electors; and if the State of Maryland shall 
have a wiser and higher toned Senate than Pennsylvania, ^t 
must be attributed to the more aristocratical state of society 
there, which furnishes them with more suitable materials, and 
gives the men of wealth and information a superior degree of 
influence." 

Thus far the note, the observations in which seem fully justi- 
fied by events. Let us consider the objects which regulate the 
choice of electors of a President and Vice-President, and then 
say, whether the Senate would have been bettered by the elector 
scheme. I myself was once chosen an elector, but it was be- 
cause my voice was known to be for Washington, not person- 
ally on my ov/n account. 

As another mean to ini])rove the upper house,* a proposition 
was brought forward by the friends to the elector plan, to 
apportion the senators by means of a ratio compounded of 
wealth and numbers ; the intention of which was, to give greater 
security to property, by increasing the weight of the wealthy 
districts, beyond what they would derive from population alone. 
After reprobating the idea of introducing so invidious and 
sordid a principle into the government, and remarking that it 
could not answer its purpose, unless this increased representa- 
tion was under the sole guidance of the rich, who are rarely 
oppressed by the poor, my note goes on to say : — " Whatever 
advantages may, for a time, be given to the poor, by a state of 
turbulence and confusion, as soon as order is restored, the pre- 

* A protest is again entered against the phrase. When will the good sense of 
a republican people discard the senseless designation ! — Eu. 



EXECUTIVE POWER. 347 

dominance of wealth immediately returns. It seems unneces- 
sary to protect local wealth. It is not probable, that the local 
distinctions now prevailing will continue, but rather that 
wealthy individuals will make common cause." A scheme 
of the same kind as this compound ratio, was adopted by the 
National Assembly of France ; speaking of which, I find Mr. 
Burke has this remark, with which part of mine exactly coin- 
cides. " If any favour," says he, " was meant to the rich, the 
privilege ought to have been conferred on the individual rich, 
or of some class formed of rich persons ; because the contest 
between rich and poor, is not a struggle between corporation 
and corporation, but a contest between men and men ; a com- 
petition, not between districts, but between descriptions." 

I aim at no triumph by these remarks, and am not so un- 
candid as not to own, that before being led to examine it, I was 
as much seduced by the plausibility of the elector scheme as any 
one. I was at first induced to oppose it in the case of the 
Senate, in the view of applying it in the choice of a chief magis- 
trate, under an idea, that it might at least have the wholesome 
effect of mitigating the fury of a general election in a matter 
of so great interest, by putting the object a little out of sight ; 
but I now doubt whether it would be productive even of this 
good. 

The animated discussions which had taken place in the Con- 
vention, on the formation of the Senate, had produced no incon- 
siderable degree of ill-humour among the members of that body, 
and more especially, as is usual, among the losers. For my 
own part, I was considered by them as an apostate from my 
principles; as a deserter of the federal standard; and at tables, 
where I occasionally fell in with my federal acquaintance, was 
treated by them with much unpleasant coldness and neglect. 
As, however, I had acted honestly, from the best lights my un- 
derstanding afforded, I was not to be browbeaten into a retrac- 
tion of the sentiments I had uttered ; and was as confident in 
my opinions, as they could be in theirs ; in which, I presume, 
I have been justified by events. 

As to the executive power, the structure, as it now stands, 
appeared to have been reared before I became a member of the 



348 EXECUTIVE POWER. 

Convention. It would seem, that it had been agreed upon, and 
reported by a committee of nine members, who had been 
selected for the purpose of framing and methodizing the out- 
lines of the constitution. At any rate, no essential opposition 
was made to this article, which, in my opinion, is the most ex- 
ceptionable of any in the instrument. The following note con- 
tains the chief ground of my objection to it, viz. : " When I 
consider the strong temptation to the courting of popular favour, 
held out by the governor's re-eligibility at the end of three 
years, I am induced to condemn the section, and to prefer 
electing him for a certain period, say four, five, six, seven, or 
so many years as might be deemed safe and expedient ; at the 
end of which term, either a perpetual or very long exclusion to 
take place. An exclusion, long enough to wear out the influence 
acquired whilst in office, and to make a re-election a too re- 
mote and uncertain contingency, to be worth improper sacri- 
fices and compliances.* The rotation founded on a short 
exclusion, appears to be inadequate to its object, and to have 
little other effect, than to compel us to part with a chief magis- 
trate, however patriotic his conduct, or pressing the exigence. 
To it, I would prefer an uninterrupted re-eligibility." This 
idea I communicated to several of the leading members of the 
Convention, but do not recollect, that any of them seemed much 
impressed with its importance. Mr. Lewis, indeed, did not 
seem to think unfavourably of it; but had been so much hurt 
with losing the electors, that he seemed to despair of redeeming 
the loss, by the substitution of any other good, and therefore 
declined attempting any alteration in the article : and having 
too little confidence in myself to undertake a change in it, with- 
out able support, I suffered it to pass without publicly testifying 
my disapprobation of it. What made the general acquiescence 
in it more remarkable, was, that it was thought necessary to 
remedy the evil arising from the annual election of sheriffs, 
who, it was observed, were too intent on preserving the good 
will of their constituents, to do their duty to effect, until their 

* I was not aware, until very lately, that General Lcc uses precisely the same 
reasoning in a letter dated July 29th, 1776, to Patrick Henry, jun.. Governor of 
Virginia. 



KEGULATION OF THE PRESS. 349 

ultimate term of service was secured. Perhaps it was deemed 
a kind of profanation of the high function of chief magistrate, 
to suppose that any considerations of this sort could warp the 
manly march of him, who might have the honour to be invested 
with it. But, whatever force there may be in the foregoing 
sentiments, candour compels me to own, that at this moment, I 
am much less tenacious of them than I have been. Were the 
Governor's the only station to be sought for, the reasoning 
might be conclusive; but there are so many other temptations 
to a man smitten with a love of the public coffers, of influence 
and power, that it amounts to much less than I once supposed. 
Indeed, the best, and perhaps only security, for a firm and up- 
right administration, is to be found, in innate dignity of mind. 
And the more we contemplate the construction of a popular 
form of government, the more shall we be convinced, that no 
checks are competent to master corruption, or supply the want 
of integrity; and that after all the jargon about anti-republican 
tendencies, no tendency can be republican unless it be virtuous. 
Next to the construction of the senate, the regulation of the 
press was the ground of most acrimony in the Convention. 
Whether or not the truth should be received as a justification, 
on prosecutions for libels, divided its law characters. I was 
among the simple voters who thought that it ought; and although 
now absolved from my sin, by federal opinion,* I was then sub- 
jected to the imputation of wild innovation and democracy. I 
could say a great deal more of what was done in this assembly, 
and produce a world of political reasoning, vastly edifying and 
profound ; but enough, in all conscience, of the business of con- 
stitution making ! Could we have made the people wise, mode- 
rate, disinterested, we should have laboured to some purpose ; 
but, where they are under no dominion but that of their selfish 
passions, hurrying them on to a goal, regardless of conse- 

* Declared in the Sedition Law, and in the defences to the prosecutions under 
the reign of Jefferson. It is also, if I am not mistaken, now the doctrine and law 
of libels in England, as introduced by Mr. Fox, and concurred in by Mr. Pitt. 

And Hamilton's definition of the Liberty of the Press is, — " the right of pub- 
lishing the truth with good motives, and to an usefijl end, whether it inculpates the 
government, the magistrates, or private individuals." 
30 



350 STATE OF PARTIES. 

quences, of what use are all the constitutions that have been 
made by the friends to liberty, in America or France 1 They 
want an essential ingredient of all laws. They may be just in 
their sanctions, wise and honest in their injunctions ; but where 
are their enforcing and prohibitory powers ? As they are, I am 
sick of them. With all their seeming beauties, they contain a 
latent flaw ; and I am almost tempted to reject the flattering 
theory of our institutions, as Bajazet does the Paradise of 
Mahomet. 

Prophet, take notice, I disclaim thy paradise, 

Thy fragrant bowers and everlasting shades ; 

Thou hast placed woman there, and all thy joys are tainted. 

If woman spoils the one, so does selfish man the other. 

The sitting of this assembly for new-modelling the constitu- 
tion, had the effect that had been anticipated by the anti-federal- 
ists. It enabled them to discharge a great portion of the odium 
with which they had been loaded by their recent discomfiture ; 
and although they had been completely laid upon their backs, it 
was evident that from this position they had already turned 
upon their sides, and were in a fair way of being very soon on 
top of their antagonists. Such are the advantages of a steady, 
undeviating, profligate pursuit of power, over a regard for the 
public good, desultorily exerted without concert or system ! A 
panic terror of the power of the union under the new constitu- 
tion, prevailed in the Convention ; and some, who were not 
infected with it, acted as if they were, for the purpose of morti- 
fying Wilson, who had spoiled their favourite scheme. The 
bugbear of consolidation stalked hideously among us, to the dis- 
may of many federalists, no less than of the anti-federalists ; 
and, at no small expense of the cogitative powers, many inge- 
nious devices were framed to resist his encroachments. A 
balance was anxiously sought where none could be obtained ; 
for where two parties only fight, one must prove the strongest. 
By means of a third, indeed, the weaker adversary may be put 
upon a par with the stronger, as the House of Lords, in the 
British constitution, is supposed to hold the balance between the 
King and the Commons ; or as either one of the three may do 
it between the other two. But with respect to any imagined 



STATE OF PARTIES. 351 

hostility between the General Government and those of the par- 
ticular States, if it exists, it must take its course; there seems to 
be no control. The former will be potent when administered 
by men who have no scruples in regard to means ; but weak as 
the old confederation when in the hands of the principled and 
conscientious. The power of the country, under her existing 
establishments, will be wielded by the turbulent and most 
daring ;* and if these, by any chance, should be thrown from 
the greater wheel, they will immediately avail themselves of in- 
herent jealousies to get possession of the smaller ones, by an 
unprincipled use of which they will still find means to keep the 
ascendant. When the federalists held the helm of the General 
Government, there was an incessant jarring between that and 
the State authorities, then managed by their adversaries ; and 
were the former as little restrained by a concern for the public 
good as the latter, they would have played the same game 
against Mr. Jefferson and his sect; instead of which, since their 
accession to national rule, they have been suffered to proceed 
without the smallest annoyance, in a part in which they were 
obviously most vulnerable; and in which, if their own malig- 
nant, Catilinarian spirit had prevailed among the federalists, 
they would most assuredly have been assailed. Nor let it be 
said, that they had not this in their power, after the actual war- 
measures of Governor Snyder against President Madison. If 
ever sincere men shall again acquire the stations they ought to 
possess, then again shall we be stunned by the brawlings of 
anti-federal discord. The edifying unity of democracy will no 
longer be marred by a division into schools, nor will the Binnses 
and Duanes turn their arms upon each other. 

The Convention, it has been observed, was deemed respecta- 
ble for ability ; and upon a comparison with the materials of 
our State legislatures, it no doubt was. It had a good many 

* The language here suggested by experience, is substantially the same as that 
quoted from the Cinna ofCorneille, by Mr, Shepherd, in his Paris of 1802: 

Mais quand le peuple est maitre, on n'agit qu'on tumulte. 
La voix de la raison jamais ne se consulte ; 
Les honneurs soul rendus aux plus ambitieux, 
L'autorite livree aux plus seditieux. 



352 LEADING CHARACTERS IN CONVENTION. 

speakers in it ; but, that an aptitude to prate is no conclu- 
sive evidence of sound judgment, is an observation as old, at 
least, as Sallust. The most able debaters in the body, were 
Wilson* and Lewis.f Ross,J Addison,§ Sitgreaves,]] and Gal- 

* The Honourable James Wilson. He was born in Scotland, in 1742. He 
was educated at Glasg'ow, St. Andrews, and Edinburgh. He arrived in Phila- 
delphia, in 1766, and found employment as a tutor in the college and academy, 
and early acquired a high reputation as a classical scholar. He commenced the 
study of law, in tlie office of John Dickinson, and commenced its practice at the 
expiration of two years, first at Reading, and then at Carlisle. In 1775 he was 
elected to Congress. He was a uniform advocate of the Declaration of Indepen- 
dence, which he signed. In 1787, he was a member of the Convention which 
framed the Federal Constitution. In 1789, he was appointed by Washington, a 
judge of the Supreme Court of the United States. He died in August, 1798, at 
the age of fifty-six years. His political and legal disquisitions are extant in three 
volumes, and much esteemed. — Ency. Amer. — Ed. 

t Mr. Lkwis became, subsequently, a prominent member of the Philadelphia 
Bar, distinguished alike for his talents and eccentricities. — Ed. 

I The Honourable James Ross. He still resides (1846) at Pittsburg, venerable 
for his years, his virtues, and public services. He acted a very conspicuous part 
in the politics of Pennsylvania, from the close of the Revolution until the year 
1808. He was the candidate for the office of Governor in opposition to Judge 
McKean, in 1799, and in 1802; and was again a candidate, in opposition to 
Simon Snyder, in 1808. He was, for many years, the acknowledged head of the 
Bar in Allegheny county. — Ed. 

§ Judge Alexander Addison. He was a man of strong and cultivated mind ; 
a distinguished jurist, and an able theologian. He was the author of a volume 
of " Reports of Cases in the County Courts of the Fifth Circuit, and in the High 
Court of Errors and Appeals of the State of Pennsylvania." — Ed. 

II Samuel Sitgreaves was an eminent jurist, an upright and virtuous citizen. 
He was born in Philadelphia, on the 16th day of March, 1764, where he received 
an excellent education, and where, in 1784, under the auspices of the late re- 
spectable William Rawle, he was admitted to the Bar. In 1785, he removed to 
Easton, in Pennsylvania, where he entered upon the practice of his profession. 
In 1794, he was elected to Congress, where he served with usefulness and dis- 
tinction. He also particularly distinguished himself as one of the Commissioners 
to England, — while the United States were worthily represented by the Honourable 
Rufus King, — for the settlement of claims under the Treaty of 1783. During his 
sojourn abroad, he visited the Continent, and was at Paris when Napoleon was 
invested with the office and honours of the First Consulship. Having accomplished 
the object of his mission, lie returned from Europe in 1801, immediately after the 
inauguration of Mr. Jefferson ; and from that event, may be dated the retirement 
of Mr. Sitgreaves from public life. It could hardly, indeed, be expected that the 
third President could find befitting employment for an ardent admirer of the first, 
for one who felt a pride in being known as a Wasiungtonian Republican. On 
its organization, in 1814, Mr. Sitgreaves was elected President of the Easton 



LEADING CHARACTERS IN CONVENTION. 353 

latin,* were comparatively young statesmen ; though each of 
the three first, acquitted himself handsomely ; the last did not 
venture beyond an isolated observation. It was singular, by 
the bye, and honourable to the liberality of our country, to hear 
a French accent intermingling with our own, on a question for 
framing a Constitution for Pennsylvania. It was realizing the 

Bank, in wliich office he continued to the time of his decease, in the sixty-foarth 
year of his age, — on the 4th day of April, 1827. Mr. Sitgreaves was much 
distinguished for his companionable qualities, for pungent wit, and keen repartee. 
He was a gentleman of the old school, of which few remain in advantageous con- 
trast to the multitude of the neic, and he well maintained the dignity of his order 
in the prominent social position to which his learning, abilities, and virtues emi- 
nently entitled him. — Ed. 

* Albert Gallatin was born in Geneva, Switzerland, in 17G1, and was edu- 
cated at the University of that city. For many years he was a resident of Penn- 
sylvania. He arrived at Boston, in 1780. He opposed the adoption of the Federal 
Constitution, a proceeding obnoxious to Democratic censure in the case of Hamil- 
TON, but in that of Gallatin, a venial offence. In 1793 I\Ir. Gallatin was elected 
by the Legislature of Pennsylvania, to the Senate of the Union, " altliough," as it 
was said, " he entertained doubts of his own eligibility." When lie took his seat, 
the question of citizenship was revived, and he lost it, "after an elaborate investi- 
gation and report, on the ground that he had not been nine years a legally natu- 
ralized citizen of the United States." He was, however, subsequently elected to 
Congress, where he continued for six years, distinguished for his financial abilities, 
and as one of the leaders of the Democratic party. In 1801 he received from Mr. 
Jefferson the appointment of Secretary of the Treasury, which office he filled, 
with distinguished ability, until the year 1813. He was one of the Commissioners 
at Ghent, and was subsequently appointed Minister to the Court of France, 
whence he returned in 1823. After a short interval spent in retirement at 
his residence, New-Geneva, he was, in 1826, appointed Minister to England. 
On his return he retired to Baltimore, but soon removed to New York, where 
he still resides (1846). His last appearance in public life, was as a member 
of the Free Trade Convention, which assembled at Philadelphia, in 1831, and 
of which respectable and able body, it was intended to propose him for President; 
but, anticipating the movement, he rose and nominated for that office, Mr. P. P. 
Barbour of Virginia, who had, for a single session, occupied the post of Speaker of 
the House of National Representatives. Mr. Barbour was elected. In this Con- 
vention Mr, Gallatin attracted much attention. His foreign accent, which was 
remarkable considering his long residence in the country, the character of his em- 
ployments and associations, — rendered it extremely difficult to comprehend his 
speech, but, he was, nevertlieless, considered an oracle by the members, — many 
of whom — their impracticable object to the contrary notwithstanding, — were 
men of high character and distinction in public life, — and when he rose to address 
the Convention, which was seldom, he was closely surrounded by an eager and 
attentive auditory, — Ed, 

30* 



354 LEADING CHARACTERS IN CONVENTION. 

nihil humani aUenum puto of Terence. May we never have 
reason to repent our extreme complacency to human race — 
oratory, whether declaiming on man's equality, or the freedom 
of the seas ! Wilson was truly great ; but, enthusiastically 
democratic. The symptoms of returning reason, evinced in 
the adoption of the Federal Constitution, had, probably, put 
him in good humour with the people, and made him more 
than ever in love with " free and independent man." He drew, 
to be sure, a picture of a free citizen, in the act of disposing of his 
suffrage, little answerable to the sad realities, which are found 
upon an election ground. Royalty, with its most splendid re- 
galia, was made to hide its diminished head. Nevertheless, it 
was a pretty fiction ; and I will not deny, that I did not listen to 
it, with, perhaps, somewhat more than a demi-conviction. Ces 
pauvres Savoyards sont si bonnes gens I as Jean Jacques says. 
And who could say less of the good souls of Pennsylvania? 

There was somethino; singular in Wilson's mode of arriving 
at his goal. It was diflerent at least from that which I should 
have taken; and he appeared studious to avoid the beaten road. 
Still, he never failed to throw the strongest lights on his sub- 
ject, and thence, rather to flash than elicit conviction, syllogisti- 
cally. It has been said, that he required preparation. At any 
rate, he produced greater orations than any other man I have 
heard ; and I doubt much whether the ablest of those who 
sneer at his occasional simplicities and " brilliant conceits," 
would not have found him a truly formidable antagonist. 

Mr. Lewis furnishes an instance of what may be done by 
fortitude and perseverance, in a pursuit to which the mind has 
a bias. With nothing more than the common attainments of a 
country school, he took the resolution to make himself a lawyer; 
and quitting agricultural employments, he applied himself for a 
year or two to the acquisition of Latin ; after which, he com- 
menced his jurisprudential studies in the office of Mr. Nicholas 
Wain, then in the first practice in Philadelphia. His mind ap- 
peared to be wholly occupied by his business; and he gave 
every difficulty which occurred a thorough investigation. In a 
word, his success was complete ; and from the first degree of 
eminence at the Bar, he had been called upon to serve his coun- 



LEADING CHARACTERS IN CONVENTION. 355 

try in the Legislature, and now in the Convention. He w^as not, 
however, with the sage of Monticello, for confining all virtue 
to the labouring orders ; though, from his early habits in life, 
probably well acquainted with them. Well knowing, that the 
morality of a gentleman, was at least upon a par with that of 
a tiller of the earth ; that Don Quixote (supposed a natural 
character) had more honour, though less cunning than his 
squire, (a natural character too) ; and that city vices are amply 
matched by rustic rogueries; he seemed without a chosen 
people ; and, upon this occasion, was the advocate of what was 
called the aristocracy. But though keen and fertile in re- 
sources, he was, both from education and the bent of his stu- 
dies, destitute of the comprehensive means possessed by Wil- 
son, who was a Scotchman and a scholar, and had peculiarly 
devoted himself to the researches which afford materials for 
the construction of republican institutions; and which, in his 
hands would have been absolutely perfect, but for one unlucky 
thing, which seems to have eluded his calculations — this was, 
that political data do not admit of mathematical results.* Mr. 
Pickering was not an idle member.f His aims were honoura- 

* Madame de Stael is of a different opinion. She says, referring to M. de 
Condorcet's Essay on Probabilities, that the number of divorces, thefts, and mur- 
ders, that will be committed in a country where the population and the religious 
and political situation remain the same, may be calculated with as much precision 
as the births and deaths; andlicnce, she infers, when the science of politics shall 
have arrived at her favoured perfectibility, it may be submitted to the evidence of 
mathematical conclusions. 

t Colonel Timothy Pickering. — He was sent by Washington, in 1787, as a 
Commissioner to organize the County of Luzerne, and to reconcile the minds of 
the Wyoming settlers to the new jurisdiction of Pennsylvania. He took up his 
abode in the valley, near Wilkesbarre, in tlie furtherance of these objects. He was 
born in Salem, Massachusetts, in 1745, and was graduated at Harvard College, in 
1763; and, after the necessary preparation, was admitted to the practice of the law. 
He was in the public service from the commencement of the Revolution, almost to 
the close of his long and illustrious life, filling various elevated and responsible 
stations with great ability and unquestionable integrity. He was highly esteemed 
by General Washington, and heartily disliked by Mr. Jefferson, circumstances 
which entitle him, in advance, to the respect of his countrymen. He served faith- 
fully and with distinction during the war, and was at the battles of Brandywine 
and Germantown. He succeeded General Greene in the office of Quartermaster- 
General, in which he greatly "contributed to the surrender of Cornwallis at York- 



356 LEADING CHARACTERS IN CONVENTION. 

ble and patriotic as those he has since pursued ; and his sug- 
gestions were the emanations of right reason and experience. 
General Mifflin sometimes spoke to questions of order, but 
nothing more : and as to Chief Justice M'Kean, I shall only 
say, that his conduct gave no token of the zeal he not long 
afterwards displayed in the democratic career. But, as it is 
the people who make governors, Eh ! que /aire Mons. Pel- 
tier? — what the deuce is an eager candidate to do? For least 
of all men, can he say with Fontaine, in his tale of Joconde : 

Ce n'est pas mon metier de cajoler personne. 

As to those great occidental luminaries, Messrs. Smilie* and 
FiNDLAY,f their conduct upon this occasion, was truly in cha- 
racter ; ever tremblingly alive to the soveranity of the people. 
Nor, have their labours in the good cause been less exemplary 
than their zeal; since, if we except a slight eclipse of a few digits 
through the obtrusion of Washington with his Federal Consti- 
tution and Federal exercises, they have been constantly glaring, 
full-orbed, in the political firmament ; and we are certainly in- 
debted for their uninterrupted public services, from the com- 
mencement of our independence to the present hour. Nor 
shall I risk lessening the merit of their perseverance, by inquir- 
ing how much of the public money they might have pocketed 
in all that time ; or whether any other trade they could have 

town." In 1791 he was made Postmaster General. In 1794, Secretary of War. 
In 1795, Secretary of State, from which office he was removed, in 1801, by Presi- 
dent Adams, and he returned to Massachusetts. In 1803, he was chosen by the 
Legislature of that State, a Senator in Congress, for an unexpired term, and again 
in 1805. In 1811, he was chosen by the Legislature a member of the Executive 
Council of Massachusetts: and, daring the Madisonian war, was a member of the 
Board of War for the defence of the State. In 1814, he was elected to Congress, 
where he continued until 1817, when he retired finally to private life. He died 
in January, 1829, in the eighty-fourth year of his age. "In i)rivate he was a 
model of republican simplicity — was mild, courteous, and unassuming. In public 
he was able, energetic, brave, and disinterested." — Ed. 

* John Smilie, subsequently a member of Congress ; an active, energetic, and 
ardent politician of the Democratic school. — Ed. 

t The Hon. William Findlay, aflerwards Senator in Congress, and three years 
Governor of Pennsylvania, from the year 1817. He was born at Mercersburg, 
and is still (1846) living in Philadelphia. — Ed. 



FRENCH REVOLUTION. 357 

turned their hands to would have proved equally productive. 
Let it no longer be said that the people are ungrateful, or that 
virtue, in republics, goes unrewarded. 

If Washington has no tomb, he must somehow have displeased 
the people. He fought their battles, it is true, but was he suffi- 
ciently tender of their pockets ; sufficiently obsequious to their 
sovereignty? did he tell them, that he hoed them? No : but he 
presumed to differ from them in opinion, and give them advice, 
and freemen choose to think for themselves : nor will they sub- 
mit to admonition from the bench or the pulpit.* 

During the sitting of the Convention, the direful revolution in 
France was in progress, and its proceedings sometimes appealed 
to, as guides for our conduct. Though hardly daring to blame, 
and less impressed than I ought to have been with the treatment 
of the clergy, I presume no one ever heard me praise : for there 
was folly enough to disgust, before the appearance of crime ; 
and I thought the nation was about to throw away the most 
amiable part of its character. I remember, one day, at the table 
of General Mifflin, at this time President of the State, when the 
Parisian courtesans were applauded for contributing their patri- 
otic gifts, I ventured to call in question the immense merit of 
the proceeding. I was stared at by a pious clergyman for the 
shocking heterodoxy of my sentiments; and should, probably, 

* " The young American of the future, looking back on the history of his country 
in the days of his grandfathers, may, perchance, find books enough written in our 
own times, to teach him that what was called the old Federal party, with Washing- 
ton at its head, and such men as Jay and Hamilton in its ranks, was a vile nest 
of traitors, busily employed in the subversion of American freedom ; that the people, 
alive to their machinations, and influenced only by strong intelligence and stem 
integrity, deposed these unworthy guardians of public freedom; and, selecting men 
who modestly shrank from notoriety, and whose patriotism was above suspicion, 
dragged them from their beloved retirement, and forced upon them office and 
honour ; and that, under the auspices of Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr, 
placed in the highest stations as well-tried and honest friends of their country, the 
torrent of treason was checked. But, sometimes, it providentially happens that 
one who was an actor in the busy scenes of past history rises up and tells his 
story. He may inform us, for instance, how one of these high functionaries, of 
patriotism so pure, was afterward tried for treason to that country which he loved 
so well ; and how the other, with the ferocity of a bloodhound, sought the life of 
his illustrious compeer, because he stood in the way of his ambition." — New York 
Review, vol. ii. p. 191. — Ed. 



358 BURKE AND " TOM PAINE." 

have been drawn into an altercation, no less disagreeable than 
indiscreet, had not the General in a friendly manner pacified the 
parson by whispering him in the ear, that I was perfectly well 
disposed, and only sporting an opinion. So overwhelming was 
the infatuation, so ominous the fanaticism, that even this godly 
personage had quite forgotten that incontinence was a sin. He 
" could have hugged the iviched sluts ; they pleased him." 

Nearly about the time of this occurrence, I happened to be 
at Reading, where Burke's Reflections on the French Revolu- 
tion, with Paine's Rights of Man, both of which had just come 
out, were the general topic of conversation. I had seen neither; 
and when they, were given me to read, I was apprised of the 
delight I should receive from the perusal of Paine's pamphlet. 
As to Burke, I was- told it was heavy and tedious, but that it 
was necessary to condemn myself to a wading through it first, 
for the sake of better understanding and relishing Paine's, which 
was in answer to it. I read them ; but to my great misfortune, 
and contrary to all expectation, I became so firm an adherent 
to Burke, that his opponent made not the smallest impression. 
I have already made confessions which cautious men may start 
at. But this is worse than all. The stolen Ribbon of Rousseau 
was nothing to it : nor, although events have proved me right, 
is that of any consequence. Many other things have turned out 
right too ; but that does not lessen the odium of their early 
advocates. It is the essence of sound civism to think with one's 
fellow-citizens ; on no account to anticipate them ; and I ought 
to have thought wrong, because it was the fashion. Republican 
morality, like republican other things, being made by general 
suffrage, will not always take the trouble to ferret truth from 
her well ; and as it is manufactured jpro re nata, on the spur of 
the occasion, it is liable, of course, to gentle fluctuations — but 
infinitely safer, by the bye, in practice, than that of the old school. 
I here speak from woful experience. 

Under the administration of President Washington, the pros- 
perity of the country was advanced with a rapidity which ex- 
ceeded the most sanguine expectation of the friends to the new 
system. It afforded a cheering example of what a republic is 
capable, whose councils are solely directed with a view to the 



Washington's administration. 359 

general good ; and if ever a portion of the human race was in 
that auspicious predicament, it was that composing the popula- 
tion of these United States.* But what is the general prospe- 
rity to hearts that are torn by the furies of disappointed ambition 
or avarice ! It is but as paradise to the foe of mankind, engen- 
dering a more deadly venom in the tortured soul, soothing 
itself with the dire imagery of Claudian's Alecto. 

Siccine tranquillo produci ssecula cursu ? 

Sic fortunatas patiemur viveres genles ? &-c. &c. 

Unfortunately there was no proportion between the offices to be 
disposed of, and the persons who had been in expectancy. No- 
thing less than miraculous power could have so distributed the 
loaves and fishes as to fill the immense multitude that hungered 
for them ; and the dissatisfied only repined at a success, which, 

* All this is now historical and requires no illustration. Yet, in the year 1796, 
the "Sage of Monticello" thus wrote to Mazzei, an Italian who had resided in 
this country, and with whom the " Sage" had formed an intimacy : 

" The aspect of ourjpolitics has wonderfully changed since you left us. In place 
of that noble love of liberty and republican government which carried us triumph- 
antly through the war, an Anglican Monarchical and Aristocratical Party has 
sprung up, whose avowed object is to draw over us the substance, as they have 
already done the forms, of the British Government. The main body of our citizens, 
however, remain true to their republican principles ; the whole landed interest is 
republican, and so is a great mass of the talents. Against us are the Executive, 
the Judiciary, two out of the three branches of the legislature, all the officers of the 
government, all who want to be officers, all timid men who prefer the calm of 
despotism to the boisterous sea of liberty ; British merchants, and Americans trad- 
ing on British capitals, speculators and holders in the banks and public funds, a 
contrivance invented for the purposes of corruption, and for assimilating us in all 
things to the rotten, as well as the sound parts of the British model. It would 
give you a fever, were I to name to you the apostates who have gone over to these 
heresies, men who were Samsons in the field, and Solomons in the council, but 
who have had their heads shorn by the harlot England." 

The vanity of the Italian was not proof against the temptation to inform the 
world that he was in correspondence with this philosopher, and the letter found its 
way, much to the chagrin and annoyance of its writer, into the French news- 
papers. Mr. Jefferson attempted to explain, but it was an embarrassing business, 
and he could not, satisfactorily, dispose of it. By "the Executive" he did not 
mean the President; and by "Samsons in the field," he did mean the Society of 
the Cincinnati, &c. &c. 

" Oh ! what a tangled web we weave, ■■^, 

When first we practice to deceive I" — En. j 



360 PARTY DISSENSIONS. 

in giving happiness to the community, promised stability to the 
rulers whose labours had procured it, and, in so doing, seemed 
to ratify the blanks as well as prizes which had been drawn. In 
each of the States, there were, no doubt, numerous malecontents ; 
but they probably most abounded in Virginia and Pennsylvania. 
In the former there was a number of aspirants for high office, 
who could illy brook, that while they, in their closets, remote 
from the din of arms and clangour of trumpets, had been quali- 
fying themselves for the great affairs of the new empire coming 
out ready made to their hands, others, who had spent their youth 
in the unlettered business of the camp, should be preferred to 
employments they deemed exclusively due to their own superior 
attainments. Mr. Jefferson* and Mr. Randolph had indeed been 
gratified with places, but there were others equally ardent for 
them, unprovided for; and other motives concurring, the native 
State of the President was perhaps the most refractory in the 
Union. The chagrin in Pennsylvania did not proceed from 
precisely the same causes. The discontented here had hardly 
looked for the flattering notice of the General Government; but 
they felt, (I speak of them in the aggregate, with due latitude 
for honest exceptions,) that their intriguing parts would be mi- 
serably circumscribed by the operation of the new system ; and 
that on a theatre, where talents and character were the sole re- 
commendation to office and consequence, their chance of influ- 
ence was a very sorry one. Far different was it in the State 
government, in which they had been accustomed to shine and 
to dictate. There a little learning would go a great way ; and 
cunning was a quality of infinitely more advantage to the pos- 
sessor than wisdom or true ability ; and though the State 
authorities were still in force, they were no longer supreme, but 
subordinate. I am aware that this representation does not 
agree with the prevalent idea of our party dissensions. This 
recognises, with very little discrimination, a lofty tone and aris- 
tocratical tendency on the part of the federalists ; while, on that 
of their opponents, it discovers an ardent concern for the 

* Mr. Jefferson had been appointed Secretary of State ; and Edmund Ran- 
DOLPH, also of Virginia, Attorney-General. — Ed. 



PARTY DISSENSIONS. 361 

people's rights, somewhat more jealous, perhaps, than necessary, 
and an enthusiastic attachment to liberty, excessive indeed, but 
even amiable in its extravagance. That this enthusiasm or fa- 
naticism had once existed, may be granted; but to admit that 
it prevails«to any degree at present, would require a determina- 
tion to believe in defiance of the clearest evidence to the con- 
trary, since they who are or were supposed to have it, are con- 
spicuous for an overweening partiality for the most flagitious 
and desolating system of arbitrary rule that was ever established 
to an equal extent upon mankind, without even being disguised 
by a mollifying appellation. My hypothesis, therefore, must ab- 
solutely exclude the love of liberty and equal rights, as a general 
feeling, among the democrats of the day, not only now, but in 
time past. Whatever benevolent motives they might claim, it 
is perfectly fair to conclude, that they were actuated by a head- 
long instinct of self-love ; a blind, infuriate impulse, prompting 
those possessed with it, to remove, at whatever price, every ob- 
stacle to the consummation of their unhallowed purpose, of rising 
upon the rubbish of widespread havoc and devastation. It is 
no objection to this supposition, that many of the democratical 
leaders had too much property themselves to favour such an 
object. They might not all have been aware of it ; and those 
that were, no doubt entertained the idea that they could restrain 
their instruments when necessary ; or even if they could not, 
they should, at all events, escape unhurt in virtue of their fel- 
lowship. This is the unction, which in these cases is always 
laid to the soul : nor can it be supposed, that the Duke of Or- 
leans thought his head in the smallest danger from those he had 
kindly helped by his vote to the head of the king. 

As to the great leader of the opposition, there is reason to 
believe, he was head, heart, and hand in the noble project of re- 
novating, by first destroying, the world. Tout dctruire, oui tout 
detruire ; puisque tout est rexreer, says Mons. Robaud de St. 
Etienne. He had been in France, and drank deep of her lite- 
rature and philosophy. His official doings and messages show 
his utter contempt for un vrai trivial, un clarte trap familiaire ; 
and that he was wholly of that school, which teaches, as Mr. 
Burke tells us, " that any good arising from religion or morality 
31 



362 PARTY DISSENSIONS MH. JEFFERSON. 

may be better supplied by a civic education, founded in a know- 
ledge of the physical wants of men, progressively carried to an 
enlightened self-interest, which, when well understood, will iden- 
tify with an interest more enlarged and public." Robespierre, 
to be sure, gave an unlucky illustration of this fine doctrine in 
France. His enlightened self-interest gave him clearly to per- 
ceive, that as he aspired to sovereign rule himself, so others did 
the same ; and that, therefore, unless he sent them to their eter- 
nal sleep, they would do as much for him. But in America, it 
has turned out better ; and the enlightened self-interest which 
prompted Mr. Jeflerson to cast an eye upon the presidency,* has 
most edifyingly identified with the interests of the mouth of la- 
bour ; if not the whole, at least a very essential part of the 
public. This mouth of labour, by the bye, is one of the fine 
figures of speech, by means of which this gentleman has been 
enabled to triumph over the popularity even of Washington ; al- 
though it is sacrilegiously thought by some to savour a little of 
that jargon, which the same Mr. Burke somewhat harshly de- 
nominates, *' the patois of fraud, the cant and gibberish of hypo- 

* Of this ^'enlightened self-interest," and tlie enliglitened tactics which enabled 
Mr. Jefferson to triumph, there are extant very remarkable and satisfactory proofs, 

DaviSj in his Life of Bqrr, says, " It is a remarkable fact, that, previous to the 
balloting^ in Congress, [for President,] all parties and sections of parties concurred 
in tlic opinion that the election would finally be determined, as it was, by New 
York, New Jersey, and Maryland. These three states would render the election 
of Colonel Burr certain; two of them could elect Mr. Jefferson. The vote of New 
York was to be decided by Thf.odorus Baily, of Ducliess County, and Edward 
Livingston, of tlie City of New York; the vote of New Jersey, by Mr. Linn; and 
the vote of Maryland, by Mr. Dent, or Mr. Baer." The New York Review, in 
commenting upon this passage, holds the following significant language : 

" What was tlic future liistory of these gentlemen ? Mr. Baily was made Post- 
master of the City of New York, Mr. Livingston was appointed United States 
District Attorney for the district of New York, Mr. Linn became supervisor of 
internal revenue for the State of New Jersey, and Mr. Dent was appointed United 
States' Marshal fot the Potomac District of Maryland. It is a marvellously strik- 
ing coincidence that these gentlemen should thus all have been honoured with 
appointments to offices in the President's gift. Doubtless the only inquiries, con- 
cerning each, were, is he honest — is he capable — is he fliitliful to the Constitution ? 
It is refreshing to turn away from the traitorous conspiracies of tlie wicked 
Federalists, and dwell with lingering deliglit on such immaculate patriotism as 
this." — Ed. 



AIR. JEFFERSON STATE OF PARTIES. 363 

crisy." But we, on this side of the water, ought to have more 
indulgence for a trade growing out of our institutions. As the 
people give power, and power promotes thrift, the people may 
certainly be complimented a little ; and hence, intolerance to- 
wards demagogues, may fairly be ranked among the anti-repub- 
lican tendencies. No censure, therefore, is aimed at one who 
is the quintessence of good republicanism, and too pure to take 
a stain, though fondling with imperialism. For my own part, 
T am elated with the opportunity of recording my veneration 
for a patriot who has so rapidly advanced the morals of this 
new world, and whose scrupulous observance of truth pre-emi- 
nently entitles him to the motto of vitam impendere vero. 

The French revolution then, from the attachment now shown 
by the Jeffersonians to the absolute despotism that has been pro- 
duced by it, it is fair to conclude, was less beloved by them for 
any philanthropic disposition it manifested, than from its being 
an engine wherewith to assail their adversaries in power ; and 
it was so much the better adapted to this purpose, as it was in 
conflict with Britain, that accursed island, which, in the opinion 
of all sound Jacobins, ought long since to have been sunk in the 
sea. To declare a neutrality, therefore, with respect to the belli- 
gerents, as was done by the administration, what was it but a base 
dereliction of the cause of republicanism — a most enormous act 
of ingratitude to those liberty-loving men, who had benevolently 
taken off" the head of Louis the Sixteenth, our late generous ally 
and " protector of the rights of man V and who, by so doing, 
had made themselves the undoubted heirs of the immense debt 
of gratitude we had contracted with the murdered monarch ? 
On the score of this gratitude transferred, can it ever be forgot- 
ten, what a racket was made with the citizen Genet? The 
most enthusiastic homage was too cold to welcome his arrival; 
and his being the first minister of the infant republic, " fruit of 
her throes, and first born of her loves," was dwelt upon as a most 
endearing circumstance. What hugging and tugging ! What 
addressing and caressing ! What mountebanking and chanting ! 
with liberty-caps, and other wretched trumpery of sans culotte 
foolery ! 

" Give me an ounce of civet, good apothecary, to sweeten my imagination !" 



364 STATE OF PARTIES. 

In short, it was evident that the government was, if possible, 
to be forced from its neutrahty; and that nothing less than a_ 
common cause with France, a war of extermination with Eng- 
land and the other monarchies of Europe, would satisfy the men 
who are now so outrageously pacific as to divest themselves of 
the means of annoyance and defence, and to place their glory 
in imitating the shrinking policy of a reptile.* Fortunately for 
the nation, Washington was at the head of it ; or the rage for 
universal republicanism, combining with the plea of gratitude 
derived from Jacobin morality, would have riveted us in liege 
subjection to the imperial Napolcon.f 

* " As events rolled on, one circumstance and another conspired to mark more 
distinctly the lines between the parties of the day, and at the period of the election 
of the third President of the United States, they were very clearly defined through- 
out the Union, under the names of Federalists and Democrats. In the first class 
were to be found Washington, Hamilton, Jay, Pickering, Ames, Marshall, and 
others like them ; the last enrolled in its list Jefferson, Burr, George Clinton, 
Mauison, and many more throughout the State." — New York Rev. ii. p. 192. — Ed. 

t By drawing themselves within the shell like a tortoise, and thence called the 
Terrapin system of policy. 



YELLOW FEVER. 365 



CHAPTER XV. 

Yellow Fever. — Marsh Effluvia. — Popular Feelings towards France. — Party 
Feelings. — A Threatened Insurrection suppressed by the President. — The 
Western Expedition. — Address to the President. — French Party. — Treaty with 
Great Britain Opposed. — Rochefoucault. — French Travellers. — M. Talon. — 
Genet. — Washington's Retirement. — Character of Washington. 

Such was the state of parties in the summer of 1793, when 
the metropohs of Pennsylvania, then resounding with unhallowed 
orgies at the dismal butcheries in France, was visited with a 
calamity, which had much the appearance of one of those in- 
flictions which Heaven sometimes sends to purify the heart. A 
disease that was soon recognised to be the pestilential yellow 
fever, carried off several persons early in the month of August ; 
and gradually spreading in all directions, raged with the most 
fatal malignancy until the close of October. Those whose 
property enabled them to do it, fled with precipitation from the 
city, which was supposed to have been deserted by half its 
inhabitants ; but enough remained behind to swell the mortality 
to several thousands. The dismay was, if possible, increased 
by the disagreement of the physicians as to the mode of treating 
the disorder ; and numbers, who had exulted in the havoc of 
their kind, because belonging to a dlflerent class, feeling death 
to be a serious evil when brought home to themselves, shrunk 
appalled with abject terror, at the dangers which surrounded 
them. 

To each his sufF'rings : all are men, 

Condemn'd alike to groan, 
The tender for another's pain, 

Th' unfeeling for his own. 

A general gloom pervaded the country ; for although the ravages 

31* 



366 YELLOW FEVER. 

of the disease were yet confined to Philadelphia, it was not sup- 
posed they would remain within these limits, notwithstanding 
that every precaution which the most unfeeling vigilance could 
suggest, was used, to prevent the spreading of the pestilence. 
Measures were taken in almost every town and village to pro- 
hibit the entry of persons suspected of infection ; and even fugi- 
tives from the seat of it, though in health, were regarded with a 
jealous eye. Some of the people of Harrisburg were for fol- 
lowing the example of their neighbours, though a malady not 
less fatal than that in Philadelphia, was raging among them- 
selves. But the difference was, that one was called a plague, 
the other but a simple fever. It is somewhat remarkable, that if 
the yellow fever is of foreign origin, as insisted upon by many, 
that a disease of a similar type should make its appearance at 
the same time on the banks of the Susquehanna, at the distance 
of a hundred miles. Shall we say, that the state of the atmo- 
sphere which generated the one was favourable to the diffusion 
of the other ? This, I believe, is the doctrine of those who con- 
tend that the yellow fever is of exotic growth, and always 
imported, when it appears among us. It would be highly pre- 
sumptuous in me to undertake to decide, w^hen " doctors dis- 
agree ;" but that a state of the air should be favourable and 
adequate to the diffusion, but not to the origination of a conta- 
gion, is certainly refining somewhat nicely. I venture, however, 
no opinion upon the subject. With respect to the mortality 
produced by the two diseases, that at Harrisburg was, I believe, 
in proportion to the population of the place, as great as that at 
Philadelphia. I cannot take upon me minutely to describe the 
symptoms of the Harrisburg disease, nor were they the sam'e 
in all that were sick, but a general one was, an affection of the 
stomach, or nausea with violent retchings and a yellowness of 
the skin. Some were ill a week, some longer, some died in two 
or three days from the time of their being seized, and others, 
who were walking about w^ith symptoms only of the ague, sud- 
denly took ill and expired. The black vomit, which has some- 
times been supposed peculiar to the yellow fever, appeared in 
some cases. I was attacked with a quartan ague about the 



MARSH EFFLUVIA. 307 

middle of September, but had none of the grievous symptoms of 
the maUgnant fever which prevailed. 

Whatever may be the points of discrimination between the 
biUous and yellow fever, the origination of the one seems to 
depend on the same cause which spreads the other ; and this 
appears to be a torrid sun acting upon a moist soil, or upon im- 
pure and stagnant water. The matter which produces agues, 
and which, according to Doctor Cullen, is miasmata alone, is, I 
take it, competent also to the generation of bilious fever in habits 
disposed to it ; and if not to the generation, at least to the pro- 
pagation or spreading of the yellow fever; wherefore, the 
vapours from low and marshy situations and waters, rendered 
baneful from certain adventitious circumstances, may be pro- 
nounced to be the support or aliment of all these diseases, more 
peculiarly of the latter perhaps, when the exhalations are 
rendered more than commonly noxious from the general state 
of the atmosphere. Egypt, Syria, and Turkey, are at once the 
seat of the plague, and of bilious and intermitting fevers. 

But the deleterious eifects of marsh effluvia in warm climates, 
have perhaps been known from the earliest time. They are at 
least recognised by Silius Italicus, who wrote in the reign of 
Nero. Speaking of a pestilence which raged in the Roman 
army in the second Punic war, he ascribes it to the fervid rays 
of the sun, acting upon the stagnant and widespread waters of 
the Cyane. 

Crinigcr astriferis Titan fervoribus auras 
Et patulam Cyanam, late palustribus undis 
Stagnanteii), stygio Cocyti opplevit odore. 

This cause existed at Harrisburg. A mill-dam had been 
erected the season before on the Paxton, rather a turbid and 
sluggish stream, within five or six hundred yards of the middle 
of the town, on its eastern side. The obstruction must have 
spread the water over a surface of from eight to ten acres ; and 
this, co-operating with a state of the atmosphere unusually mor- 
bid this season in such situations, may fully account for the 
fever which prevailed. In the fall of the year 1792, there were 
some cases of it, and still more in that of 1701, e(iually malig- 



368 POPULAR FEELING TOWARDS FRANCE. 

nam ; after which the mill-dam was removed. I have been the 
more particular on this subject, though without being able to 
offer any thing satisfactory, from knowing it to have been a 
matter of some interest with the physicians of Philadelphia, to 
ascertain the nature of the Harrisburg disease ; thence to de- 
duce data towards the solution of the question, whether the 
yellow fever, as appearing in our cities, be, or not, a malady of 
exclusively foreign origin. 

The distress I saw around me ; the dismal tidings from Phila- 
ladelphia; and above all, the frightful mania which had taken 
possession of a vast majority of my fellow-citizens, induced a 
dejection of mind I had never before experienced. I had been 
for some time labouring to stem the torrent of fanaticism among 
my townsmen ; but to no other purpose than that of increasing 
their violence, and drawing down upon myself the denunciation 
of being inimical to liberty and an unnatural partisan of Eng- 
land. It was in vain I urged that I was only treading in the 
steps of the President, whom all pretended to revere ; that he 
had chosen for his country the path of neutrality,* and that it 
was the duty of all good citizens to acquiesce in it, until it should 
be abandoned by those who were legally constituted to say 
what should be the state of the nation in relation to the powers 
at war. The bringing of the name of Washington to my aid, 
produced no sort of embarrassment among the maniacs for re- 
generation, who, in the same breath, extolled him to the skies 
and denounced perdition on those who supported his policy. In 
fact, his name was constantly used to sanction the measures of 
his opponents ; and even in the contest for the presidency be- 
tween Mr. Adams and Mr. Jefferson, it is a matter of notoriety, 
that his dislike to the administration of the former was atro- 
ciously asserted, in defiance of his letter announcing his accep- 

* The cabinet of Washington decided, unanimously, tiiat a proclamation should 
be issued, " forbidding the citizens of the United States to take part in any hosti- 
lities on the seas, eitlier witli or against the belligerent powers, and warning them 
against carrying to any such powers any of those articles deemed contraband ac- 
cording to the modern usages of nations, and enjoining them from all acts and 
proceedings inconsistent with the duties of a friendly nation towards those at war." 
— Sparks'" Life of Washington. — Ed. 



PARTY FEELING. 369 

tance of the command of the army, and unquaUfied approbation 
of the steps which had been taken. It has been said, that hell 
itself cannot be governed without some degree of truth ; and if 
so, for policy-sake* at least, we ought not wholly to discard her. 
My indignation at this base dereliction of every honourable and 
moral principle, conspiring with my firm conviction that my 
opinions were correct, made me an enthusiast in the cause I had 
espoused ; and the feeble efforts of my pen were employed in 
vindicating the conduct of administration. In exposing the folly, 
the frenzy, the duplicity and hideous wickedness of its adversa- 
ries, I derived an additional incentive to exertion, from the 
consideration, that the civilized world was so singularly circum- 
stanced, that good men of every nation and country had a 
common cause to maintain ; and, that in the threatened universal 
wreck, conditions were so confounded, that even the private 
American citizen might feel himself nearly on the same eminence 
with those great and trul / ci. lightened European statesmen, who 
were labouring to avert the impending desolation: as in a 
vessel in danger of foundering, the navigator's skill is, at the 
moment, of no account ; and the meanest hand on board, may 
be engaged in stopping the leak and plying the pump, to as much 
effect as the captain. But of what use are endeavours to fix 
the charge of swindling on a political adversary 1 He denies 
it, and letorts the accusation. Thus, with two-thirds of the 
people, who are incapable of investigating the truth, did 
they even think it worth their pains to do so, the parties as to 
■ honesty, are left upon a level; and, hence, as the sovereign 
has no objection to being deceived, he will be deceived, and 
villany will be triumphant. Such has been, and will be, the 
common effect of appeals to Mr. Jefferson's Bar of Public 
Reason, which, if the phrase be not intended as a sarcasm upon 
the tribunal, it must be meant as a cruel mockery of those who 
are interested in just decisions from it.* 

* The writer of these observations is not ignorant that writing in this strain of 
remark, subjects him, in the eyes of your able politicians, to the imputation of ex- 
treme folly. Wlio, say they, but an arrant oaf could expect to succeed in a g-o- 
vernment of popular sovereignty, by reason and good faith ? The people must be 
deceived ; and to be induced to be led by men of rank and intelligence, their proper 



370 PARTY FEELINGS. 

Among the abominations of this rage for French liberty and 
fraternity, there has been all along an utter disregard of the 
most obvious dictates of justice, humanity, and consistency. In 
the beginning, the Revolution must at all events go on : ca ira 
was the word, and no matter by what monsters the business was 
conducted. Power, for this reason, was always the criterion 
of right : and Robespierre, until his head was ascertained to be 
off, was no less popi lar with us than the best of his predecessors. 
And for what was this horrible sacrifice of every thing we had 
heretofore been taught to consider as virtuous and honest ? To 
destroy kings and nobles, monarchy and aristocracy, and to 
make a huge republic of the world, wherein all men were to be 
equal ; or if there should, peradventure, be a little temporary 
inequality, it should alone be founded on the uninvidious pre- 
eminence of intellectual acuteness in the acquisition of pelf, or 
popular suffrage; sound titles, without question to superiority 
among men ! Colonel Chartres,* for instance, among the first, 

leaders, their prejudices must be humoured, — they must be flattered and cajoled. 
But, if it he really so, for the interests of morahty, and the safety and honour of 
tlie community, he must say, in his turn, that it is matter of no very poignant re- 
gret how soon such form of government is exchanged for another, prosper who 
may by the demagogue game. The reader, nevertiieless, will do him egregious 
wrong, if he concludes, from the remarks of this kind scattered through his work, 
that he is a friend to arbitrary rule, — or yet disposed to part with our present sys- 
tcm, however much abused. The remarks are the effect of an uncontrollable in- 
dignation at seeing the fair fabric of liberty we have reared, defaced by unhallowed 
hands, and daily dilapidating under the sapping process of pretended patriots. 
But so averse is man from giving himself a master, that though almost despairing 
of the reappearance of the day when honest men shall emerge from their degri^da- 
tion, and the real friends of the people be again taken into favour, he would not yet 
be among the last to oppose monarchical encroachments. If we would look for the 
persons most likely to favour these, we shall find them in that class, who consider 
government as a source of selfish emolument, and always use it for that purpose, 
whatever form it assume. The demagogue and the court favourite, says Mr. Burke, 
in a quotation from Aristotle, are not unfrequently the same identical men. 

* Damned to an eternal infamy of fame by Pope and Arbuthnot. This wretch 
was infamous for all manner of vices, and the point of the allusion will be better 
understood by a quotation from Pope, and the celebrated character of him, in the 
form of an epitaph, by Dr. Arbuthnot. The former, speaking of money, and 
doubting whether its invention has been more useful than injurious to mankind, 
says, — 



PARTY FEELINGS. 371 

and names beginning with every letter of the alphabet among 
the latter. But since this great republic has not come, or since, 
at least, it has not come precisely in the form that was pre- 
dicted, having clothed itself in imperial purple, instead of the 
plain homespun garb in which it was expected to appear; and, 
haying, moreover, in the place of its former hosts of patriotic 
citizens and chesses, presented us with dukes and titled men in- 
numerable, with its Abrantes, its Cadores, its Ponte Corvos and 
Beneventos, what is the ground of our attachment now to the 
great nation ? To restore the freedom of the seas, and destroy 
that Pandora's box of human ills. Great Britain. Wisely an- 
swered again, and shrewd and patriotic must be the men who 

"And I, who think more highly of our kind, 
(And surely, Heav'n and I are of a mind,) 
Opine, that nature, as in duty bound. 
Deep hid the shining mischief under ground : 
Bui when by man's audacious labour won, 
Flam'd forth this rival to its sire, the sun. 
Then careful Heav'n supplied two sorts of men. 
To squander These, and Those to hide again. 
Like Doctors thus, when much dispute has past. 
We find our tenets just the same at last. 
Both fairly owning. Riches, in effect, 
No grace of Heav'n or token of the elect ; 
Giv'n to the fool, the mad, the vain, the evil, 
To Ward, to Waters, Ciiartres, and the Devil !" 

The Epitaph is as follows ; it conveys a moral, and no apology is offered for its 
insertion here : 

" Here continueth to rot the body of Francis CJtartres, who, wdth an injlexihle 
constancy and inimitable uniformity of life, persisted, in spite oCage and injirmi. 
ties, in the practice of every human tn'ce, excepting prodigality and hypocrisy ; 
his insatiable avarice exempted him from the first, his matchless impudence from 
the second. Nor was he more singular in the undeviating ^jrauf^y of his manners, 
than successful in accumulating iveallh ; for without trade or profession, without 
trust of public money, and without bribe-worthy service, he acquired, or more 
properly created, a ministerial estate. He was the only person of his time who 
could cheat without the mask of honesty, retain his primeval meanness when pos- 
sessed of ten thousand a year, and having daily deserved the gibbet for what he 
DID, was at last condemned to it for what he could not do. Oh, indignant reader ! 
think not his life useless to mankind ! Providence connived at his execrable 
designs, to give to afler-ages a conspicuous proof and example of how small esti- 
mation is exorbitant wealth in the sight of God, by his bestowing it on the most 

UNWORTHY of ALL MORTALS." Ed. ' 



372 A THREATETSTED INSURRECTION. 

began and still maintain their claim to exclusive popularity and 
confidence by two such admirable and solid systems of policy 
and ethics ; and shrewder still that goodly portion of the people, 
•which shows itself capable of appreciating and rewarding such 
transcendent state ability I But I must not encroach on the pro- 
vince of the party editor. 

As every circumstance was seized by the discontented to 
embarrass the administration, or, in the proverbial phrase, " to 
stop the wheels of government," a handle was made of the 
excise law. A duty being laid upon whiskey, that general and 
favourite beverage in Pennsylvania, it was found a potent theme 
for the purpose of sedition ; and it was, accordingly, preached 
upon with so much unction, that an insurrection was the conse- 
quence. It began beyond the mountains in the summer of 1794, 
spreading from west to east with wonderful rapidity. Harris- 
burg was quickly infected; and a meeting had been called for 
the purpose of passing some inflammatory resolutions. By the 
persuasion, however, of a few of us, who were untouched by 
the contagion, these inconsiderate men were induced to desist ; 
though less perhaps from a sense of their error, than from our 
assurance that a body of troops were on their march to the seat 
of insurrection ; and that if they persisted in their undertaking, 
they would involve themselves in the guilt of a forcible opposi- 
tion to the laws, and most surely have cause to repent of their 
temerity. It is difficult to say what might have been the issue 
of this commotion, had not the President taken immediate 
measures for its suppression, and called out a force so respect- 
able as at once to overawe the seditious, and thereby prevent 
the effusion of blood. The insurgents, who had once assembled 
at Parkinson's ferry, had proposed another meeting at Brad- 
dock's field ; a location, without doubt, adopted in terrorem, and 
by way of hint to the efl^cminate federalists, what a set of 
bloody-minded fellows they had to deal with. But the device, 
however well conceived, was wholly lost upon General Wash- 
ington, who had seen all sorts of folks in his campaigning, and 
knew that men with moccasins, and leggings, and hunting 
shirts, and tomahawks, and rifles, were just about as brave as 
men with powdered heads and silk stockings, and no braver : 



SUPPRESSED BY THE PRESIDENT. 373 

and that their standing on Braddock's field, (tremendous spot 
to be sure !) would not make them a jot more ready to leave 
their carcasses to bleach there among bones that had been 
whitening by a forty years' exposure. At any rate, these formi- 
dable circumstances did not prevent his putting himself in a 
posture to bring this lawless assemblage to reason ; and what 
was equally unlucky for them, was, there being at his disposal 
a number of persons who had also seen Service, and therefore 
as little liable as himself to be dismayed by hideous grimaces. 
To cut a well-known story short, there was no fighting after all ; 
it being thought best by the insurgents, on serious deliberation, 
to send ambassadors to sue for peace, one of whom, if I mistake 
not, was the veteran statesman Mr. Findlay, a man so minutely 
acquainted with the whole business, as to have been enabled to 
write a book upon it nearly as thick as a well-sized cheese ; 
and in which, I am told, for I have never read it, he belabours 
General Hamilton most unmercifully.* Washington, as already 
observed, was still too popular for a direct attack. Whenever, 
therefore, he was spoken of, it was with the warmest profes- 
sions of veneration for his virtues and good intentions — thus 
complimenting his heart at the expense of his head, and repre- 
senting him as a good, easy simpleton, who, not very well 
aware of the tendency of his measures, was continually led into 
scrapes by the cunning rogues who surrounded him, the archest 
of whom, at this time, was Hamilton, How exhilarating to 

* Ex-govcrnor of Pennsylvania, to whom allusion has already been made. He 
was the father of the late James Findlay, Secretary of the Commonwealth during 
a portion of the service of Governor Porter ; and of the present respectable Judge 
Findlay, who is indebted for his position as President Judge of the District Court 
for the city and county of Philadelphia, to Governor Shunk, son-in-law of ex- 
governor Findlay. 

The " Cheese''' referred to, — a mouldy affair, — contains a history of the Insur- 
rection, which, as it was written by an ardent though able politician, may, perhaps, 
be consulted with some advantage by the curious reader, if he will, at the same 
time, peruse Brackenridge's " Incidents of the Western Insurrection," and also 
General Hamilton's official Report in the American State Papers. Its censure of 
Hamilton cannot be supposed to have operated very injuriously to that gentleman's 
reputation. What may be the view which posterity will take of the attempt, — or 
whether it will take any, — is solely the business of posterity, with which it would 
be presumptuous to intermeddle here. — Ed. 
32 



374 WESTERN EXPEDITION. 

wounded patriotism, thus by a stroke of the pen to sink into a 
fool and a knave, these two great champions of federahsm ! 

The Western Expedition, as it was called, gave me an oppor- 
tunity of seeing a nunibor of my old friends from Philadelphia ; 
and it afforded also a momentary triumph to the poor handful 
of Harrishuvg Federalists, who were stated by their opponents 
to amount to only five. A French flag, which had been flying 
at the court-house then building, had been the cause of some 
squibbing in the nevv'spaper ; and this flag was peremptorily 
ordered to be taken down by the troops from the city. Had I 
been disposed for revenge, I might upon this occasion have 
been fully gratified, as I was repeatedly asked who had caused 
it to be put up, and impliedly censured for giving evasive an- 
swers to the questions ; which, from their manner, evinced a 
disposition to treat the authors of it much more roughly than 
would have been agreeable to me. 

Conspicuous among the crowd that rolled on from the east- 
ward, was Governor Mifflin, who had been vibrating with much 
address between the parties ; and had really the merit of keep- 
ing them in tolerable humour, within the sphere of his influence ; 
that is, within the limits of the State. 

Such in the midst tlic parting isthmus lies, 
While swelling seas on either side arise. 

He had a large suite, which, as it consisted of gentlemen of 
both parties, he was tugged a good deal in opposite directions ; 
though, on this occasion, his leaning was decidedly Federal, and 
being so, he did me the honour to accept of a bed at my house, 
instead of one at General Hanna's, which he had in his offer. I 
have no doubt, however, that his head and heart were generally 
right, maugre a conduct often wrong ; and though I am as little 
addicted as any one to compromise between my conscience and 
an opposing interest, and of course not at all disposed to apo- 
logize for his temporizing, I cannot but admit, that Mifflin was 
a pleasing man, and one to whom I was indebted for many acts 
of kindness. But popularity and the bustle of public life were 
hobby-horses he could not dispense with. He must mount them, 



ADDRESS TO THE PRESIDENT. 375 

therefore, though at something more than a risk of being spat- 
tered by the dirt which they raised. 

On the day after his arrival he convened the people at the 
market-house, and gave them an animated harangue, in which 
there was nothing exceptionable save a monstrous suggestion, 
that the British had stirred up the discontents to the westward, 
and been the cause of the present opposition to government. I 
wonder if Mr. Smilie, Mr. Gallatin, and the rest of them, were 
aware that they were but the puppets of this abominable nation ! 

In a few days after the Governor, General Washington, ac- 
companied by Colonel Hamilton, came on. After waiting on 
them, I prevailed upon the burgesses to present an address to 
the President, which I sketched out, and which, from the cor- 
diality of the answer, appeared to have been well received. 
But as they have both been published, it is unnecessary to insert 
them here.* 

As to myself, I could not partake of the glory of this expe- 
dition. An ague, which had hung about me ever since the 
preceding fall, had rendered me unfit for service. Neverthe- 
less, I procured a substitute, in preference to claiming an 
exemption on account of my debility. 

That this commotion, in its infancy, was highly pleasing to 
the opposition leaders, can hardly be doubted ; and that it was 
cherished also by the French minister as a favourable cir- 
cumstance towards the predominance of the Gallic interest, is 
fairly to be inferred from his notice of our " early decrepitude," 
and his intimation, that for some thousands of dollars he could 
have plunged us into a civil war. But, I think, he was mis- 
taken here, as the intriguers were neither fighting men, nor 
disposed for absolute anarchy : yet, from his assertion, of what 
he might have done by means of cash, it is a matter of obvious 
deduction, unless Mr. Fouchet was a liar, that he had an under- 
standing on the subject with the master-democrats, who, by 
way of apology, as I take it, for not driving on the insurrection 
with more spirit, had pleaded their want of pecuniary means. 

* They will be found in Appendix Q. What the author hesitated to do, may 
not inappropriately be done by another. — Ed. 



376 jay's treaty. 

Some of them, indeed, might have been wilUng to touch the 
dollars, had the Frenchman been fool enough to bring them 
forth ; but even in that case, he would have been overreached 
and got nothing for his money. 

One more stand was made against the popularity of the 
President. The occasion was found in the treaty with Britain, 
negotiated by Mr. Jay. This was to have been expected ; as 
a heavy clamour was raised at the time of his appointment to 
the mission, upon grounds it would be both tedious and unne- 
cessary to go over. The treaty, after much deliberation, had 
been ratified in the constitutional mode ; but as ii depended on 
the House of Representatives to make the appropriations neces- 
safy for carrying it into effect, it was here attempted to be 
defeated by withholding them. Mr. Jay was as much vili- 
fied,* as if he had laid the entire interests of his country at the 

* John Jay was a native of New York, wliere he was born in December, 1745. 
He was a graduate of King's (now Columbia) College; and, in 1768, was ad- 
mitted to the Bar. In 1774 he was a delegate to the first American Congress, 
whicli met at Philadelphia. In 1776 he was chosen President of Congress. In 
1777 a member of the Convention which framed the Constitution of New York, and 
in the following year he was appointed Chief Justice of that State. In 1779 he was 
again in Congress, and presiding over the deliberations of that body. In the same 
year he was appointed Minister Plenipotentiary to Spain, for the purpose of obtain- 
ing from that government an acknowledgmentof our independence, to form a treaty 
of alliance, and to procure pecuniary assistance. In 1782 he was appointed one of 
the Commissioners to negotiate a peace with England. In 1784 he returned to 
the United States. On his arrival he was placed at the head of the Department 
for Foreign Affairs ; and on the adoption of the present Constitution, he was ap- 
pointed Chief Justice of the United States. He was the author of several of the 
numbers of " The Federalist.''^ In 1794 he concluded with Great Britain the 
treaty known as "Jay's." Before his return, in the year 1795, he had been elected 
Governor of New York. He resigned his office of Chief Justice, upon receiving 
information of this event, and continued in the office of Governor until 1801, when 
lie retired to private life. He died, May 17, 1829. 

His personal appearance is thus described by Sullivan : — 

" His height was a little less than six feet ; his person rather thin, but well 
formed. His complexion was without colour, his eyes black and penetrating, his 
nose aquiline, and his chin pointed. His hair came over his forehead, was tied 
behind, and lightly powdered. His dress black. The expression of his face was 
exceedingly amiable. When standing, he was a little inclined forward, as is not 
uncommon with students long accustomed to bend over a table. His manner 
was very gentle and unassuming. His deportment was tranquil ; and one who 



ROCHEFOUCAULD. 377 

feet of a foreign power; for such things were then justly con- 
sidered as crimes. But shall the treaty go into effect? This 
was the question in the House of Representatives, and it was 
debated for weeks upon every point but the one really in issue, 
namely, whether any treaty, whatever might be its stipulations 
or advantages, was admissible with Great Britain; and whether 
the anti-Federal party, should it relinquish the vital nourishment 
it derived from a deadly, implacable, and everlasting enmity to 
that accursed island, would be able to sustain itself, or have a 
chance of ever risino; again. These were the merits of the 
case, though cautiously kept out of view. The treaty, how- 
ever, stood its ground ; and the sole consolation of the defeated 
faction, was ro wait, with what patience it might, for the death 
or resignation (to borrow its own phraseology) of the " first 
and greatest of revolutionary patriots." Before dismissing the 
topic, it may be remarked, that the ground upon which the treaty 
was most strenuously assailed, was, that it imposed some slight 
restrictions upon our trade. Yes — this was a ground taken 
by the very candid and impartial men, who now advocate non- 
intercourse laws and perpetual embargoes, rather than expose 
themselves to a collision with the other belligerent nation. 

In the spring or sum.mer of 1795, a letter was delivered by 
a gentleman at my house, which gave me the opportunity of a 
transient acquaintance with the Duke de la Rochefoucauld 
LiANcouRT, who, being on a tour to see the country, was re- 
commended to my attentions. My respect for the writer of 
the letter would have induced me to avail myself of the honour 
it ofiered me; but being indisposed and depressed by a domestic 
affliction, I did not go out, and thus escaped the scrutinizing 

had met him, not knowing who he was, would not have been led to suppose 
that he was in the presence of one eminently gitled by nature with intellectual 
power, and who had sustained so many offices of high trust and honour. History 
will assign to John Jav an elevated rank among the great; not only so, it will 
place him equally high among the pure and virtuous. Throughout liis useful and 
honourable life, he was governed by the dictates of an enlightened Christian con- 
science. He thought and acted under the conviction, that there is an accounta- 
bility far more serious than any which men can have to their fellow-men. The 
bravest soldiers, and the worthiest statesmen, have ever been those who believed 
in such accountability." — Ed. 

32* 



378 FRENCH TRAVELLERS M. TALON. 

eye of an illustrious traveller.* It is certainly a perilous thing, 
to stand before a man about to make a book, and who gauges 
and proves you with a view to making your quantities and 
qualities a component part of the subject matter. General 
Hanna, it appears, had been in this predicament; and, all 
things considered, he comes off very well. His age, I must 
say, was pretty accurately guessed at by the Duke, who is also 
correct in his other observations, that the General preferred 
chewing to smoking tobacco. Were I about framing an hypo- 
thesis why Mr. Hanna makes a somewhat better figure in the 
tour than the gentlemen of Reading, in spite of their acknow- 
ledged hospitality and " obliging answers to inquiries," I should 
say, that he talked European politics with rather more under- 
standing than they did, little, as the Duke tells us, they are at 
best understood in America. Those talked in Reading, proba- 
bly, were not entirely to the taste of a good Frenchman, who, 
if I understand the character that phrase would designate, 
would cry vive la nation et sa gloire, not only in exile, but with 
his neck under the guillotine. Now, though the Reading gen- 
tlemen spoke with just abhorrence of the crimes of the Revolu- 
tion and with due respect of the Marquis de la Fayette, they 
might neither have testified a desire, that England should be 
brought to the feet of France, nor that the destinies of the 
world should be subjected to her control ; things, which, from 
his party-leanings, Mr. Hanna, might have countenanced. All 
this, however, is but conjecture ; and as to the accuracy of 
the noble tourist's facts, so far as I am acquainted with them, I 
have nothing to object, except as to the havoc of names. 

From this gentleman, I turn to others of his nation whom he 
speaks of in his travels ; and for whose acquaintance I was in- 
debted to Major Adam Hoops, who, I should have mentioned 

* This nobleman was a member of the Constituent Assembly in 1789, at the 
dissolution of which he took the military command at Rouen, as Lieutenant-Gene- 
ral. He resided for eighteen months in Enfrjand, previously to his tour through 
the United States, which ho completed in 1798. After the restoration he was 
created a Peer. His life was published by his son in 1827. The principal work 
of Rochefoucauld is his Voyage dans les Etats-Unis, published at Paris in eight 
vols, octavo. — Ed. 



ASYLUM CITIZEN GENET. 379 

before, did mc the honour to attach himself to my company, in 
the capacity of a volunteer, during part of the campaign of 
1776. A letter from him about the year 1790 or '91, so far as 
my recollection serves, introduced me to Mr. Talon, then en- 
gaged with the. Viscount De Noailles, in establishing a settle- 
ment on the north branch of the Susquehanna, and to which 
they gave the name of Asylum.* In the course of this business, 
he several times passed through Harrisburgh, and never failed, 
on these occasions, giving me an opportunity of seeing him. 
Mr. Talon fully justified to my conception the favourable idea 
that is given by Lord Chesterfield and others, of a Frenchman 
of rank. I have seldom seen a gentleman with whose manners 
I was more pleased. Though he spoke but little English, and 
I less French, yet from the knowledge we respectively had of 
each other's language, we contrived to make ourselves mutually 
understood. On one of his visits to Harrisburgh, he was at- 
tended by not less than ten or a dozen gentlemen, all adventurers 
in the new establishment, from which they had just returned on 
their way to Philadelphia. Of these, I only recollect the names 
of M. De Blacons, Captain Keating, and Captain Boileau. My 
brothei'l and myself, who had waited on them at their inn, were 

* The Due DE LA Rochefoucauld, in his travels, has given a full account of this 
place, as it appeared in 1795. " Messrs. TaloiVS and De Noailles, came to this 
country from France, intending to purchase, cultivate, and people, 200,000 acres 
of land. Tliey had interested in their project some planters of St. Domingo. 
Messrs. Morris and Nicholson sold them the lands, and, in December, 1793, the 
first tree was cut at Asylum. M. De Noailles whs to manage the concerns of 
the colony at Philadelphia. M, Talon attended to the erection of log-houses, and 
the preparation of land for the reception of the colonists. They w^ere disappointed 
in the receipt of a part of the funds upon which they had relied, and were obliged 
to relinquish their purchase and improvements. They then became joint partners 
in the business with Morris and Nicholson. The quantity of land was enlarged 
to a million of acres, and Talon was to act as agent, with a salary of .$3000 and 
the use of a large house. Ignorance of the language, want of practice in business 
of this nature, other avocations, and the embarrassments of the company, deprived 
Talon of the happiness of opening a comfortable asylum for his unfortunate 
countrymen, of aiding them in their settlement, and thus becoming the honoured 
founder of a colony. He and M. De Noailles, sold out to Mr. Nicholson." — 
Travels. — Ed. 

t The late highly respectable and estimable William Graydon, Esq., of Har- 
risburgh, before mentioned. Tlie same who was made prisoner, and concerning 
whom the author, long in suspense, had suffered great anxiety. — Ed. 



380 CITIZEN GENET. 

kept to supper, and I have rarely passed a more agreeable 
evening. The refreshment of a good meal, coffee and wine, had 
put in motion the national vivacity ; and the conversation, car- 
ried on in English, which many of the company spoke very 
well, was highly animated. Captain Keating was, in fact, an 
Irishman, and Captain Boileau had been among the troops 
which had served in this country. As to Mons. Blacons, he 
was but a novice in the language ; yet hurried away by a high 
flow of spirits, he ventured so boldly in it, expatiating to me on 
a projected road from Asylum to Philadelphia, which, accord- 
ing to him, required nothing but the consent of the Legislature, 
to be completed out of hand, that Talon, astonished at his volu- 
bility, exclaimed ce u'est pas Jul c'est le vin que farle, " that 
it certainly was not he, but the wine that was talking." The 
French Revolution being touched upon, it came into my head 
to ask Captain Boileau, how it happened, that he and the other 
gentlemen who had been in America, and must of course have 
been among the foremost in inculcating the doctrine of liberty 
in France, were now so entirely in the background ? His an- 
swer was interrupted by a loud and general laugh ; and Talon, 
who had probably been adverse to the revolution in all its stages 
and modifications, (as he was the person on account of whose 
courteous reception General Washington had been roundly 
taken to task by the citizen Genet,)* enjoyed the thing so much, 
that he thought it worthy of remembering, and put me in mind 
of it, in an interview with him a long time afterwards. This 
gentleman had apparently stood high in the confidence of the 
King, as, on once dining with him, at his lodgings, he, at the 
instance of a French lady, from St. Domingo, who was present 
and had observed that I was uninfected with the regicide mania, 

* First Miniyter of tlio Frencli Republic to tlie United States. He was the 
occasion of infinite trouble and embarrassment to President Washington. His 
conduct became at length so offensive, that the American Minister, Gouverneur 
Morris, was instructed to demand his recall of the French Government. Genet 
received letters of recall, although his mission would have terminated at the time 
if he had not been, as the party in France to which he had been indebted for his 
mission, was overthrown. M. Genet remained in the United States, and retired 
into the interior of the State of New York and devoted himself to agricultural 
pursuits. He married a sister of the late De Witt Clinton. — Ed. 



ASYLUM M. TALON. 381 

showed me his picture on the lid of a box studded with diamonds, 
that had been presented to him by his Majesty, as the inscrip- 
tion imported. 

The Duke de la Rochefoucauld gives some particulars of the 
Asylum settlement, humorously called by some of the settlers, 
refugium peccatorum, and enumerates the families which had 
established themselves there, many of whom from their names I 
remember to have seen ; but I have understood, that the settle- 
ment is now entirely abandoned by the French, and I have been 
told by persons who have seen the tract, that one more rugged 
and mountainous, except the particular spot whereon the town 
stands, could hardly be found. In this, it agrees with Mr. 
Talon's account of it, who, upon my asking him as to its situa- 
tion, said, the mountains were tTop rapproches, thereby convey- 
ing the idea of a narrow strip of flat land along the river. The 
affairs of France were a subject not often touched upon by Mr. 
Talon ; but it was impossible not sometimes to advert to them, 
and he testified much concern for the death of the murdered 
Malesherbes, who, if I mistake not, was one of the counsel for 
the king. He spoke of him as a noble, generous man — un gal- 
lant liomme, was, I recollect, one of his expressions. Talon was 
understood to have been in the law-line himself, and to have been 
Avocat-general under the old regime. If this was the fact', the 
ofiice was, apparently, through royal favour, hereditary in his 
family, as one of the same name in that office, is spoken of by 
Cardinal de Retz, in the following very honourable manner, and 
the more so from his being in the opposite party, and a foe to 
his seditious designs. " Talon, Advocate-general, made one of 
the finest speeches that was ever made on a like subject. I 
never heard or read any thing more eloquent. He mixed with 
his reasons whatever could serve to make them the more 
moving. He invoked the manes of Henry the Great, and kneel- 
ing down, he called upon St. Louis to protect the kingdom of 
France. You fancy, perhaps, that you had laughed at this 
spectacle ; but it had moved you, as it did the whole company, 
upon whom it worked in such a manner, that the clamours of 
the inquests began, as I perceived, to decrease by it." Though 
this quotation may be thought a strange wandering from my 



382 WASHINGTON RETIRES FROM THE PRESIDENCY. 

purpose, inasmuch as it mingles the transactions of ages past 
with those of the present, I could not suppress it, since it places 
in so amiable a light the virtue of patriotism, and the irresistible 
eloquence which may flow from that source. We too have our 
sainted friend in Heaven, who, by a stretch of fiction, more 
warrantable, may be supposed to be watching over the destinies 
of this country ; but much I question, whether an equally solemn 
invocation to his manes would find matter so soft as was found 
in the breast of this Catiline, and in the hearts of those who 
were set in motion by his machinations. 

To return to our own affairs. Although no other specific 
ground of opposition than those already mentioned, was taken 
against the President, yet the whole tenor of his administration 
was bitterly and incessantly inveighed against as hostile to 
liberty. The logic of democracy was extremely compendious, 
and therefore the more satisfactory to superficial inquirers. On 
the one hand, it pointed to republican France ; on the other, to 
a combination of despots — and this was enough. In so interest- 
ing a struggle, could any friend to his kind be neutral ! And 
the inference was, that they who were not for France, were 
against her, and monarchists, tories, and tyrants of course. The 
name of England too, was well calculated to rouse old resent- 
ments ; and the single circumstance of her being opposed to 
France, was quite sufficient to make all staunch, Boeotian whigs, 
allies of the latter. Was she not, it was asked, engaged in a 
cause exactly similar to our own — and shall we side with royal- 
ists against her. Shall we not rather, in the glowing language 
of Genet, march to combat under her banners, and repay her 
for the generous assistance she gave us in our contest? Such 
arguments struck the public sensory with force ; and the impres- 
sion they made, was not to be effaced by any reasoning more 
complex and refined. Besides, who listens to reasoning that 
runs counter to his passions, his prejudices, and his interests 1 
One perhaps in a thousand. It now became evident that to be 
popular, or even tolerated, it was necessary to be a partisan of 
the French ; as to doubt, merely, the holiness of their cause, was 
the certain road to odium and proscription. It is not at all to be 
wondered at, therefore, that the prudent, the timid, and the 



CHARACTER OF WASHINGTON. 383 

thrifty, all lent themselves to democracy, and helped to swell a 
tide, which seemed ready to rise above all mounds, and to bear 
down every thing before it, even to the weight and popularity 
of Washington. That good man now began to doubt whether 
the prize of independence, which had cost him so many anxious 
days and sleepless nights, were really worth the sacrifices which 
had been made for it;* and whether posterity might not have 
cause to question the value of his services, or even, under the 
smart of anarchy, to exclaim — *' Curse on his virtues, they have 
undone his country !" Weary of the struggle " with vice and 
faction," he at length resolved, at the expiration of his second 
term of service, to retire from the presidency, and leave it to be 
scuffled for between Mr. Adams and Mr. Jefferson. 

Never had the soul of Washington exhibited more illustrious 
proofs of true nobility than in that very part of his life which 
excited the most viperous malignity, and brought upon him the 
execrable charge of having legalized corruption. Though 
always great — though in his early manhood distinguished as the 
protector of his country from savage inroad and depredation — 
though the only man perhaps in America, who by a transcen- 
dently virtuous, prudent, dignified, and persevering deportment, 
could have kept us united, and carried us triumphantly through 
the Revolution — he never appeared to more advantage than 
during the arduous season of his eight years' presidency. Like 
the magnanimity displayed by Cato in his march through 
Syrtes and Libyan deserts, it might justly be preferred to the 
most brilliant military achievements. 

Hunc ego per Syrteis Libyesque extrema triumphum 
Ducere maluirim, quam ter Capitolia curru 
Scandere Pompeii, quam frangere colla Jugurthae. 

Contrasting the glorious height to which he carried the 
American name, with its present lamentable degradation ; the 
prosperity to which he raised his country with its present 
wretched state of despondency and subserviency to a foreign 
and despotic power ; are we not fully justified in applying to 

* A very similar reflection is made by Judge Brackenridge in his Incidents of 
the Western Insurrection, 



384 CHARACTEK. OF WASHINGTON. 

him the " fine rapture" of Lucan, in regard to the patriot of 
Rome? 

Ecce parens verus patrioe, dignissimus aris 
Roma tuis ! 

His country's father here, O Rome, behold. 

Worthy thy temples, priests, and shrines of gold ! 

If e'er thou break thy lordly master's chain. 

If liberty be e'er restor'd again. 

Him shalt thou place in thy divine abodes. 

Swear by his holy name, and rank him with thy gods.* 

* Next to a man's acts, it would seem that the best test of his feelings and dis- 
positions was his private confidential sentiments to his friends ; and in a letter from 
this virtuous citizen to Gen. Reed, of November 27th, 1778, is the following pas- 
sage : — "It is also most devoutly to be wished that faction was at an end, and that 
those to whom every thing valuable was entrusted, would lay aside party views and 
return to first principles. Happy, happy, thrice happy country, if such were the 
government of it ! But, alas ! we arc not to expect that the path will be strewed 
with flowers. The great and good Being, who rules the universe, has disposed 
matters otherwise, and for wise purposes, I am persuaded." Such were the ema- 
nations of his patriotism and piety ! 



ELECTION OF MR. ADAMS. 385 



CHAPTER XVI. 

Election of John Adams to the Presidency. — His Administr^ition. — Mission to 
France. — French Party in America. — Imposition of Taxes. — Singular Fabrica- 
tion. — Another popular Insurrection. — Election of Jefferson to the Presidency. 
Popular Fanaticism. — Author's Political Principles. — Death of Washington. 
Character of Jefferson. — Concluding Reflections. — Conclusion. 

In the contest for the Presidency, Mr. Adams prevailed by a 
very small majority. Hence, federalism was still ascendent in the 
national councils, though considerably depressed in those of some 
of the States, which were working by sap, while their myrmidons 
abroad, displayed as much ardour to storm the strong hold of 
aristocracy, as the Parisians had done to demolish the Bastile. 
The tone given by Washington was maintained by his successor. 
Equally federal, he spoke a language more lofty; and in his 
answers to the numerous addresses, which were presented to him 
on occasion of the insolence of the French Directory, he was 
thought egregiously heterodox ; particularly in one, in which, he 
somewhat unnecessarily, indeed, takes occasion to speak of his 
having once had the honour to stand in the presence of the Ma- 
jesty of Britain. Shocking sounds, to be sure, to the republican 
ears of the day! Though, now we can talk of the Imperial Ma- 
jesty of France, without the smallest danger of setting our teeth 
on edge, or of being proscribed for incivism. Nay, we even 
permit a democratic editor to live, wdio not long since proposed 
to turn our republican President into a Monarch, and to invest 
his temples with a diadem. 

But I must hasten through the stormy scene of Mr. Adams's 
Administration. The Republicans, as they now styled themselves, 
(for nothing is more conducive to a successful cajolery of the 
people, then a well chosen appellation,) having got rid of Wash- 
ington, continued their efforts for the ascendency with increased 
33 



386 FRENCH PARTY IN AMERICA. 

hopes and animation. They were no longer the enemies, but the 
friends and watchful guardians of that constitution they had so 
lately deprecated as the greatest evil that could befal them ; or, 
to use the words of citizen Fouchet, they had " disembarrassed 
themselves of the insignificant denomination of anti-federalists, 
and taken that of patriots and republicans." This was, doubt- 
less, an able manceuvre. They got possession, by it, of a popular 
name, and their next care was to show how well they deserved 
it. An occasion soon occurred for a display of their new patriot- 
ism and republicanism. This was the arrogant and swindling 
conduct of the Directory, already mentioned. Their demand of 
tribute, and threat, in case of non-compliance, to barter us away 
as they had done Venice, being properly felt and resented by the 
sound part of the community, addresses to the President were 
poured in from every part of the Union, expressive of a sense of 
the outrage received, and a determination to support the govern- 
ment in any measures of defence which the crisis might demand. 
The Directory did, unquestionably, make a sad blunder here, 
and might have ruined their cause, if any thing could have ruined 
it. Instead of playing to the hands of their jiartners on this side 
the water, they forced them most unmercifully by leading a suit 
they could not follow, but were absolutely obliged to ruff. Never- 
theless, the awkward thrust was parried with admirable dexterity ; 
and joining a cry they could not silence, they came forward with 
their addresses, too, breathing a most ardent zeal for the honour of 
their country, and a vehement indignation at the affront which 
had been offered it. To take off a little, however, from the 
odium incurred by the Directory, under whose auspices they 
fought and machinated, they fell upon the extraordinary expedient 
of sending an extraordinary envoy, on their own account, to 
France, and the extraordinary personage selected for this service, 
was Doctor Logan. He was held out, at least, as the party's 
messenger. It appears to be in the essence of Jacobinism, as ob- 
served by Mr. Burke, to excite contempt and laughter no less 
than horror and tears ; in the words of a French writer, on ne 
pent s''cnipecher (Pen jjl^urer, et (Pen rire. In France, its vis 
comica w'as illustrated in dubbing the ruthless Duke of Orleans, 
Monsieur Egalite ; and in America, it exemplified itself, in dub- 



FRENCH PARTY IN AMERICA LOGAn's MISSION. 387 

bing Doctor Logan an Ambassador of the people : and it was 
even attempted in abject apery of the fantastic tricks of the great 
Alma mater at Paris, to bring the Doctor's wife upon the stage 
in the manner of Roland's and Tallien's. It is perfectly in my 
recollection, that some of the democratic prints of the day, spoke 
of Logan and Deborah, in the style of Louvet and his Ladouiskie. 
The object of the Doctor's mission^ or going, (if not sent,) was 
twofold ;* first, to assure the Directory that they had yet a strong 
party in America, which, if properly cherished and co-operated 
with, w^ould soon be predominant, and enabled to repay their as- 
sistance with interest ; and second, to show the people of this 

* In Sullivan's Letters tlicre is a reference to this gentleman and liis mission. 
He says "early in 1798, a certain Dr. Logan departed from Philadelphia for 
Paris, charged with a private mission on ptiblic affairs to the Directory. By 
whom sent was no secret, the House addressed the President, two to one, on this 
serious subject; and a like address passed the Senate, with only iive dissentients. 
In this address it is said, " We deplore tliat there are those who call themselves 
by the American name, who have daringly insulted our country, by an usurpation 
of powers not delegated to them, and by an obscure interference in our concerns." 
Mr. Jefferson was said at the time, to have sent Logan to Paris. In one of his 
letters, he answers some inquiry on this subject; and says, that the accusation is 
groundless; that Logan was self-appointed, and that he (Mr. Jefferson) did no 
more than give him some sort of passport." Whether this gentleman was self- 
appointed, or whether ho was sent by Mr. Jefferson and his party, to which Mr. 
Logan was attached, is a matter of very little consequence now, whatever may 
have been the degree of irritation produced by his movements at the period of his 
alleged "obscure interference." He has been represented by his friends, as a re- 
spectable, benevolent, man, whose object in this affair, as in every other of a public 
nature, in which he engaged, was service to his country and his fellow-men. If 
he mistook his vocation and over estimated his abilities, and the sincerity and 
virtue of his associates, or employers, by whom he was flattered and caressed for 
purposes of their own, that was his misfortune, and without question, he lived 
long enough to discover it to be sol But, in regard to his truly estimable wife 
who, like himself, is now beyond the reach of censure or of praise, and who is 
here, somewhat rudely and abruptly exposed to public gaze, the Editor may be 
permitted to remark, — (while expressing surprise and regret that the Author should 
have permitted himself, even while under tlie influence of strong party resentment, 
to be betrayed into an otherwise unaccountable impropriety, inconsistent with his 
own elevation of character as a generous and accomplished gentleman,) — that 
none who knew her could, with truth, utter a word in disparagement of her fair 
claim to unlimited respect and regard, or could lay to her charge, aught that 
could derogate from the dignity and purity witli which, meekly and beautifully, 
she invariably sustained, the proudest cliaracter to which woman may aspire — 
that of an enliglitaned, patriotic, unobtrusive, American Matron. — Ed. 



388 FRENCH PARTY IN AMERICA. 

country, that the Directory had no quarrel with them, but merely 
with their rulers ; and thence, holding out an inducement to change 
them. What a blessed picture of republicanism was here ! and 
to give its figures full relief, the proper light to set them off, it 
should be observed, that the persons exhibiting it, had engrossed 
the commodity and possessed it exclusively. By the fundamental 
principles of the constitution, and indeed of all the elective sys- 
tems, to certain persons is delegated the power to govern : if 
they misuse the trust, they are removable by the votes of the 
people, and others put in their places ; but failing to accomplish 
this, the wheels of government were to be stopped, and its func- 
tions usurped by any that might choose to doit: Can a clearer 
definition be given of anarchy.'' What lover of state juggling 
but must be charmed with the series of able tricking, by which 
the virtuous Jelfersonians crawled into power.'' As Doctor Logan 
has lately been to England, whh the same pacific views, (he tells 
us,) with which he went to France, I vshall not contest his motives 
in either case. Still, the use that was made of his voyage to 
France, by the party devoted to her, is a circumstance too im- 
portant to be omitted in a recognition of the devices of the 
faction. 

It was to have been expected, that the unexampled profligacy 
and insolence of the ruling power in France, would have consi- 
derably depressed their Democratic adherents in America, and 
strengthened the Federalists in the same proportion ; but the con- 
sequences were directly the reverse. Alarmed much more than 
necessary at the menace of the Directory, and relying more upon 
the addresses from the people, than a considerate attention to 
their sentiments would warrant ; (as, although they all expressed 
a warm regard for the honour of the country, they, for the most 
part, drivelled about the unkindness of the dear Sister-Republic,) 
the administration and its friends in Congress, seemed to think, 
that they were assured of the public support, in any measures 
against France, however energetic they might be. In this per- 
suasion, such as deemed a state of hostility preferable to a state 
of fraternity whh her, probably thought the occasion too favour- 
able to be suffered to pass away; and in this view, an attitude 
'unequivocally hostile, was taken by the government. A pro- 



IMPOSITION OF TAXES. 389 

visional army was voted, volunteer corps invited, ships of war 
equipped, and as a part of the system of defence, against a foe, 
which was w^ell known to have numerous partisans among us, the 
alien and sedition laws were enacted. But the most volcanic 
ground of all was yet to be trodden. Money was to be raised, 
and not a little would suffice. The ordinary revenues were in- 
sufficient ; and the adherents of the foreign power, already exulted 
in the anticipated ruin of their adversaries, who vainly flattered 
themselves with a public confidence, which could not be shaken. 
With less ability, the intriguers had vastly more cunning than the 
fed-eralists ; and from their better acquaintance with the human 
heart in its selfishness and littlenesses, they well knew, that a 
direct and sensible application to the pocket, would be more 
likely to blow up the prevailing party than any thing else. It 
has been well said, that a disorderly people will suffer a robbery 
with more patience than an impost. Under this conviction, the 
patriots had long sickened at perceiving that the community w^as 
satisfied ; and that the current expenses of government were so 
easily raised. This was truly provoking. They wished the 
people to feel, they said. It w^as not right that they should pay 
without knovv'ingit ; and hence, a furious and persevering clamour 
against indirect taxation. It was reprobated as hateful and anti- 
republican in the extreme ; it was not to be endured ; and, inas- 
much as it aimed at deceiving the people (wicked thing!) by 
cheating them into contributions, which their love of country 
Vv'ould always most cheerfully afford when necessary, it was re- 
presented to be unworthy of freemen ; and to imply a suspicion 
both of the virtue and understanding of the community, which, 
about the same time was voted by the democratic part of con- 
gress, to be the most enlightened on the globe, France herself 
scarcely excepted. All this was vastly fine and highly pleasing, 
no doubt, to the galleries ; a charming material too, for the repub- 
lican editors to cook up a most savoury dish for their customers. 
The simple, well meaning federalists w^ere, in their turn pleased 
also, at finding that their opponents were smoothing the way to a 
measure, that, in the present conjuncture, would be exceedingly 
eligible for them ; and therefore, with no small degree of self-com- 
placency for their supposed address, took the tricksters at their 

33* 



390 IMPOSITION OF TAXES. 

word, and passed a law for a direct tax. Its operation was on 
houses and lands ; but still keeping in view, the policy of favour- 
ing the industrious and frugal at the expense of the luxurious, the 
farmer paid very little for his property in proportion to the idle 
gentleman or inhabitant of a city, who gratified himself in the 
enjoyment of a sumptuous house. In the same spirit, a tax had 
been laid upon carriages kept for comfort and pleasure ; an article 
which, beyond all others, made manifest the discrimination in be- 
half of the mouth of labour. Nevertheless, it was the mouth that 
from the hollow, pretended solicitude of its parasites that it might 
not be " deprived of the bread that it earned," was brought to 
clamour the loudest against taxes which did not effect it, and had, 
in fact, a tendency to relieve it; another proof of the inconside- 
rateness of the multitude, and of the superior potency of w^ords 
to things, and consequently, of the very little chance indeed of 
honesty and fair dealing in a contest with knavery and hypocrisy, 
before "the bar of public reason." 

This tax on real property, was the fatal blow to federalism in 
Pennsylvania. The Stamp Act was, indeed, bad enough, because 
it was a Stamp Act that tiret excited our displeasure with the 
mother country : The very name of an excise w^as hateful to free- 
men :* The alien law, set at naught one of the inherent rights of 
man, that is, the right o{ impat nation and expat riaf ion, of coming 
and p-oing and saying and doing whatever the love of liberty 
prompted ; and the sedition law was still more execrable, since, 
in permitting the truth to be given in evidence in exculpation of 
a libeller, it gagged the mouths alone of patriotic liars and calum- 
niators, the only speciea of partisans whose labours could be 
efficient in a cause, emphatically that of falsehood. But, though 
all these sad doings had been carefully impressed upon the sensory 
of the great Germanic body of Pennsylvania, they had not fully 
wrought the desired effect. Their pockets had hitherto been 
spared, and wheat had borne a good price. But now their vul- 
nerable part was touched, and they began to look about them. 

* It is remarkable, ihat tl}C Federalists seemed really to believe, what it was 
evident from the conduct of their opponents, they did not believe, viz. Tliat the 
people were enlightened. They were persuaded, however, of the clficacy of flat- 
ieiy, and laid it on thickly. 



IMPOSITION OF TAXES. 391 

Nor were there wanting "friends of the people" to sympathize in 
their oppression, and to put them in mind, that it was to avoid 
the payment of taxes we went to war with Great Britain ; that the 
federahsts, therefore, were as tyrannical as she had been, and that 
this tax upon farms, houses and windoivs, was but the beginning 
of a system, which would soon extend to every thing; and that 
w^e should have at length a tax upon horses, wagons and ploughs; 
or as it was expressed in a handbill, circulated in favour of the 
election of Thomas M'Kean, " a horse tax, a cart tax, a plough 
tax, &c. &c." The love of pelf was completely roused; and 
many an honest farmer came to the poll with a countenance of as 
much anxious determination, as if upon his vote the question was 
suspended, whether he was to remain the independent man he 
was, or to sink into a pennyless vassal. Nor is it to be wondered 
at, that he was thus "perplexed in the extreme," when it is con- 
sidered, that although we never bribe, all offices were afloat, and 
depended for their re-settlement on the issue of the election and 
the will of the successful candidate. 

The success of a good trick, is only a theme for mirth among 
those who have talents for the business of electioneering. Low 
cunning, indeed, such as is moulded into the buflbon characters, 
we see in novels and upon the stage, your Sancho Panzas, Tony 
Lumpkins, &c. passes current for extreme cleverness, among the 
bulk of our rural statesmen. These are of the class of Mr. Jefferson's 
chosen people, however; and though, when in their place, their 
petty rogueries are very harmless and diverting ; yet, when agog 
for office, with the extensive means of mischief they possess, in 
their sovereign capacity, they may, nevertheless, be fully com- 
petent to the ruin of a nation.* The name of Washington, as 

* This idea, a little dilated upon, will enable me to defend myself against a 
charge made against me, of portraying my countrymen in very dark colours. I 
do, however, believe that they are naturally as good, and from the influence of 
their habits and institutions, better as respects the more atrocious vices, than the 
people of most other countries, of Europe in particular. But, I am constrained 
to believe, also, that in a government so constituted as ours, when immoral men 
rule the corruption at the head, it will soon be diff'used throughout every part of the 
the body politic. One thing tending to this is the desire of office very generally 
pervading the community, and still more so the wish of being on the strongest 
side and acting with the majority, which is even more prevalent. The ignorant 



392 SINGULAR FABRICATION. 

already observed, was always usurped by this species of good 
republicans ; and so deplorable was the stupidity of a certain por- 
tion of the most enlightened people upon earth, that the following 
fabrication was not too monstrous for their intellectual gullets. 
John Adams, it was stated, was about to unite his house to that 
of his Majesty of Britain, either by marrying one of his sons to one 
of the King's daughters, or one of his daughters to one of the 
King's sons, (I forget which,) but the consequence was, that the 
bridegroom was to be King of America : — That General Wash- 
ington had heard of this, as well as of the other anti-republican 
conduct of the President, at which, he was, of course, most 
grievously displeased : — That, therefore, he went to talk to Mr. 
Adams upon the subject, and by way of being more persuasive 
by appearing gay, good-humoured and friendly, he dressed him- 
self in a suit of white, and discoursed with him very mildly ; but 
neither his dress nor his arguments were of any avail. Then he 
waited upon him a second time, and in order to render liis re- 
monstrance more solemn and impressive, he put on a suit of black, 
and set before Mr. Adams the heinousneSvS of his proceedings ; but 
to as little purpose as before. He, at length, paid him a third 
and last visit, in which he appeared in full regimentals, when find- 

aiid tiinid are entirely swayed by it, so are the cunning- and interested, as well as 
tiiat lighter kind of stuff which yields to the puff of every fashion; descriptions 
these, which comprehend by fur the larger portion of all communities. It requires 
some strength of mind, as well as strong political impressions, and a dignified 
sense of virtue, to resist a torrent of public opinion emanating from the source of 
power, and carried by the force and influence of triumpliant faction into private 
dealings, consigning to odium ami sometimes to proscription, every man whether 
lofty or humble, who does not fall in. Admitting this to be the case (and will 
any candid man deny it when tiie public mind is in a state of high agitation?) 
it is not to make the people more than ordinarily flagitious, to maintain that the}' 
then become corrupt and instrumental to corruption. Even their honest preju- 
dices, no less than their vices may enlist tiicm in a policy ruinous to their country. 
Still I must say, that prejudices are as unamiable as they are mischievous. No 
political opinions should be taken up, and still less persisted in, without strict ex- 
amination. Want of candour is want of justice; and a tenet that will not bear 
the test of that golden rule, of doing unto others, nothing that we would not choose 
they should do unto us, ouglit, wrtiiout hesitation, to be discarded. Love of 
country can no more justify us in doing wrong, than love of ourselves. It is, in 
fact, with most people, the same thing, however they may be pleased to dignify it 
with the name of patriotism. 



ANOTHER INSURRECTION. 393 

ing the President still deaf to good counsel, he drew his sword, 
declaring, he would never sheath it, until Mr. Adams had relin- 
quished his wicked designs ; and so left him a sworn enemy. 
During the circulation of this ingenious romance, not ill adapted 
to the capacities it was designed for, and having all the marks of 
veracity derivable from circumstantial minuteness ; the letter from 
General Washington, announcing his acceptance of the command 
of the provisional army, and his approbation of the measures pur- 
suing, was also circulating in the federal prints. But this signified 
nothing, as they never reached the persons to be deluded by the 
story ; and even if they had reached them, the letter would imme- 
diately have been knocked down as a federal lie. Such, be it 
again observed, is the bar of 'public reason. 

The consequence of these united efforts of patriotism and in- 
vention, was another insurrection. The sedition which began 
in the county of Northampton, ran in a vein through the counties 
of Berks and Dauphin, spreading the infection by means of 
liberty poles, successively rising in grand colonnade, from the 
banks of the Delaware to those of the Susquehanna. Mr. Adams 
had now to set to work, to quell this second effervescence of 
liberty; and it proved a matter of no great difficulty, when force 
was applied. Poor Fries,* like the whiskey insurgents, was, for 
a time, left in the lurch ; but finally sent " a coloneling," by 
good Governor M'Kean. The object of the tumult, however, 
was perhaps fully obtained ; and had Fries been hanged, it 
would have been deemed but a very small sacrifice. It enlisted 
the feelings and resentments of a populous district on the side of 
democracy; and by the spirit of turbulence and discontent it 

* This was distinguished as Fries's Insurrection. It had its origin in an at- 
tempt of the Ft'deral Government to collect a direct tax. The tax particularly 
objected to was the " house tax." It broke out at the close of the year 1798, and 
discords prevailed to an enormous extent, throughout a large portion of the coun- 
ties of Bucks, Northampton and Montgomery ; and great difficulties attended the 
Assessors in the execution of their duties. At the head of these hostile move- 
ments, was a certain John Fries. He was tried and found guilty of conspiracy, 
and was sentenced to one year's imprisonment, a fine of fifty dollars, and to give 
security for his good behaviour for a year. This interesting trial was published 
in Philadelphia, in the year 1800, and was reported in short hand by Thomas 
Carpenter. — Ed. 



394 MR. JEFFERSON ELECTED PRESIDENT. 

scattered abroad in the State, it helped to prepare the way for 
the coining in of Mr. M'Kean, as its Governor; and thence, by 
the " momentum of Pennsylvania politics," (noticed by Mr. 
Dallas,) to pave the way for the accession of Mr. Jeffiirson to 
the Presidency. It gave occasion too, for a useful nickname on 
the administration of Mr. Adams, which with a sardonic grin, 
not unworthy the taunting malignity of demons, was by the re- 
cent shouters for the mountain party of Robespierre, denomi- 
nated, a reign of terror, now become a truly odious thing. 

Such a fund of republicanism, as was, by these means infused 
into Pennsylvania, could not fail to operate favourably for the 
republican candidate, Chief Justice M'Kean; and he was, conse- 
quently elected Governor in preference to Mr. Ross ; and the 
same causes, aided by Callender's Prospect before us, that chef 
d^oeuvre of civic piety, operating in the same direction through- 
out the Union, not long after, invested Mr. Jefferson with the 
presidency. Summoque ulularunt vertice •nyinphce* Ye who 
have genius for the epic, employ your talents here! one entire 
action of twelve years successfully terminated at last, not by 
ruffians stained with blood, but by meek and gentle operators in 
the " swindling arena." 

Such a result was to have been looked for. The morbid state 
of the public mind, was, I repeat it, to have been deduced from 
the very addresses to the President, which have been considered 
as indicative of a manly, patriotic vigour. They will on the con- 
trary (at least it was the impression made upon me at the time 
of their appearance) be too generally found to breathe a spirit of 
bigotry ; not a generous love of country, not an adequate horror 
of vice, not a proper understanding of the subject, but rather a 
whining lamentation, that the conduct of the Directory, so little 
fraternal, had a tendency to impede and interrupt the glorious 
career of illuminatism and kingly demolition. This was evi- 
dently perceived and felt by Mr. Adams; and was, doubtless 
his inducement for complimenting the Ilarrisburgh address, whose 
merit, if it had any, was, that it cut deeper ami approached 

* Nijmphne, by some of V^irgil's commentators, arc licrc understood to mean 
furies, and may easily be extended to i\\c furies of Jacobinism ; wliicli, no doubt, 
howled in exultation upon this occasion. 



POPULAR FANATICISM. 395 

nearer to the source of the evil than the general tenor of the 
addresses had done.* Let us love our country, let us cherish 
our institutions, and check their tendency to corruption and 
abuse; but let us no more think of cutting the throats of those 
who naay differ from us in their civil polity, than of those who 
differ from us in their religious creed. Should we not look with 
something more than pity on the fanatic, who should languish to 
kill the Pope, to exterminate the cardinals, and annihilate the 
Holy See? What then but an equally silly spirit of fanaticism, 
can induce us to sigh for the re-generation of Europe in the ex- 
tinction of her kings and privileged orders ! Does any one now 
suppose that it would meloriate the condition of mankind ? But 
the symptoms of this most loathsome mental distemper, were 
never more manifest than shortly before the downfal of federal- 
ism, when the gallant Truxton, for an achievement that re- 
dounded to his country's glory, and for which he should have 
received her unqualified, warmest applause, was assailed with 
brutal rage, and called a rufKan and a murderer. Could any 
thing more clearly demonstrate, that love of country was swal- 
lowed up in a rage for political theory? 

By this memorable victory of Pennsylvania democracy for the 
behoof of Virginia aristocracy, occasion is afforded for much seri- 
ous reflection on the sad effects of party fury; and giving the 
reign to those vindictive passions, which arise from selfishness 
opposed. No man, perhaps, ever more fatally and intempe- 
rately rioted in their indulgence than Mr. M'Kean. But the 
affair is old, and I am little disposed to renew it. As keenly 
sensible to injury as any one, I have felt with poignancy, and 
given vent to my indignation; but it is neither for my reputa- 
tion nor my repose, to cherish feelings which deform the outward 
man, and prey upon the breast which harbors them. I shall be 
cold, therefore, upon a subject, wherein warmth and even acri- 
mony might be justified. 

From the account I have given of my political opinions, it can 
scarcely be necessary to say, that my vote was on the federal 
side, and given for Mr. Ross; and that I wms of course involved 

* See the Address, with the answer of Mr. Adams, in Appendix R. — Ed. 



396 



author's political principles. 



in the proscription that followed the defeat of ray party. In a 
word, I was one of those, who were loaded with reproach and 
detruded from office, as men unworthy to partake of the honours, 
or even to eat the bread of their country. The extent of my 
offending, the reader is acquainted with. It was the crime of 
my party in being prematurely right ; in daring to be wiser than 
the great body of the people. Why then did I not play the 
dotard with my country? Why did I not sigh for fraternity with 
France, unconscious of the peril that awaited it.'' 

" I swear 'tis better to be much abus'd, 
Than but to knovv't a little." 

If I unfortunately thought differently from Mr. M'Kean on the 
highly interesting subject of Gallic republicanism, and, in so 
doing apostatized from my former Whigism, I can only say, I 
could not help it. That I did not forego my opinion when I 
found it repugnant to his, is not a matter of so easy extrication. 
I was contumacious, I know I was. But my conscience is satis- 
fied ; and that I never shouted in the sanguinary triumphs of 
the Jacobins, will, though it has made me poorer, bring conso- 
lation along with it, in the close of a life, which, in all other 
respects I could wish, had been equally blameless. An early 
enthusiast in a most unfashionable cause, 

Some sign to me unknown 
Dipp'd me in ink, my parent's or my own ; 

even before my sentiments could be relished by the generality 
of the party to which I belonged ; and while, from their novelty, 
they were so shocking to others, as to draw into question the 
sanity of my intellects. I had even ventured to shed a tear for 
the fate of Louis and his family ; I had presumed to doubt the 
wisdom of Brissot, and to arraign the humanity of Robespierre, 
long before the guillotine had granted toleration for these 
opinions. 

But independent of so much heterodoxy, my simple vote had 
been sufficient for the punishment that ensued ; since the posses- 
sions of the vanquished, were, in the true spirit of the feudal 



author's political principles. 39^ 

system, to be parcelled out among the champions of the victorious 
leader. This, without doubt, was a mutual preliminary to a part- 
nership in the war; and as among the holders of office, in the 
apologetic naivete of Mr. Jefferson, "few died and none re- 
signed," what was left but to cashier them ? I forbear to reiterate 
here, the stale remark that the free, unbiassed suffrage of the citi- 
zens, is the basis of the republican form of government. Maxims 
have their use, but must be wholly disregarded in extreme cases ; 
as, in England, the Habeas Corpus act. Republicanism herself, 
was here in danger. Was not a band of conspirators, with 
Washington at their head, in the very act of establishing a mo- 
narchy under the insidious mask of federalism ?* 

A man desirous to know the world ought to place himself in every 
situation to which the vicissitudes of life may expose him. Above 
all he should be acquainted with adversity, and that particular 
kind of it, which results from a sudden reverse of fortune. But 
to see the heart of man, in that most unfavourable point of view, / 

in which the milk of human kindness is turned to gall and bitterness^ 
he should behold it when elate with a "republican triumph." It 
has twice been my lot to smart under the hand of oppression. I 
have been exposed to the fury both of royal and republican ven- 
geance; and unless I maybe misled by the greater recency of 
the latter, I am compelled to say, that the first, though bad, was 
most mitigated by instances of generosity. If it produced the 
enormities the reader has been made acquainted with, the other 
was ruthless enough to rejoice at the sight of helpless famihes, at 
once reduced to indigence, stripped of their subsistence, driven 
from their homes, and sent to seek their bread by toiling in a 
wilderness. This is no exaggerated picture ; I saw the reality 
and felt it too, in the case of a near connexion. And for what 
crime was it the punishment? For embracing the policy of 
Washington; for being true to the dictates of honesty; to the 

* This apostacy to monarchy, was inferred from President Washington's not 
joining the French against England ; but now, when Spain is contending for her 
riglits and liberties, tlic JefFersonians can make common cause with her perfidious 
oppressor without danger of any such deduction or imputation. Their incorrupt!' 
ble republicanism can even take the fraternal hug with an emperor without ths 
smallest suspicion of contamination. 

34 



398 DEATH OF WASHINGTON. 

interests of their country, to the interests of humanity ; for having 
larger hearts, and greater minds, and nobler souls than those, 
who, by the inscrutable will of Heaven, were permitted to be 
their chastisers. 

The death of the great Father of his Country, which happened 
between the eleetion and the inauguration of the Governor, af- 
forded another instance of democratic versatility. He was pub- 
licly and pathetically lamented and extolled by the leaders of the 
party: By Mr. M'Kean, while in the very act of chastising his 
followers; and by Mr. Jeffei-son while contemplating a similar 
conduct. The latter, it is said, made a visit to his tomb, which 
he plenteously bedewed with tears, and groaned aloud wdth every 
gesture of the deepest woe.* Achilles himself was not more in- 
consolable for the loss of his Patroclus: and even in the sacrifice 
of twelve young Trojans to his manes, he was far outdone by this 
illustrious modern mourner, with the remarkable difference, how- 
ever, that whereas the one made victims of the enemies, the other 
selected for immolation, the friends of the lamented dead, 

Utcumque fcrent ea facta niinorcs; 
Vincct amor patrice, laudumquc imincnsa cupido. 

In the election of Mr. Jefferson the long and persevering efforts 
of democracy had obtained their ultimatwn; the beginning of that 
millenium that had been so anxiously sighed for. With this pro- 
pitious era, therefore, I close my narrative of political events and 
party machinations. I had, indeed, aimed at nothing more than 

* Tlie reader of Mr. Jefferson's '"Memoirs and Correspondence" will turn away 
witli loathing from this miserable exhibition of hypocrisy; particularly when he 
recalls to his reeollection certain passages of the "Ana," in which the cloven foot 
is unskilfully concealed. Washington was fully advised of Mr. Jefferson's 
duplicity as to himself, and placed a proper estimate upon his character and 
designs. In his letter to John Nicholas, dated 8tli March, 1798, Washington 
wrote: "Nothing short of the evidence you have adduced, corroborative of inti- 
mations which I had received long before through another channel, could have 
shaken my belief in the sincerity of a friendsliip which I had conceived was 
possessed for me by the person [Jeiferson] to whom you allude. But attempts to 
injure those who are supposed to stand well in the estimation of the people, and 
are stumbling blocks in the way, by misrepresenting their political tenets, and 
thereby to destroy all confidence in them, are among tiie means by which the^ 
Government is to be assailed, and the Constitution destroyed," — Ed. 



CHARACTER OF JEFFERSON. 399 

a sketch of public affairs, in so far as my fortune was more pecu- 
liarly implicated in them. As to the conduct of Mr. Jefferson, hi 
the management of his high trust, it would appear to have been his 
primary object, to discredit the republican form of government, by 
illustrating the abuses of which it is susceptible, and its proneness 
to become the prey of unprincipled intriguers. I should suppose 
him to be a monarchist of the true imperial cut; and that his 
administration was peculiarly calculated to surfeit us with liberty; 
to expose the nakedness of our systems, and the extreme fragility 
of those ties he once denominated Lilliputian. Upon this hypo- 
thesis, all is plain and consistent ; on every other, inexplicable, 
unless we can admit the possibility of a philosopher being a fool, 
or, of a patriot being a man solely bent on filling his pocket. 
Methinks I see the mighty personage, like a sated Condor on the 
Andes, sublimely perched on Monticello, triumphantly deriding 
the clumsy labours of New England morality, and self-compla- 
cently counting the gains of his superior illumination. But 
whether the speculum through which I view him may magnify or 
diminish him, shovv' him justly or distort him, it is too manifest a 
truth, that the lesson given by France, we are inculcating with all 
cur might, and erecting America, also, into a beacon instead of a 
guide. To the sad example of former Republics, we are eagerly 
adding our own, and certifying in colossal characters to the world, 
the melancholy result of "this last and fairest experiment," in 
favour of free government.* 

* The melancholy result alluded to, is, that a combination of selfish, unprin- 
cipled men, are able to pass themselves off for paragons of virtue and patriotism. 
But, such is our vis medicatrix nalurcB ; our tendency to resist and recover from 
tlie impolicy of our rulers, that our country is still prosperous in defiance of all 
their sinister efforts for our ruin : and hence it is, that not only the mass of our 
own people are imposed upon, but the enlightened of other nations, who know 
nothing- of our afl^airs in detail. "It is thus, in America," says Madame de Stael, 
"that a great number of political problems appear to be solved, because the citi- 
zens are happy and independent." Yes, several political problems are, indeed, 
solved, and one of them is, that demagogues are as omnipotent Iiere as ever they 
were in the Republics of Greece, and that an Aristides among us is not a jot 
more secure from ostracism than he was at Athens. But still, it is true, we go 
on, and are getting rich, and have no tyranny or injustice that we do not inflict 
ourselves; and the great problem that yet remains to be solved, is, how long a 
llepublic can flourish or subsist without good morals. A rigorous prosecution of 



400 CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS. 

As to myself, I liave obluincd (lie ri'ward which ])erhaps ever} 
man must look ibr, " who, upon the strength of iunoeenee alone, 
shall dare openly to speak the truth, w'ithout first propping him- 
self by cabals, without forming parties for his protection." I have 
not only been punished by my political enemies, but have seen 
the justice of the measure solemnly ratified by the sufli"ages of 
those whom I su])])()sed to be my friends. For the sake of a 
paper constitution, whose threatened destruction has become the 
trick of the demagogue, seeking power, as its preservation be- 
comes his device, so soon as he is invested with it, a host of 
officers, that had been prostrated by the pioneer of Mr. Jefferson, 
were coolly and remorselessly consigned to their fate by the fede- 
ralists. The substance of justice was exchanged for its shadow, 
and the principle established, that virtue is a certain bar to the 
attainment of i)ower, an encumbrance which the candidate cannot 
too soon shake off; and, that corrui)tion and wrong mark the 
route to be pursued.* This, be it known, is the unanimous de- 
cree in Pennsylvania, the law of the land, ncmiue contradicevte. 
A ^milar, but much less galling and extensively mischievous in- 
stance of ratified oppression, gave birth to the Social Contract of 
Rousseau. He had been borne down, unjustly, as he supposed, 
by the French ambassador to Venice, to whom he had been secre- 
tary, and with whom he had a dispute ; and his oppressor, coun- 
tenanced and supported by the community, first gave him, as he 

the last war by Britain for two years more, would have tiirown much light on 
the solution of tlic problem, 

* They had soon, moreover, the mortification to find tliat ho had no longer the 
abilitj' to serve them. His influence vvitli the democrats was at an end ; and he 
was only potent vvliile acting in their views, and hunting down with them in full 
cry, their politic;il opponents. It might now be said of hiin as it was of Ijabicnus, 
wiien he left Caesar's standard for Pompcy's : 

Fortes in armis 
CtBsaris Labienus erat nunc transfurga vilia. 

The only result, then, of this grand political manoeuvre was that the federalists 
exclusively fastened on tiicmsclves tiie odium of this man's tyrannical character 
by this their sanction of his violent and oppressive conduct. Strange that they 
sliould forget tliat tlicir principles were essentially bottomed on morality and 
virtue; things much more sacred and radically important tiian tlie forms of a 
(Constitution. 



REFLECTIONS. 4G1 

informs us, the idea of a comparative analysis of the government 
and society to whose justice he had appealed in vain. "Every 
body agreed," says he, "that I was insulted, injured and unfor- 
nate; that the ambassador was mad, cruel and iniquitous, and 
that the whole of the affair dishonoured him forever. But what 
of this ? He was the ambassador, and I was nothing more than 
the secretary. The justice and inutility of my complaints, left in 
my mind seeds of indignation agiiinst our foolish civil institutions, 
by which the welfare of the public and real justice are always 
sacrificed, to I know not what appearance of order; and which 
does nothing more, than add the sanction of public authority to 
the oppression of the weak and iniquity of the powerful." It is 
scarcely necessary to mention, that these remarks refer to the 
ancient monarchy of France. Could the author of the Social 
Contract have supposed that they could ever be equally applicable 
to institutions expressly founded on the principles of liberty and 
justice, and which even aim at restoring the natural equality of 
mankind ! But Rousseau was not aware, that the germ of the evil 
he complained of, was not in any particular form of goverment, 
but in the world, ever slavishly inclined to offer incense to power, 
with very little regard to the general justice of its exercise. 

If the end of punishment be to reform, mine has been wholly 
lost upon me ; though my example has no doubt been useful to. 
others. I was too high-toned and indiscreet even in the opinion 
of many federalists; for many there were who saw no wisdom in, 
martyrdom.* I am still, however, to speak the truth, a most 

* Matters arc now botli better understood and better managed; and much 
toleration is granted to those ardent and aspiring spirits, who cannot endure to 
wait until virtue sliall obtain her own reward. The process is too slow, the re- 
suit too uncertain. Hence the short cut to distinction and office, bids fair to be 
all the mode ; and, to the honour of democracy be it said, that she suffers apostacy 
to go unrewarded, having truly more joy, as it would seem, in the recognition of 
one repentant sinner, than in the contemplation of ninety just. All that appears 
exceptionable in the tergiversating business, is, tliat in the way it is now prac- 
ticed, it looks too much like deserting and taking advantage of our duller and less 
ethereal political associates. But, if the federalists would one and all come into 
the measure; if, as a party they would renounce Ihcir opposition and their errors; 
if they would proclaim themselves converts, succumb to their victors, and taking 
their cue from the tamed shrew of Shakspcare, would say the sun was the moon, 
or the moon was the sun, in obedience to the whim of democratic dictation; why 

34* 



402 REFLECTIONS. 

incorrigible sinner, though somewhat cooled of my ardour ; and 
so little amended by the chastisement I have received, as to be- 
hold, if possible, with increased contempt and execration, the 
procedures of those very great and good men, under whose 
auspices it has been administered. The possession of power has 
exhibited them in even blacker colours, than did the sink in 
which they "lay straining their low thought," to obtain it: and 
although unable to vie with our dear departed sister republic in 
deeds of martial emprize, we certainly " gall her kibes," in those 
of fraudulent achievement. In truth, we must by this time be 
nearly mature. Hypocrisy, we are told, is the consummation of 
vice; and the libertine hero of Moliere's Festin de Pierre, is not 
thought ripe for destructian until he receives this last polish of 
villany. 

If there be any thing wrong in this language, it does not arise 
from its being applied to a point of which there is any doubt; 
but merely from its solemnity approximating it to bombast, by 
being employed on a matter, become trivial fiom extreme fami- 
liarity. However shocked at first, we now only laugh at the 
monstrosities of the era. After what we have seen in France, 
and are now witnessing at home, Caligula's making his horse 
consul is a thing of very easy belief; nor is any historical pheno- 
menon more incredible than the mutual passion subsisting be- 
tween enthusiastic republicanism on the one hand, and the most 
desolating and dismaying system of despotism, W'hich the world 
has yet beheld, on the other.* 

tlien " tlie doors of lionour and confidence would be tlirown open to all," and we 
should hear no more of faction and " anti-republican tendencies." But, how far 
this might improve our morals, and narrow the ground for European defamation, 
is another thing, but wholly immaterial to a community whose "own approba- 
tion of its own acts," to use the words of Burke, " has to them the appearance of 
a public judgment in their favour." 

* "A perfect democracy," says the inspired Burke, " is the most shameless thing 
in the world. And as it is the most shameless it is also the most fearless. It is 
less under responsibility to one of the greatest controlling powers on earth, the 
sense of fame and estimation. The share of infamy that is likely to fall to the 
tot of each individual in public acts, is small indeed; the operation of opinion 
being in the inverse ratio to the number of those who abuse power. Their own 
approbation of their own acts, has to them the appearance of a public judgment 
•jn, tUeir favour." Who could not conclude, from the justness in every iota of 



REFLECTIONS. 403 

Though this picture may pass with some, for a hideous cari- 
cature, enough of truth, I trust will be found in it, to convince 
them that we are no longer in that full tide of successful ex- 
periment, that wafted Mr. Jefferson into office,* that, on the 
contrary, we felt the influence of " retiring ebb," and were 
therefore, needlessly vigilant in guarding against the inroads of 
British corruption. Neither have we shown that we are so en- 
tirely well adapted to our institutions as to render it a necessary 
ingredient in the education of our youth, to prepossess them with 
a bigoted aversion to every other mode of government, and 
thereby to render them the ready patrons of insurrection and 
anarchy in every quarter of the globe. The commentaries of 
Blackstone, we are told by a great law character and writer, 
should be studied with caution, since he is heterodox in some 
of his opinions, and does not trace power to its genuine source ; 
that is, " through its small and pure streams up to the free and 
independent man." Mr. Burke too, comes under the lash of the 
American statesman, who, with a sneer, that had much better 
been spared, insinuates his want of integrity, and talks of his 
" new creed," But what did Mr. Wilson know of his old one ? 
Was it ever confided to him? Did Mr. Burke ever tell him that 
he was not a monarchist, but a republican ? For he certainly 

these remarks, that their author had been an eye witness of the administration of 
Jefferson and Madison, in every stag'e of their barefaced effrontery and duplicity! 
I almost pity these unhappy men, destined to wear out the wretched remnant of 
their da3's without one drop of the balm of self-approbation, absolutely cut off 
from the pleasure, no less than the profit of reading Burke, as in every page of 
his political morality, they would be sure of meeting a cutting satire on them- 
selves. But, of demagogues and tyrants, tlie condemnation is the same. 

Magne pater divum, skvos punirc tyrannos 
Haud aliil rationc velis, cum dira libido 
Moverit ingenium fervente tincta veneno 
Virtutem vidcant, intabescantque relictfi. 

Pers. Sat. 3d. 

* This truly "successful experi-mcnt" is partially explained; and the means by 
which Mr. Jefferson was " wafted into office," fully exposed, if biographers 
and historians always speak the truth, by a scrap of secret history for which, I 
believe, the world is indebted to Mr. Davis, the able and candid author of the Ljfe 
of Burr. Sec Appendix S. — Ed^ 



404 REFLECTIONS. 

never told the world so. Mr. Wilson was an able man, and his 
eloquence as a speaker, singularly forcible and commanding ; but 
when he undertakes to raise trophies to himself from the dispraise 
of such men as Blackstone and Burke, he engages in a task which 
may justly be termed a bold one. As to the fine allegory, under 
which the fountain of political power is represented to have been 
at length discovered, like the source of the Nile, what does it 
amount to? It may be happily conceived, but it is little satis- 
factory. " JMen's rights," says Mr. Burke, "are their advan- 
tages." This is coming to the point: and it is not a discovery 
of the source of power, that decides the question of human hap- 
piness, but how its streams can be best distributed for the attain- 
ment of that end. After finding power to originate in the free 
and independent man, we have yet to inquire, Whether this free 
and independent man, will voluntarily submit to the restraints 
which the good of the community requires of him. If he will, 
Mr. Wilson is both practically and theoretically right; and the 
question, as to forms of government, is at rest. But his manner 
seems rather too dogmatical, considering that he is the advocate 
of a system, which, however plausible in theory, has experience 
against it: and when he compliments us Pennsylvanians, for our 
love " of liberty and /ati?," he must certainly have adopted the 
maxim of laudando admonere, since neither in the attack of his 
own house, nor in our two more recent insurrections, is this dis- 
tinguished love of law to be recognised. There appears to me, 
therefore, more propriety and wisdom in speaking of our institu- 
tions, as experiments, whose failure may be deemed the general 
misfortune of mankind, as is done by Mr. Hamilton, in his Fe- 
deralist, than in treating those with disrespect and asperity, who 
have laboured to support other principles of government, — prin- 
cipless too, which seem absolutely essential to order, in the na- 
tion of which they were subjects. That we possess advantages, 
which are not to be found in the old world, I have no difficulty 
in believing; but in an estimate of our comparative superiority, 
it is but fair to abstract from our polity the benefits derived from 
our state of society and population. Instead, then of engaging 
in scholastic disputations and wars of extermination about ])oliti- 
cal modes of faith, let us be content with performing our duties 



RELFECTIONS. 405 

to the system we have established for ourselves: and, in the 
writings of this very'Mr. Burke, heretic and apostate though he 
be, a most excellent lesson may be found for our purpose. It is 
in his Appeal to the Old Whigs, page 82, of the New York edi- 
tion. The passage struck me, as containing reasoning, at once 
new, moral and refined ; but I have since found it to be merely 
a dilatation of the quatrain of Gui du Fur de Pibrac, in words, 
which are evidently the text of Mr. Burke's most beautiful com- 
mentary. 

Aimc I'etat, tel que tu le vois etre : 

S'il royal aime la royaute; 

S'il ne Test point, s'il est communaute 

Aime le aussi, quand dicu t'y a fait naitre.* 

Still if the sentiment be thought too indulgent to legitimate 
monarchy,! (and nothing royal is to be endured, it seems, unless 
proceeding from fraud, usurpation and violence) I say with Mr. 
Wilson, that democracy is the best of all possible governments — 
if the people are not v>aniing to themselves. But, that we have 
been latterly a good deal wanting to ourselves, I must be per- 
mitted to believe ; and also to think with Mr. Hillhouse, that in 
the present corrupted state of our morals, what has been absurdly 
termed a strong executive, and thought our best security, has be- 
come our greatest bane — that the splendour of chief-magistracy 
we must not look to have; but, in its stead, an unostentatious, 
ephemeral head, begotten by chance, and dying while yet in in- 
fancy — literally coming up and cut. down like a flower. The 
attributes of royalty, neither become us, nor are good for us. 

* It may thus be translated : Love the state to which you belong, such as you 
find it to be: if, of the royal kind, love and be loyal to it: if, on the contrary, it 
be a commonwealth, equally love and be faithful to it, since Heaven has made it 
the place of your nativity. 

t This remark anticipated the great question, since made, between legitimacy 
and usurpation. A shape imparted to politics about the time of the battle of 
Waterloo, in 1815, and not adverted to in discussion, until after that event. Re- 
publicanism having been fairly renounced by the French Revolutionists, tlie only 
ground left for them, was the vindication of new monarchy in opposition to the 
old, of upstarts supported by human slaughter, termed glory, in opposition to the 
civil arts, of industry and commerce, fostered by tlic influences of religion and 
peace. A state of things vainly stigmatized as indicative of imbecility and na- 
tional degradation. 



406 REFLECTIONS. 

They sink our great men into very little ones, or only, " agcjran- 
dize them into baseness." To give any chance therefore for the 
operations of patriotism, we must smother that obtrusive thing 
called self ; and by taking away, or rendering power uncertain 
and fugitive, we must, with pious humility, endeavour to de- 
liver ourselves from temptation, 

I am aware of the ollence which may be given by these ob- 
servations; but I will not now begin to cajole, when I have 
foregone beyond redemption, what might once have been gained 
by it. Having spoken truth so long, I will persevere to the end ; 
nor, though fully admitting that by a virtuous use of the govern- 
ment we possess, we may become the most happy people upon 
earth, am I at all disposed to conceal, that by the nefarious po- 
licy in fashion, we are in a fair way of rendering ourselves the 
most miserable. One of its fundamental maxims, and, to all 
appearance, its most favourite one, is, that Britian must be de- 
stroyed, A power which is evidently the world's last hope 
against the desolating scene of universal slavery,* A country 
too, which in the language of a native American, who tells us, 
he had entertained the common prejudices against her, presents 
" the most beautiful and perfect model of public and private 
prosperity, the most magnificent and at the same time, most 
solid fabric of social happiness and national grandeur. And yet 
all this is to be demolished, because some thirty years ago,f we 
were engaged with her in a contest, which, so far as indepen- 
dence is implicated, appears now to have been a truly ' unpro- 
fitable one.' But God forbid that the long-lived malice of Mr. 
Jefferson, should be gratified ! And the deprecation is equally 
extended to his successor, should he unhappily harbour the same 
pitiable rancour. If these gentlemen, during the war, have had 
their nerves too rudely shocked by the invader, to be able to 
recover their propriety, or to adhere to the assurance given in 

* If there is any thing degrading in tliis sentiment, wc may tliank ourselves for 
affording ground for it. For it is absurd to talk of fighting, where empty trea- 
suries are preferred to full ones, where cowardice has been inculcated both by 
maxims, and devices, and where the people have been taught to believe, that taxa- 
tion is op])ression, 

+ It will be recollected that these Memoirs were first printed in the year 
1811.— Ed, 



REFLECTIONS. 407 

the Declaration of Independence, of considering the English as 
"friends in peace, and only enemies in war," they ought to re- 
flect, that it is not strictly patriotic, to risk the ruin of their 
country, to obtain revenge. Or, if they are only unluckily com- 
mitted, through a prodigality of stipulation, for the sake of dear 
Louisiana — God send them a good deliverance, or at least their 
country a happy riddance, both of the vender and vendees. 

That England has long been, and still is fighting the battle of 
the civilized world, I hold it to be an incontrovertible truth.* 
The observation I know to be trite, but I am not a servile fol- 
lower in the use of it. So long ago as the year 1797, I was the 
author of the following sentiment in Mr. Fenno's Gazette. "As 
to Great Britian, with all her errors and vices, and little perhaps 
as America may owe her, considering the situation in which she 
has been fortuitously placed by the dreadful convulsions of Eu- 
rope, so far from wishing her downfall, I consider her preserva- 
tion as of real importance to mankind ; and have long looked 
upon her as the barrier betwixt the world and anarchy." f The 

* The reader must still bear in mind the period at which this was written. 
Napoleon, " the Conquercr of Nations," occupied the throne of France, and was 
waging his yet successful war against the dynasties of "out-worn Europe." 
England was not fighting the "battle of the civilized world;" she was fighting 
for its mastery. During all the early part of that contest down, at least, to the 
treaty of tilsit, she was upholding the cause of despotism; and if she afterwards 
became involved in a struggle for self-preservation, it was owing in no inconsi- 
derable degree to her own ambition. She has carried her encroachments into 
every quarter of the world; and, magnificent as is her now culminating power, 
and imposing the reputation and achievements of her statesmen, literati and war. 
riors, the spectacle is marred by the consideration that injustice and outrage have 
contributed to place her on the lofty eminence which she occupies. Arrogance 
and oppression have every where marked Iier course. No barrier that force or 
genius could overthrow, has been permitted to stand between her interests, real 
or imaginary, and the rights and liberties of nations. In the East, province after 
province has been annexed to her possessions, and even the Celestial Empire has 
lately yielded to her aggressions. In her passion for aggrandizement and domi- 
nion, she has reared an empire upon wliich the sun never sets ; and an American 
may be pardoned some complacency in the reflection, that this nation, haughty, 
rapacious, and powerful as she is, received her first material check from the hands 
of the Fathers of this Republic. — Ed. 

t This passage is in an article in the Gazette of tlie United States of November 
10th, 1797, signed "A Country Subscriber," and is the conclusion of a slight spar- 
ring with Mr. Cobbett, which gentleman, by the bye, has given a notable in- 



408 REFLECTIONS. 

sentiment was then in me an original conception, I had never 
heard it before, if ever it had been uttered. It has unceasingly 
been among my strongest convictions, with the modification, 
that she is now our protection from despotism ; and it is there- 
fore natural, that I should be gratified by the very able and 
valuable pamphlet which Mr. Walsh has presented to his coun- 
try.* It is to be wished it may be read as well as the other 
writings he is submitting to us, with candour and a proper feel- 
ing for the general interest, not merely of this nation, but of 
mankind. In contemplating the enormities of the time, it is re- 
markable, that we can only find matter for illustration, in the 
poets who flourished amid the confusions which prevailed in the 
decline of the Roman empire. Thus, Mr. Walsh has frequent 
recourse to Claudian, whose poem in Rufinum very forcibly de- 
stance of his candour in his Selections from Porcvpine^s Gazette, publishing 
herein my attack and his answer to it, but wholly suppressing this rejoinder. 

* " A Letter on the Genius and Dispositions of the French Government,' 
published in 1810. 

Jeffrey, in his review of Mr. Walsh's " Appeal from the Judgments of Great 
Britain respecting the United States of America,''^ mentions this pamphlet in 
cordial terms of praise, — he styles it " a work of great merit, which attracted 
much notice, both in Great Britain and America." * * * " The author, in a 
strain of great eloquence and powerful reasoning, exhorts his country to make 
common cause with England in the great struggle in which slie was then en- 
gaged with the giant power of Bonaparte, and points out the many circumstances 
in the character and condition of the two countries that invited them to a cordial 
alliance." Witliin two years, however, after the publication of this eloquent 
exhortation to an "alliance," the overweening insolence, and wanton outrngcs of 
England upon tlie rights of American citizens, forced the country, all unprepared 
as she was, into the Madisonian War ! Tiiat struggle taught our haughty and 
hereditary foe, that she could not always expect to be invincible, and tlic recollec- 
tion of its early disasters and subsequent triumphs will nerve the American heart 
for future trials, if, unhappily, they should become necessary for the preservation 
of the national integrity and honour; and for tlie advancement of the principles 
which are identified with the American name. Tiie question concerning Oregon 
— prematurely agitated by tlie party President of the day, may yet, perchance, 
afford cause for rapture, leaving still unsettled this absorbing question of the times, 
and serving to revive tlie slumbering animosity which mutual interests have al- 
layed but not eradicated. For tlie honour of human nature, and in deference to 
the peaceful spirit and tendencies of tlie age, it is to be hoped that a resort to bar- 
barous usage in tiic settlement of tiiis great dispute, may be avoided ; but the 
pretensions of England arc put forth with characteristic disregard of justice ; 
and tiicsc prctcnsionr it concerns the national honour strenuously to resist. — En. 



REFLECTIONS. 409 

picts the dark atrocities of a ferocious and despotic usurpation, 
which, though acted on an infinitely smaller theatre than that of 
the present day, had those dismaying appearances which so over- 
power and confound the mind, as to perplex it, even with doubts 
of an overruling Providence.* 

I have dipped deeper into politics than I intended, or conceived 
would be necessary at my outset: but without an obvious de- 
parture from the declared design of my work, and a dereliction of 
the sacred duty which every annalist owes to the world, the sub- 
ject, however trite and unpleasant, could not be avoided ; and 
much as I dwell upon it, it yet forms but a very imperfect sketch 
of our public transactions. It has relieved me, however, from a 
detail of my own personal concerns, which being made up of the 
common occurrences of still life, chequered as usual with good 
and with evil, it would be highly arrogant in me to suppose could 
be in any degree worthy of the public attention. I shall only 
advert to them, therefore, for the single purpose of mentioning, 
that my mother, who has acted no inconsiderable part in my nar- 
rative, finished, under my roof, a long and well spent life, pro- 
tracted to her seventy-eighth year, on the 23d of January, 1807. 
Her excellent constitution sunk under the republican havoc on her 
family : her first symptom of decay followed close upon it ; and 
she fell a martyr, in all probability, to the ever memorable triumph 
of what has been impiously called. The triumph of good princi- 
ples. Perhaps, however, she had lived long enough. 

Of the part I have acted in this turbulent scene, the reader is 
truly informed. Whether it was wise or unwise, I will take upon 
me to say, it was conscientious and disinterested. Yet it certainly 
makes but a very sorry figure at an era so distinguished for rapid 
acquisitions of fortune and dignity. T^o have commanded a com- 
pany in the Continental army at the age of three and twenty, and 
not to have advanced an inch in the glorious career of personal 
aggrandizement, makes good, I think, my promise of negative 
instruction ; and I must he as very a wretch in the eyes of the 

* Thus expressed in the opening of the poem ; 

Soepe niihi dubiam traxit sententia mentem 
Curarent Superi terras, an nullus inesset 
Rector, et incerto fluerent mortalia casui 

35 



410 REFLECTIONS. 

aspiring, as was the unambitious Richard Cromwell in those of the 
Prince of Conti — Why even the imperial Napoleon himself had 
scarcely a fairer prospect, when making his debut as an artillerist 
before the walls of Toulon. 

Then, " what a rogue and pleasant slave am I !" 

Nevertheless, with respect to the glory acquired by what may be 
termed civic accomplishments^ I have some ragged pride in making 
it known, that my insignificance, is not so much owing to an ab- 
solute ignorance of the game, as to a want of the nerve that is 
necessary for playing it to advantage. Though unambitious of 
philosophic fame, I have no desire to pass for a simpleton ; and 
therefore wish it to be understood, that I am not to learn, that this 
revolution business and republicanism, with whatever purity begun, 
has nearly issued in a scramble, in which all morality and even 
decency being thrown aside, he is the cleverest fellow, that, by 
trick or violence can emerge the fullest handed. I regret that I 
am obliged to say so. I would much rather be the encomiast 
th^n the satirist of my country, which I have no doubt contains so 
ample a portion of manly sentiment, as, under better auspices, to 
entitle it to a lofty strain of panegyric. 

But it will be said I am a party-man; and as all party-men are 
prejudiced, these censures must go for nothing. I am indeed a 
party-man, as I conceive there is a right and wrong in politics as 
in other things : I freely admit it too that I am prejudiced, to a 
great degree ; but all my prejudices, I trust, are in favour of 
honesty and fair dealing, and where these appear, no one has 
more toleration for error. This is an indulgence I may have need 
of myself; but I reflect with satisfaction, that among my faults, 
I have no act of deceit, injustice or oppression, (for I have some- 
times had a little power) to reproach myself with ; and this I say 
without fear of contradiction. I have some reliance too that those 
who know me, even of the opposite political party, will give me 
credit for general good intention, and openness of character; and 
this granted, I ask no quarter for my sentiments. If they are 
erroneous and unfounded, let them be scouted and exposed ; I 



REFLECTIONS. 411 

shall be among the first to condemn them if persuaded of their 
falsity. 

And I here recognise with suitable feelings, the liberal and un- 
sought patronage to this undertaking, from many of my neigh- 
bours and townsmen, with whose political conduct and opinions, 
mine have generally been in collision. If I have been less ac- 
commodating to their sentiments, than I could have wished, they 
will read my apology in the tenor of my performance, which does 
not merely purport to speak wdth plainness, but manifests, I pre- 
sume, that it has done so in reality, without respect to parties or 
to persons. I have occasionally, I am sensible, expressed myself 
with some asperity ; with more, perhaps, than may be thought 
congenial to the nature of my work ; but this must be attributed 
to my awful impression of the dangers which surround us, and a 
solemn apprehension, that all the advantages of our situation are 
about to be sacrificed to a profligate rage for place and party 
supremacy. 



412 CONCLUSION. 



CONCLUSION. 

Thus, uncalled for, have I ventured upon a pretty full account, 
both of my life, and my opinions. Of the value of either, it is not 
for me to judge ; but as it was my lot to enter upon manhood 
just at the commencement of the Revolution, and to be a witness 
of its progress, its consummation, and its consequences, it ap- 
peared to me, that the period, if justly delineated, could not be 
altogether destitute of instruction: I have endeavoured to depict 
it truly; and, I trust, I have done so, in regard at least to the 
phases presented to my vision. The facts I have related, I have 
either witnessed myself, or received on such authority, as leaves 
with me little doubt of their correctness; and my inferences, 
though sometimes harsh, are always the result of the most 
deliberate and candid reflection : Whatever therefore, may be 
the errors of my book, they are not those of wilful misrepre- 
sentation. 



Ample* matter has occurred, since the publication of these 
Memoirs, not only to justify the free remarks therein made on 
the conduct and character of our democratic leaders, but to war- 
rant shafts of moral indignation against their subsequent acts, 
keen as were ever hurled from the pen of a Juvenal. But, 
politics are at no time a pleasant topic, and their discussion 
must necessarily embrace newspaper common-places a hundred 

* The observations that follow were found in the handwriting of the author 
upon the last page of his private copy of the " Memoirs." It is proper that they 
should be added here, as they arc explanatory of his motives, and, were no doubt, 
iutended for tjie position in which they are now placed. — Ed. 



CONCLUSION-. 413 

times repeated. For these reasons, and the additional one, that 
the registry of recent facts, is not the object of the writer, he 
spares himself the disagreeable task of tracing the undignified, 
pettifogging, mischievous course of the Madisonian policy. He 
cannot but felicitate himself, however, upon his good fortune in 
meetinsj with the letters of General Washington* servinsf as 
they' do, to confirm many of his statements which were received 
with more than distrust,! perhaps, and thought to proceed either 
from a misanthropic temper, too hasty observation, or specu- 
lative notions of human virtue, graduated on too high a scale, 
and thence engendering a disposition to censure unnecessarily. 
As to his political opinions and remarks, he will only say in an- 
ticipation of comments, which may probably be made, that how- 
ever shocking they may be to many honest, well-meaning, re- 
publicans, and however they may tinge with diabolical gall, the 
pancreatic juices of that other description of patriots, wliich no 
term can aptly designate but that of Jacobins, he feels pride no 
less than confidence in avowing them. Whatever may be their 
reception at the present day, he has not the smallest doubt of 
their entire orthodoxy in time to come, when the general in- 
terests of mankind, not those of a party, when history, not fac- 
tion, shall decide. 

" With respect to the freedom taken with private characters, 
it was at one time my intention, from knowing it to be the de- 
sire of some of my best friends, to expunge such passages as 
might, in any degree, give pain to the descendants or connexions 
of the persons mentioned. But, on reflecting that each of these 
friends would be as tenacious in retaining some, as in suppress- 
ing others of the passages; that by suppressing them all, I should 
reduce the work to a miserable piece of baldness and stupidity, 
and that by diminishing, I should, in regard to those who were 
suffered to remain, evince a premeditation that would afford 
new cause of offence, — that, moreover, as I have not presumed 
to meddle with what constitutes the real value of character, but, 
have merely glanced, at singularities and deficiencies of the 

* Since included in the Writings of WASHivGTo>f, edited by Mr. Sparks. — Ed. 
t In 1811, upon the first publication of the Memoirs. — Ed. 

35* 



414 CONCLUSION. 

lighter kind, neither inconsistent with uprightness nor benevo- 
lence, and that in these respects, I have made as free with my 
own family as that of others, I have, at length, come to the 
conclusion, that it will be best and most discreet, to abide by 
my first indiscretion. 

" It is unnecessary to pursue the topic ; but a curious discus- 
sion of it may be found in a discourse of M. Boileau prefixed 
to his satires, in which he undertakes to justify his own freedom 
by the examples of the ancients, particularly of Horace and of 
Persius; from whom, to be sure, he gives instances, that would, 
by no means, comport with the correctness of modern manners. 
It would appear, however, that somewhat of this questionable 
license is essential to the relish of that description of composi- 
tion, termed Memoirs. ' To entertain readers,' says Dr. Zim- 
merman, 'is, in my opinion, only to deliver freely in writing, 
that which in the general intercourse of society, it is impossible 
to say either with safety or politeness.' May it not be this, 
which renders so agreeable, the apparently unimportant garru- 
lity of Montaigne ? Upon the whole, if he has sometimes been 
querulous, it has been through the fear of trusting himself to the 
vehemence of his feelings, which is apt to hurry him beyond 
bounds, when he sees turpitude triumphant. He is not formed 
for a miserable, passive, victim of injustice, however gilded by 
high authority ; and no man, however exalted his station, has yet 
presumed, or ever shall presume, to treat him as such, without 
:fceling his resistance, and the keenest shafts of his resentment." 



APPENDIX. 



APPENDIX. 



417 



APPENDIX. 



A. 

PAGE 23. — Note. 

ALEXANDER GRAYDON, ESQ. 

The following is copied from papers filed in the office of the 
Secretary of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania : 

Alexander Graydon recommended to be a field-officer on 

A LIST OF recommendations. 

ALEXANDER GRAYDON TO RICHARD PETERS. 

April 30th, 1758. 
Dear Sir — 

I yesterday received a letter from Richard Walker, Esq.* 
dated, the 27th inst. in which he informs me, that he has been 
prevailed on to enter his name in the list of officers, to command 
the new corps for this province, and that he has ventured to set 
my name down also, conjuring me at the same time, in a very 
friendly and affectionate manner, not to decline the service at 
this time. He farther desires I would communicate my answer 
to you without delay. 

I have a very great esteem for Mr. Walker, and believe he 
■will make an excellent officer. I am sure, that he will act upon 
principles that few soldiers do. I sincerely wish I could ac- 
company him. I have employed the few hours between the 
receipt of his letter, and my present writing, in balancing the 
matter within my breast, and considering the position in which 
I find myself as to my affairs here, and the occasion so pressing, 

* This Mr. Walker is marked on the list as having been recommended by Mr. 
Allen and Mr. Growdon. 



418 APPENDIX. 

it would be impossible to put my affairs in order, to accept such 
an employment. I have come, therefore, to the result, not to 
stand in the way of better men. 

I was surprised never to have had the least intimation, from 
any of my friends, before Mr. Walker's letter, of there being any 
thoughts entertained of me. I have never been able to learn what 
officers are intended to be made; into what order the troops are to 
be disposed ; or in short, any measures about this whole matter. 
Perhaps there was reason for keeping all secret. But I am of 
opinion, that had all the measures relative to raising these troops, 
been properly planned and published, as in some of our neigh- 
bouring provinces has been the case, the service would have 
been greatly forwarded. But I write to you as a friend, not a 
secretary. In short, there is little encouragement for any to 
enter into the service of this province, unless they can support 
themselves with the reflection, that virtue is its own reward. 
I am, dear sir, 

your affectionate friend, and 

« humble servant 

ALEXANDER GRAYDON. 



B. 

PAGE 42. 

DR. LAUCHLAN MACLEANE, 

A name, which, from its subsequent association with the ques- 
tion of the authorship of Junius, has acquired considerable pos- 
thumous, celebrity. Prior, in his excellent Life of Goldsmith, 
published in 1837, thus writes in reference to Dr. Macleane : 

" A fellow student named Kennedy, under the plea of great 
distress and a pledge of the speedy arrival of his own remit- 
tances, persuaded Goldsmith to become answerable for a portion 
of his debts, which, however, failed to be discharged at the 



APPENDIX. 419 

specified time promised by the debtor. Goldsmith was, in con- 
sequence, called upon for payment, but being unable to raise 
the amount, was, in turn, obliged to have recourse to the assist- 
ance of two fellow-students to escape a dilemma that threatened 
his personrd liberty. These were rnen of considerable attain- 
ments, and not undistinguished in their respective spheres of life. 
One was Dr. Joseph I'enn Sleigh, an amiable and intelligent 
Quaker, the school-fellow of Burke, at Ballitoro, the first friend of 
Barry the painter, and who died prematurely in 1771, an eminent 
physician in Cork. The other was Dr. Lauchlan Macleane, a 
former associate in Trinity College, whose career seems to have 
embraced many changes of scene, and who afterwards by the 
public situations he held, the pamphlets he WTOte, a challenge 
sent to Wilkes and not accepted, and the party with which he 
was connected, drew considerable notice in the political circles 
of London between the years 17G.5 and 1776. 

"The son of a gentleman of small fortune in the North of Ire- 
land, and born about the year 1728, he was transferred, at the 
age of eighteen, from a school near Belfast, to Trinity College, 
Dublin. Here he became known to Burke and Goldsmith, and 
proceeding to Edinburgh to study physic, his name appears in 
the list of the Medical Society, .January 4th, 1754, a year after 
that of Goldsmith, by whom he was introduced. He afterwards 
visited America — whether at first as a private practiiioner, or 
medical officer in the army, does not appear; probably, as was 
then not unusual, officiating in both capacities. While in this 
country he acquired great medical rcputaiion; followed by its 
common attendant, envy, from the less fortunate of his brethren; 
and an anecdote is told of him at this time, which Alrnon quotes 
in one of his publications, as an jnstance of what he terms 'true 
magnanimity.' A rival practitioner, extremely jealous of bis 
success, and who had adopted every means, not exceptino^ the 
most unfair, of injuring his credit, was, at length, afflicted by the 
dangerous illness of an only son; and as possessing the first cha- 
racter for professional skill, Dr. Macleane was solicited to attend. 
His zeal proved unremitting; he sat up with the patient many 
nights, and chiefly by his sagacity and indefatigable efforts suc- 
ceeded beyond expectation in restoring the young man to health ; 



420 APPENDIX. 

refusing all consideration for his labours, and saying to his friends, 
* Now am I amply revenged.' 

*'In 1761, while surgeon of Otway's regiment, quartered at 
Philadelphia, a quarrel took place with the Governor, against 
whom Macleane, who was a man of superior talents, wrote a 
paper distinguished for ability and severity, which drew general 
attention. Colonel Barre, subsequently so well known in poli- 
tical life, then serving there with his regiment and who was pro- 
bably involved in the quarrel, is said to have formed a regard 
for him in consequence of the part he took; but it is more likely 
that a previous acquaintance existed, as the Colonel had been 
likewise a member of Trinity College. Under the patronage of 
this officer he returned to England, renewed his acquaintance 
with Burke, and procured an office under government. While 
travelling on the continent, in 1766, he proved useful to Barry, 
then on his way to Italy, who became known to him through the 
introduction of his first patrons, Burke and Dr. Sleigh. Soon 
afterwards he became successively private Secretary to Lord 
Shelburne, and under Secretary of State for the Southern Depart- 
ment, retiring from office with his patron on the dissolution of 
the ministry drawn together by the Duke of Grafton. In May, 
1771, Lord North gave him the situation of superintendent of 
lazarettos, with, as the newspapers of the day state, 'a salary of 
jGlOOO a year, and — two pounds per diem travelling expenses.' 
In January following, he received the collectorship of Philadel- 
phia; this was soon exchanged for an appointment in India, 
where he subsequently became a kind of agent to Mr. Hastings. 
In that capacity he brought home the Governor General's condi- 
tional resignation of office; yet the latter, with that singularity 
which often influenced his proceedings in the government of 
India, took a speedy opportunity of disavowing both his agent 
and his act, although communicated to the Court of Directors in 
his own handwriting. In proceeding again to India, intending, 
it is said, to take strong m.easures for an explanation of beha- 
viour that seemed to throw censure upon his honesty or honour, 
the ship, in which he embarked, foundered, and all on board 
perished, with papers seriously criminatory, according to report, 
of the administration of Mr. Hastings. Dr. Macleane enjoyed 



APPENDIX. 421 

the credit of being quick, clear-headed, and well informed ; and 
by some was considered as possessing ' wonderful powers ;' an 
impediment in speech precluded him from being useful in Par- 
liament, or shining in conversation. His private character for 
benevolence and several good qualities stood high in the opinion 
of his friends." 

His claim to the credit of the authorship of Junius is not 
treated with much respect by Mr. Prior, who proves, to his own 
satisfaction at least, that they have no real foundation ; but his 
reasoning is far from conclusive. It is difficult, in this age of 
free and bold discussion, to appreciate either the depth of the 
excitement caused by the publication of these celebrated " Let- 
ters," 'or the danger to which discovery would have exposed 
their author, who was seldom free from apprehension. Every 
artifice, therefore, that would serve to divert attention from their 
real author would, naturally, be adopted by him, and the simple 
expedient of including himself in a general censure, or even the 
employment of the language of praise — would have been per- 
fectly justifiable in view of the peculiar circumstances under 
which he wrote. Recent alleged discoveries have again con- 
nected Dr. Macleane's name with the authorship of Junius — a 
secret too long and mysteriously kept to admit a hope of its 
revelation. — Ed. 



C. 

PAGE 75. 

WARREN. 

Battle of Bunker's Hill. 

The author, in a MS. note, says, " Hand it should be. I 

■wrote from recollection not having the print before me. He has 

a sword, indeed, in one hand, but not in that employed in the 

humane act. But, if General Heath is correct, the whole per- 

36 



422 APPENDIX. 

haps, is but a fiction of the painter. Healh says that Warren 
was killed merely as a spectator, at some distance from the com- 
batants." 

The scene, as represented by the picture of Trumbull, is un- 
doubtedly a poetical license. No such occurrence as is there 
described really occurred. Neither is Heath correct in his state- 
ment of the circumstances of Warren's death. General Henry 
Lee, in his Memoirs, has also fallen into several errors in regard 
to the same event, although with a nearer approximation to 
truth than Heath or several others who have written upon the 
subject. He gives, it is true, just credit to the gallant Prescott. 
He says, " Warren who fell nobly supporting the action, was the 
favourite of the day, and has engrossed the fame due to Prescott. 
Bunker's Hill too has been considered as the field of battle, when 
it is well known that it was fought upon Breed's Hill, the nearest 
of the two hills to Boston." " No man," he continues, "reveres 
the character of Warren more than the writer; and he considers 
himself not only doing justice to Colonel Prescott, but perform- 
ing an acceptable service to the memory of Warren, who, being 
a really great man, would disdain to wear laurels not his own." 

The editor of this volume is fortunate in having in his posses- 
sion, authentic and interesting data in relation to the " Battle of 
Bunker's Hill," and though the information may, by some, be 
deemed misplaced here, he will, nevertheless, risk the censure 
of the critics. The text affords an opportunity for its introduc- 
tion — and Truth, wherever she may alight, should be welcomed 
and cherished. 

To a MS. of his friend, the late estimable and Reverend Ed- 
ward G. Prescott, a grandson of Colonel Prescott of Pepperell, 
Massachusetts, commander of the American forces, on the occa- 
sion of the memorable battle, the editor is indebted for the fol- 
lowing particulars which he has abridged to the limits prescribed 
to a note, the interesting facts set forth rendering an apology for 
its length unnecessary. 

On the 16th of June, 1775, Colonel William Prescott, of Pep- 
perell, at his own especial request, received orders to march to 
Charlestown in the evening, having under his command his own 
regiment, that of Colonels Bridge and Frye, and one hundred and 



APPENDIX. 423 

twenty men from the Connecticut regiment, together with Cap- 
tain Gridley's company of artillery, and two field pieces. The 
object of this expedition which was to possess and fortify Bun- 
ker's Hill, was to be kept profoundly secret — one day's provision 
was distributed among the troops, and sufficient supplies, both 
of refreshments and men, were promised him, to be sent in the 
morning. The whole number of men under his command, 
amounted to about one thousand. Early on the evening of the 
memorable 16th of June, these few forces under the command 
of Prescott, assembled on the common at Cambridge, where a 
blessing upon their expedition was devoutly asked by the Re- 
verend President Langdon, of Harvard College. At the con- 
clusion of these services, Colonel Prescott led the way towards 
Charlestown neck, preceded by two sergeants having dark lan- 
terns open only at the rear. He was accompanied by Colonel 
Gridley, the Chief Engineer, who was to lay out the ground — by 
the late Governor Brooks, who was, at that time, a Major in 
Bridge's regiment, and by Mr. Winthrop. Upon their arrival, 
great doubt arose as to which part of the heights it was expedient 
to fortify. It has often been asserted that Breed's Hill was se- 
lected through mistake — such was not the case. Both that and 
Bunker's Hill form a continuous chain, but, at that time, the 
name of Bunker was the only one given to any part of the height. 
The remainder of it might, therefore, properly enough, have 
been considered as included in the orders under that general 
title. At all events, according to the statements of Colonel 
Prescott, and of Governor Brooks, a council was called of the 
officers, and the subject discussed until very late in the night. 

It was by them determined, that the hill now known as Breed's^ 
but then having no separate name, was the most suitable for the 
purpose, and came within the orders given to Colonel Prescott. 
The reasons for this opinion, were sufficiently evident. Bunker's 
height was too far from the enemy to annoy their shipping, or to 
give our forces any advantage over their army, while the point 
selected, was admirably adapted for both purposes. Colonel 
Prescott, accompanied by Major Brooks twice went down to the 
sea shore to reconnoitre. They could not believe that they were 
at the very gates of the enemy's stronghold, and had not been 



424 APPENDIX. 

perceived. It was, however, so. God had darkened their eyes, 
and they heard the British sentry on his rounds, uttering the de- 
ceitful hail, " all's well !" Morning, however, drew near. The 
English rnan of war, called the Lively^ first discovered our little 
band, and opened upon them volley after volley. The enemy 
were taken by surprise. High above them, they saw our forti- 
fications, commanding them in all their positions, and could 
scarcely credit their own senses, that so daring an exploit had 
been undertaken. General Gage summoned his officers to a 
council of war. All was commotion. The frigates, floating 
batteries, — the cannon and mortars on Copp's hill, were each 
aiming at our gallant countrymen — still they toiled on. There 
was but one moment of doubt, during the time they occu- 
pied that proud position. This was when the first man was 
killed. A private of the name of Pollard from Billerica was 
the^r^^ martyr ; he had ventured in front of the works, and was 
struck down by a cannon-shot. Our countrymen, unused to the 
sight of violent deaths, then hesitated. Colonel Prescotl ordered 
his burial at once. The men, headed by the chaplain, demanded 
that prayers should be said over him. They were ordered by 
the Colonel to disperse to their work, and to bury him immedi- 
ately — it was done, but some of the men left the hill, and did not 
again return to it. This circumstance depressed them at a time 
when all their energies were most needed. Their commander 
perceiving it, mounted the breast-works, and continued there in 
defiance of the shot of the enemy, giving the necessary directions, 
until again their usual spirits had returned to them. 

Meanwhile the British were not idle. Gage, with his officers 
and others in whom he had confidence, went up to Beacon Hill 
to reconnoitre; after having looked through his telescope for 
some time, he handed it to a Mr. Willard, a mandamus coun- 
sellor, and describing the leader of the American troops as head 
and shoulders above the works, asked him who it was, and if 
the rebels would fight. Willard told him, that it was his brother- 
in-law, Prescott; " as to his men," said he, " I cannot answer 
for them ; hut Colonel Prescott will fight you to the gates of HelW 
The regiments were intrusted to Colonel Prescott, and the orders 
were transmitted to him alone. Upon him rested the responsi- 



APPENDIX. 425 

bility ; and that he had the chief command, was acknowledged 
on the field by General Warren, the President of the Provincial 
Congress of Massachusetts; who took a gun and cartouch box, 
and told him that he had " come to learn service under a soldier 
of experience." Alas! that the lesson should have been so short! 
Gallant, eloquent, patriotic Warren stepped but on the field of 
battle, to be gathered into the harvest of Death ! Not obliged 
to be in the way of danger, he volunteered for the good of his 
country — and that country will never cease to repay him by a 
cherished recollection of his virtues, and an honest pride at the 
mention of his name! — Ed. 



D. 

PAGE 77. 

JOHN HANCOCK. 

A few years later than the period referred to by our author, 
Hancock is thus described by Sullivan, in his interesting and 
instructive " Familiar Letters on Public Characters :" 

" He will be considered in the history of our country, as 
one of the greatest men of his age. How true this may be, 
distant generations are not likely to know. He was the son of^ 
a clergyman in Braintree, and was educated at Harvard Col- 
lege, and inherited a very ample fortune fx'om his childless 
uncle. Hancock left no child. He had a son who died at an 
early age from an unfortunate accident. Hancock was sent as 
a delegate to Congress in 1774 ; and in consequence of his per- 
sonal deportment, and his fame as a patriot, he was elevated, 
in an assembly of eminent men, to the dignity of President, 
which office he held when the Declaration of Independence 
was signed, at which time he was only thirty-nine years of age. 

" In June, 1782, Hancock had the appearance of advanced 
age, though only forty-five. He had been repeatedly and se- 

36* 



426 APPENDIX. 

verely afflicted with the gout, a disease much more common in 
those days than it now is, while dyspepsia, if it existed at all, 
was not known by that name. As recollected, at this time, 
Mr. Hancock was nearly six feet in stature, and of slender 
person, stooping a little, and apparently enfeebled by disease. 
His manners were very gracious, of the old style of dignified 
complaisance. His face had been very handsome. Dress was 
adapted quite as much to be ornamental as useful. Gentlemen 
wore wigs when abroad, and, commonly, caps, when at home. 
At this time, (June, 1782,) about noon, Hancock was dressed in 
a red velvet cap, within which was one of fine linen. The 
latter was turned up over the lower edge of the velvet one, 
two or three inches. He wore a blue damask gow^n, lined 
with silk ; a white stock, a white satin embroidered waistcoat, 
black satin small-clothes, white silk stockings, and red morocco 
slippers. It was a general practice in genteel families, to have 
a tankard of punch made in the morning, and placed in a 
cooler when the season required it. Visiters were invited to 
partake of it. At this visit, Hancock took from the cooler, 
standing on the hearth, a full tankard, and drank first himself, 
and then ofl^ered it to those present. Hancock was hospitable. 
There might have been seen at his table, all classes, from grave 
and dignified clergymen, down to the gifted in song, narration, 
anecdote, and wit, with whom ' noiseless falls the foot of Time, 
that only treads on flowers.' There are more books, more 
reading, more thinking, and more interchange of thoughts de- 
. rived from books and conversation at present, than there were 
fifty years ago. It is to be hoped that society is wiser and 
happier than it was, from being better instructed. Some per- 
sons may be of opinion, that if social intercourse is on a better 
footing now, than formerly, it is less interesting, less cordial 
than heretofore. It is not improbable that increase of numbers 
and of wealth, tend to make the members of society more sel- 
fish ; and to stifle expansive and generous feelings. Modes of 
life run into matters of show and ornament ; and it becomes a 
serious occupation, to be able to compare condition on advan- 
tageous terms. 

" Though Hancock was very wealthy, he was too much oc- 



APPENDIX. 427 

cupied with public affairs to be advantageously attentive to his 
private. The times in which he lived, and the distinguished 
agency which fell to his lot, from his sincere and ardent devotion 
to the patriot cause, engendered a strong self-regard. He was 
said to be somewhat sensitive, easily offended, and very uneasy 
in the absence of the high consideration which he claimed, rather 
as a right, than a courtesy. He had strong personal friends, 
and equally strong personal enemies. From such causes arose 
some irritating difficulties. He had not only a commanding 
deportment, which he could qualify with a most attractive 
amenity, but a fine voice, and a highly graceful manner. These 
were traits which distinguished him from most men, and quali- 
fied him to preside in popular assemblies, with great dignity. 
He was not supposed to be a man of great intellectual force 
by nature ; and his early engagements in political life, and as the 
scenes in which he was conversant, called for the exercise of 
his powers only in the public service, he was so placed as not 
to have had occasion to display the force of his mind, in that 
service, so as to enable those of the present day to judge of it, 
excepting in his communications, as Governor of Massachusetts, 
to the Legislature. 

" If history has any proper concern with the individual 
qualities of Hancock, it may be doubtful whether, in these re- 
spects, distant generations will know exactly what manner of 
man he was. But, as a public man, his country is greatly in- 
debted to him. He was most faithfully devoted to her cause, and 
it is a high eulogy on his patriotism, that when the British 
Government offered pardon to all the rebels, for all their 
offences, Hancock and Samuel Adams were the only persons 
to whom this grace was denied." — Ed. 



428 APPENDIX. 



E. 

PAGE 99. 

REVEREND JACOB DUCHE. 

Extract from a letter from General Washington to the Presi- 
dent of Congress, dated 16th October, 1777: — 

" I yesterday, through the hands of Mrs. Ferguson, of 
Graham Park, received a letter of a very curious and extraor- 
dinary nature from Mr. Duche, w^hich I have thought proper to 
transmit to Congress. To this ridiculous, illiberal performance, 
I made a short reply, by desiring the bearer of it, if she should, 
hereafter, by any accident, meet w^ith Mr. Duche, to tell him I 
should have returned it unopened, if I had had any idea of the 
contents ; observing at the same time, that I highly disapproved 
the intercourse she seemed to have been carrying on, and 
expected it would be discontinued. Notwithstanding the 
author's assertion, I cannot but suspect that the measure did not 
originate with him ; and that he was induced to it by the hope 
of establishing his interest and peace more effectually with the 
enemy." 

" Mr. Duche had married a sister of Mr. Francis Hopkinson, 
one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence, who, 
when Duche's letter was written, was at Bordentown, as a 
member of the Continental Navy Board. A copy was for- 
warded to Mr. Hopkinson, and he wrote a letter to Mr. Duche 
on the subject, which he enclosed to General Washington, that 
it might be transmitted to him in Philadelphia through the 
regular conveyance of a flag."* 

* Sparks' Life and Writings of Washington. — Ed. 



APPENDIX. 



429 



The Editor of these Memoirs is indebted to a friend for a 
MS. copy of the celebrated letter of the Reverend Mr. Duche 
to General Washington, with corrections to conform to the 
copy revised and published by Mr. Duche himself, in the Penn- 
sylvania Ledger of the nth December, 1777. It is as follows: 

MR. DUCHE TO GENERAL WASHINGTON. 

"Philadelphia, October 8, 1777. 
" Sir, 

" If this letter should find you in council or in the field, before 
you read another sentence, I beg you to take the first oppor- 
tunity of retiring, and weighing well its important contents. 

" You are perfectly acquainted with the part I have taken in 
the present unhappy contest. I was indeed among the first to 
bear my public testimony against having any recourse to threats, 
or even indulging a thought of an armed opposition. The torrent 
soon became too strong for my feeble efforts to resist. I wished 
to follow my countrymen, as far only, as virtue and the 
righteousness of their cause would permit me. I was, however, 
prevailed upon, among the rest of my clerical brethren, to gratify 
the pressing desire of my fellow-citizens, by preaching a sermon 
to one of the city battalions. I was pressed to publish this ser- 
mon, and reluctantly consented. From a personal attachment 
of near twenty years' standing, and a high respect for your 
character, in private as well as in public life, I took the liberty 
of dedicating it to you. I had your affectionate thanks for my 
performance, in a letter wherein you express, in the most deli- 
cate and obliging terms, your regard for me, and your wishes 
of a continuance of my friendship and approbation of your 
conduct. 

"Farther than this I intended not to proceed. My sermon 
speaks for itself, and utterly disclaims the idea of independency. 
My sentiments were well known to my friends. I communicated 
them without reserve, to many respectable members of Con- 
gress, who expressed a warm approbation of them. I persisted 
to the very last moment in using the Prayers for my Sovereign 



430 APPENDIX. 

and Royal Family, though threatened with insult from the vio- 
lence of a party. 

" Upon the Declaration of Independency I called my vestry 
and solemnly put the question to them, whether they thought it 
best, for the peace and welfare of the congregations, to shut up 
the churches, or to continue the service without using the 
prayers for the royal family. This was the sad alternative. I 
concluded to abide by their decision, as I could not have time 
to consult my spiritual superiors in England. They determined 
it most expedient, under such critical circumstances, to keep 
open the churches, that the congregations might not be dis- 
persed, which we had great reason to apprehend. 

" A very few days after the fatal Declaration of Independence, 
I received a letter from Mr. Hancock, sent by express to Ger- 
mantown, where my family were for the summer season, ac- 
quainting me that I was appointed Chaplain to the Congress, 
and desired to attend them at nine o'clock the next morning. 
Surprised and distressed by an event I was not prepared to ex- 
pect — obliged to give an immediate answer, without the oppor- 
tunity of consulting my friends, I rashly accepted the appoint- 
ment. I could have but one motive for taking this step. I 
thought the churches in danger, and hoped by these means to 
have been instrumental in preventing those ills I had so much 
reason to apprehend. I can, however, with truth declare, that 
I then looked upon independency rather as an expedient, and a 
hazardous one indeed, thrown out in terrorem, in order to pro- 
cure some favourable terms, than a measure that was to be 
seriously persisted in at all events. My sudden change of con- 
duct will clearly evince this to have been my idea of the matter. 

" Upon the return of the Committee of Congress, appointed to 
confer with Lord Howe, I soon discovered their real intentions. 
The different accounts which each member of the committee 
gave of this conference, the time they took to make up the 
matter for public view, and the amazing disagreement betwixt 
the newspaper accounts and the relation I myself had from the 
mouth of 6ne of the committee, convinced me that there must 
have been some unfair and ungenerous procedure. Their de- 
termination to treat on no other ground than that of indepen- 



APPENDIX. 431 

dency, which put it out of his lordship's power to mention any 
terms at all, was a sufficient proof to me that independency was 
the idol they had long wished to set up, and that rather than 
sacrifice this, they would deluge this country in blood. 

" From this moment I determined upon my resignation, and 
in the beginning of October, 1776, sent it in form to Mr. Han- 
cock, after having officiated only two months and three weeks ; 
and from that time, as far as my safety would permit, I have 
been opposed to all their measures. This circumstantial account 
of my conduct, I think due to the friendship you were so oblig- 
ing as to express for me, and I hope will be sufficient to justify 
any seeming inconsistencies in the part I have acted. 

" And now, dear Sir, suffer me in the language of truth and 
real affection to address myself to you. All the world must be 
convinced that you are engaged in the service of your country 
from motives perfectly disinterested. You risked every thing 
that was dear to you. You abandoned all those sweets of do- 
mestic life of which your affluent fortune gave you the uninter- 
rupted enjoyment. But had you ? could you have had the least 
idea of matters being carried to such a dangerous extremity as 
they are now 1 Your most intimate friends at that time shud- 
dered at the thoughts of a separation from the mother country; 
and I took it for granted that your sentiments coincided with 
theirs. What have been the consequences of this rash and 
violent measure 1 A degeneracy of representation — confusion 
of counsels — blunders without number. The most respectable 
characters have withdrawn themselves, and are succeeded by 
a great majority of illiberal and violent men. 

" Take an impartial view of the present Congress, and what 
can you expect from them ? Your feelings must be greatly 
hurt by the representation from your native province. You 
have no longer a Randolph, a Bland, or a Braxton ; men whose 
names will ever be revered, whose demands never arose above 
the first ground on vi'hich they set out, and whose truly generous 
and virtuous sentiments I have frequently heard with rapture 
from their own lips. O my dear Sir, what a sad contrast ! 
Characters now present themselves whose minds can never 
mingle with your own. Your Harrison alone remains, and he 



432 



APPENDIX. 



disgusted with his unworthy associates. As to those of my 
own province, some of them are so obscure that their very 
names never met my ears before, and others have only been dis- 
tinguished for the weakness of their understandings and the vio- 
lence of their tempers. One alone I except from the general 
charge. A man of virtue dragged reluctantly into their mea- 
sures, and restrained by some false ideas of honour from re- 
tracting, after having gone too far. You cannot be at a loss to 
discover whose name answers to this character. 

" From the New England Provinces can you find one that 
as a gentleman you could wish to associate with? unless the 
soft and mild address of Mr. Hancock can atone for his want 
of every other qualification necessary for the station he fills. 
Bankrupts, attorneys, and men of desperate fortunes are his 
colleagues. 

"Maryland no longer sends a Tilghman and a Protestant 
Carroll. Carolina has lost its Lynch, and the elder Middleton 
has retired. 

•' Are the dregs of a Congress then still to influence a mind 
like yours? These are not the men you engaged to serve. 
These are not the men that America has chosen to represent 
her now\ Most of them were elected by a little low faction, 
and the few gentlemen that are among them, now well known 
to be upon the balance, and looking up to your hand alone to 
move the beam. 'Tis you, Sir, and you alone that supports 
the present Congress. Of this you must be fully sensible. Long 
before they left Philadelphia, their dignity and consequence 
was gone. What must it be now, since their precipitate re- 
treat? I write with freedom, but without invective. I know 
these things to be true. I write to one whose own observation 
must have convinced him that they are so. 

*' After this view of Congress, turn to your army. The whole 
world knows that its very existence depends upon you, that 
your death or captivity disperses it in a moment, and that there 
is not a man on that side of the question in America, capable 
of succeeding you. As to the army itself, what have you to 
expect from them ? Have they not frequently abandoned even 
yourself in the hour of extremity ? Have you, can you have, 



APPENDIX. 



433 



the least confidence in a set of undisciplined men and officers, 
many of whom have been taken from the lowest of the people, 
without principle and without courage. Take away those that 
surround your person, how few are there that you can ask to 
sit at your table 1 

" Turn to your little navy — of that little, what is left ? Of the 
Delaware fleet, part are taken, the rest must soon surrender. 
Of those in the other Provinces, some taken, one or two at sea^ 
and others lying unmanned and unrigged in their harbours. 

"And now where are your resources? O, my dear Sir! how 
sadly have you been abused by a faction void of truth and void 
of tenderness to you and your country ! They have amused you 
with hopes of a declaration of war on the part of France. Be- 
lieve me from the best authority, it was a fiction from the first. 
Early in the year 1776, a French gentleman was introduced to 
me, with whom I became intimately acquainted. His business, 
to all appearance, was to speculate in the mercantile way. But 
I believe it will be known that in his own country he moved in 
a higher sphere. He saw your camp. He became acquainted 
with all your military preparations. He was introduced to 
Congress, and engaged with them in a mercantile contract. 
In the course of our intimacy he has frequently told me he 
hoped the Americans never would think of independency. He 
gave me his reasons : ' Independency,' said he, ' can never be 
supported unless France should declare war against England. 
I well know the state of her finances; years to come will not 
put them in a situation to venture upon a breach with England. 
At this moment there are two parties in the Court of Versailles, 
one enlisted under the Due de Choiseul, the other under Count 
Maurepas. Choiseul has no chance of succeeding. He is 
violent for war. Maurepas must get the better. He is for 
economy and peace.' This was his information which I men- 
tioned to several members of Congress. They treated it as a 
fable, depending entirely on Dr. Franklin's intelligence. The 
truth of the matter is this : Dr. Franklin built upon the success 
of Choiseul. Upon his arrival in France, he found him out of 
place, his counsels reprobated, and his party dwindled to an 
insignificant faction. This you may depend upon to be the 
37 



434 APPENDIX. 

true state of the Court of France. And further, by vast 
numbers of letters found on board prizes taken by the King's 
ships, it appears that all commerce with the merchants of 
France, through whom alone your supplies have been con- 
veyed, will soon be at an end, the letters being full of complaints 
of no remittances from America, and many individuals having 
greatly suffered. 

" From your friends in England, you have nothing to expect. 
Their numbers are diminished to a cipher. The spirit of the 
whole nation is in full activit}^ against you. A few sounding 
names among the nobility, though perpetually rung in your ears, 
are said to be without character, without influence. Disappointed 
ambition, I am told, has made them desperate, and they only wish 
to make the deluded Americans instruments of their revenge. 
All orders and ranks of men in Great Britain, are now unani- 
mous, and determined to risk their all on the contest. Trade 
and manufactures are found to flourish ; and new channels are 
continually opening, that will, perhaps, more than supply the old. 
In a word, your harbours are blocked up, your cities fall one 
after another, fortress after fortress, battle after battle is lost. A 
British armv, after having passed almost unmolested through a 
vast extent of country, have possessed themselves with ease of 
the Capital of America. How unequal the contest now ! How 
fruitless the expense of blood ! 

"Under so many discouraging circumstances, can virtue, can 
honour, can the love of your country prompt you to persevere. 
Humanity itself (and sure I am humanity is no stranger to your 
breast) calls upon you to desist. Your army must perish for 
want of common necessaries, or thousands of innocent families 
must perish to support them. Wherever they encamp the 
country must be impoverished. Wherever they march the 
troops of Britain will pursue, and must complete the devastation 
which America herself has begun. 

"Perhaps it may be said that 'it is better to die than to be 
slaves.' This, indeed, is a splendid maxim in theory ; and, 
perhaps, in some instances, may be found experimentally true. 
But where there is the least probability of an happy accommo- 
dation, surely wisdom and humanity call for some sacrifices to 



APPENDIX. 435 

be made to prevent inevitable destruction. You well know 
that there is but one invincible bar to such an accommodation; 
could this be removed other obstacles might readily be over- 
come. 'Tis to you, and you alone, your bleeding country 
looks, and calls aloud for this sacrifice. Your arm alone has 
strength sufficient to remove this bar. May Heaven inspire 
you with the glorious resolution of exerting this strength at so 
interesting a crisis, and thus immortalizing yourself as friend 
and guardian of your country. 

" Your penetrating eye needs not more explicit language to 
discern mv meaning. With that prudence and delicacy, there- 
fore, of which I know you to be possessed, represent to Con- 
gress the indispensable necessity of rescinding the hasty and 
ill-advised Declaration of Independency. Recommend, and 
you have an undoubted right to recommend, an immediate 
cessation of hostilities. Let the controversy be taken up where 
that Declaration left it, and where Lord Howe certainly ex- 
pected to find it. Let men of clear and impartial characters, 
in or out of Congress, liberal in their sentiments, heretofore 
independent in their fortunes (and some such may surely be 
found in America), be appointed to confer with His Majesty's 
Commissioners. Let them, if they please, prepare some well- 
digested constitutional plan, to lay before them as the com- 
mencement of a negotiation. When they have gone thus far, 
I am confident that the most happy consequences will ensue. 
L^nanimity will immediately take place through the different 
Provinces. Thousands who are now ardently wishing and 
praying for such a measure, will step forth and declare them- 
selves the zealous advocates of constitutional liberty, and mil- 
lions will bless the Hero that left the field of war to decide this 
most important contest with the weapons of wisdom and 
humanity. 

"O! Sir, let no false ideas of worldly honour deter you from 
engaging in so glorious a task. Whatever censures may be 
thrown out by mean and illiberal minds, your character will 
rise in the estimation of the virtuous and noble; it will appear 
with lustre in the annals of History, and form a glorious con- 
trast to that of those who have sought to obtain conquests and 



43G APPENDIX. 

gratify their own ambition by the destruction of their species 
and the ruin of their country. 

" Be assured, Sir, that I write not this under the eye of any 
British officer, or person connected with the British army or 
ministry. The sentiments I express are the real sentiments of 
my own heart ; such as I have long held, and which I should 
have made known to you by letter before, had I not fully ex- 
pected an opportunity of a private conference. When you 
passed through Philadelphia on your way to Wilmington, I w^as 
confined by a severe fit of the gravel to my chamber. I have 
since continued so much indisposed, and times have been so very 
distressing, that I had neither spirit to write a letter, nor oppor- 
tunity to convey it when written. Nor do I yet know by what 
means I shall get these sheets to your hand. 

" I would fain hope that I have said nothing by which your 
delicacy can be in the least hurt. If I have, I assure you, it 
has been without the least intention; and, therefore, your can- 
dour will lead you to forgive me. I have spoken freely of 
Congress and of the Army. But what I have said, is partly 
from my own knowledge, and partly from the information of 
some respectable members of the former, and some of the best 
officers in the latter. I would not ofiend the meanest person 
upon earth. What I say to you I say in confidence, and to 
answer what I cannot but deem a most valuable purpose. I 
love my country. I love you. But to the love of truth, the 
love of peace, and the love of God, I hope I should be enabled, 
if called to the trial, to sacrifice every other inferior love. 

" If the arguments made use of in this letter, should have so 
much influence as to engage you in the glorious work which I 
have so warmly recommended, I shall ever deem my success 
as the highest temporal favour that Providence could grant me. 
Your interposition and advice I am confident would meet with 
a favourable reception from the authority under which you act. 
If it should not, you have an infallible resource still left. Nego- 
tiate for AiMEPacA at the head of your Army. 

"After all it may appear presumption in an individual to ad- 
dress himself to you on a subject of such magnitude, or to say 
what measures would best secure the interest and welfare of a 



APPENDIX. 437 

whole continent. The friendly and favourable opinion you have 
always expressed for me, emboldened me to undertake it, and 
(which has greatly added to the weight of this motive) I have 
been strongly impressed with a sense of duty upon the occa- 
sion, which left my conscience uneasy and my heart afflicted 
till I had fully discharged it. I am no enthusiast. The case 
is new and singular to me. But I could not enjoy a moment's 
peace, till this letter was written. With the most ardent 
prayers for your spiritual as well as temporal welfare, I am, 
Your most obedient and 

Sincere friend and servant, 

(Signed) Jacob Duche. 

His Excellency Gen. Washington. 



GENERAL WASHINGTON TO FRANCIS HOPKINSON.* 

"Head Quarters, 21 November, 1777. 
" Sir, 

"I am favoured with yours of the 14th instant, enclosing a 
letter for the Reverend Mr. Duche. I will endeavour to for- 
ward it to him, but I imagine it will never be permitted to 
reach his hands. I confess to you, that I was not more sur- 
prised than concerned at receiving so extraordinary a letter 
from Mr. Duche, of whom I had entertained the most favour- 
able opinion, and I am still willing to suppose, that it was rather 
dictated by his fears than by his real sentiments ; but I very- 
much doubt whether the great numbers of respectable charac- 
ters, in the State and Army, on whom he has bestowed the most 
unprovoked and unmerited abuse, will ever attribute it to the 
same cause, or forgive the man who has artfully endeavoured 
to engage me to sacrifice them to purchase my own safety. 

" I never intended to make the letter more public, than by 

* Sparks' Life and Writings of Washington. — Ed, 
37* 



438 APPENDIX. 

laying it before Congress. I thought this a duty, which I owed 
to myself; for, had any accident happened to the army entrusted 
to my command, and had it ever afterwards appeared, that such 
a letter had been written to and received by me, might it not 
have been said, that I had betrayed my country? And would 
not such a correspondence, if kept a secret, have given good 
grounds for the suspicion ? I thank you for the favourable 
sentiments which you are pleased to express of me, and I hope 
no act of mine will ever induce you to alter them. I am, &c. 

" George Washington." 



FRANCIS HOPKINSON TO JACOB DUCHE.* 

" Bordentown, 14th November, 1777. 
" Dear Brother, 

" A letter signed with your name, dated at Philadelphia, on 
the 8th of October, and addressed to his Excellency General 
Washington, is handed about the country. Many copies are 
taken, and I doubt not but it will soon get into the press, and 
become public throughout the continent. Words cannot express 
the grief and consternation that wounded my soul at the sight 
of this fatal performance. What infatuation could influence you 
to ofler to his Excellency an address, filled with gross misrepre- 
sentation, illiberal abuse, and sentiments unworthy of a man of 
character? You have endeavoured to screen your own weak- 
nesses by the most artful glosses, and to apologize to the General 
for the instabihty of your temper, in a manner that I am sure 
cannot be satisfactory to your own conscience. 

" I could go through this extraordinary letter, and point out 
to you truth distorted in every leading part. But the world 
will doubtless do this with a severity that must be daggers to 
the sensibilities of your heart. Read that letter over again, and 
if possible divest yourself of the fears and influence, whatever 
they were, that induced you to pen it. Consider its contents 
with an impartial eye, and reflect on the ideas it will naturally 

* Sparks' Life and Writings of Washington. — Fd. 



APPENDIX. 439 

raise in the minds of the multitude. You will then find, that by 
a vain and weak effort you have attempted the integrity of one 
whose virtue is impregnable to the assaults of fear or flattery, 
whose judgment needed not your information, and who, I am 
sure, would have resigned his charge the moment he found it 
likely to lead him out of the paths of virtue and honour. You 
will find that you have drawn upon you the resentment of Con- 
gress, the resentment of the army, the resentment of many 
worthy and noble characters in England, whom you know not, 
and the resentment of your insulted country. You have ven- 
tured to assert many things at large of the affairs of England, 
France, and America, which are far from being true, and 
which, from your contracted knowledge in these matters, it is 
impossible for you to be acquainted with. In the whole of your 
letter, you have never once recommended yourself to those, 
whose favour you seem desirous of obtaining, by expatiatinor oa 
the justice or humanity of their conduct, and at the same time 
have said every thing that can render you odious to those, on 
whom the happiness of your future life must depend. 

" You presumptuously advise our worthy General, on whom 
millions depend with implicit confidence, to abandon their dear- 
est hopes, and with or without the consent of his constituents to 
' negotiate for America at the head of his army.'' Would not 
the blood of the slain in battle rise against such perfidy? And 
with whom would you have him negotiate? Are they not 
those, who, without the sanction of any civil, moral, or religious 
right, have come three thousand miles to destroy our peace and 
property, to lay waste ijour native country with fire and sword, 
and cruelly murder its inhabitants? Look for their justice and 
honour in their several proclamations, and look for their huma- 
nity in the jails of New York and Philadelphia, and in your 
own Potter's Field. The whole force of the reasoning con- 
tained in your letter tends to this point: that virtue and honour 
require us to stand by truth, as long as it can be done with 
safety, but that her cause may be abandoned on the approach 
of danger; or, in other words, that the justice of the American 
cause ought to be squared by the success of her arms. 

" On the whole, I find it impossible to reconcile the matter and 



440 APPENDIX. 

style of this letter with your general conduct, or with the virtues 
of your heart. I would fain hope, notwithstanding your asser- 
tion to the contrary, that you wrote it wdth a bayonet held to 
your breast, by order of the unprincipled usurpers of your native 
city. But my chief motive for writing to you at this time is to 
assure you, that I firmly believe that our just defensive war 
"will be crowned with success, and that we shall ere long return 
to our habitations in Philadelphia. I would, therefore, most 
earnestly warn you to evade the dismal consequences of your 
ill-judged address to our beloved General. Do all you can to 
wipe off, if possible, its unhappy effects. I tremble for you, for 
my good sister, and her little family. I tremble for your per- 
sonal safety. Be assured I write this from true brotherly love. 
Our intimacy has been of a long duration, even from our early 
youth ; long and uninterrupted, without even a rub in the way; 
and so long have the sweetness of your manners, and the inte- 
grity of your heart, fixed my affections. 

"I am perfectly disposed to attribute this unfortunate step to 
the timidity of your temper, the weakness of your nerves, and 
the undue influence of those about you. But will the world 
hold you so excused? Will the individuals you have so freely 
censured and characterized with contempt have this tenderness 
for you? I fear not. They will only judge of your conduct by 
its rashness, and proportion their resentment to their sensibility 
of the wounds you have given. I pray God to inspire you with 
some means of extricating yourself from this embarrassing diffi- 
culty. For my own part, I have well considered the principles 
on which I took part with my country, and am determined to 
abide by them to the last extremity. I beg my love to my good 
mother, and my afiectionate sisters. I often think of them with 
great pain and anxiety, lest they should suffer from the want of 
those necessary supplies, that are now cut off. May God pre- 
serve them and you in this time of trial. I am, &c. 

" Francis Hopkinson." 



APPENDIX. 



441 



JACOB DUCHE TO GENERAL WASHINGTON.* 

"Asylum, Lambeth, 2 April, 1783. 
" Sir, — 

*• Will your Excellency condescend to accept of a few lines 
from one, who ever was and wishes still to be your sincere 
friend, who never intentionally sought to give you a moment's 
pain, who entertains for you the highest personal respect, and 
would be happy to be assured under your own hand, that he 
does not labour under your displeasure, but that you freely for- 
give what a weak judgment, but a very affectionate heart, once 
presumed to advise? Many circumstances, at present unknown 
to you, conspired to make me deem it my duty to write to you. 
Ignorance and simplicity saw not the necessity of your divulg- 
ing the letter. I am convinced, however, that you could not, in 
your public station, do otherwise. I cannot say a word in vin- 
dication of my conduct but this, that I had been for months 
before distressed with continual apprehensions for you and all 
my friends wiihout the British lines. I looked upon all as gone; 
or that nothing could save you, but rescinding the Declaration 
of Independency. Upon this ground alone I presumed to speak ; 
not to advise an act of base treachery, my soul would have re- 
coiled from the thought ; not to surrender your army, or betray 
the righteous cause of your country, but, at the head of that 
army, supporting and supported hy them, to negotiate with 
Britain for our constitutional rights. 

" Can you then join with my country in pardoning this error of 
judgment? Will you yet honour me with your great interest 
and influence, by recommending, at least expressing your appro- 
bation of the repeal of an act, that keeps me in a state of banish- 
ment from my native country, from the arms of a dear aged 
father, and the embraces of a numerous circle of valuable and 
long-loved friends ? . Your liberal, generous mind, I am per- 
suaded, will never exclude me wholly from your regard for a 
mere political error; especially, as you must have heard, that, 
since the date of that letter, I have led a life of perfect retirement, 

* Sparks' Life and Writings of Washington. — Ed. 



442 APPENDIX. 

and since my arrival in England have devoted myself wholly 
to the duties of my profession, and confined my acquaintance to 
a happy circle of literary and religious friends. 

" I have written to my father and to many of my friends 
largely on this subject, requesting them to make such application 
to the State of Pennsylvania in my behalf, as may be judged 
necessary and expedient. Should this application be honoured 
with success, I know of nothing that would more efTectually 
satisfy my desires in a matter of such importance to myself 
and my family, as a line or two from your Excellency, expres- 
sive of your approbation of my return. Temporal emoluments 
are not wanting to induce me to remain for life on this side of 
the Atlantic. I have been most hospitably received and kindly 
treated by all ranks of people,, and I should be ungrateful not to 
acknowledge in the strongest terms my obligations to those who 
have placed me in the easy and comfortable situation I now 
enjoy. It is not necessity, therefore, but unalterable affection to 
my native country, that urges me to seek a return. With every 
good wish and prayer for your best felicity, and my most hearty 
congratulations on the happy event of peace, I have the honour 
to be your Excellency's most obedient and humble servant, 

"Jacob Duche." 

general washington to jacob duche. 

"Head Quarters, 10 August, 1783. 
" Sir, 

" I have received your letter of the 2d of April, and, reflecting 
on its contents, I cannot but say that I am heartily sorry for the 
occasion which has produced it. Personal enmity I bear none 
to any man. So far, therefore, as your return to this country 
depends on my private voice, it would be given in favour of it 
with cheerfulness. But, removed as I am from the people and 
policy of the State in which you formerly resided, and to whose 
determination your case must be submitted, it is my duty, what- 
ever may be my inclination, to leave its decision to its constitu- 
tional judges. Should this be agreeable to your wishes, it can- 
not fail to meet my entire approbation. I am, &c. 

" George Washington." 



APPENDIX. 443 

The laws of Pennsylvania, excluding the refugees from that 
State, were not repealed till after the adoption of the Constitu- 
tion of the United States. Mr. Duche returned to Philadelphia 
in the year 1790, much broken in health, having suflered a 
paralytic affection. He died in 1794, being then about sixty 
years of age.* — Ed. 



F. 

PAGE 117. 

JOSEPH GALLOWAY. 

The seventh volume of Sparks' edition of the works of 
Franklin contains, in a note, the following biographical notice 
of Mr. Galloway, from the pen of Mr. J. Francis Fisher, of 
Philadelphia: — 

" Joseph Galloway, son of Peter Galloway, was born in the 
neighbourhood of West River, Anne Arundel County, Maryland, 
about the year 1730. As his family was respectable and of 
good fortune, his education was probably the best that could be 
obtained in the middle colonies. He came early in life to 
Philadelphia, where he commenced the practice of the law, in 
which he attained eminence. In the year 1757, he was elected 
to the Assembly for the County of Philadelphia, and immediately 
took a prominent stand in that body, being a member of most 
of the committees, and constantly employed in public duties, as 
we find, in the votes, by his compensation for extra services. 
The next year he was chairman of the committee on grievances, 
and managed the prosecution of Dr. Smith and Mr. Moore for 
a libel on the Assembly. In subsequent years he held the same 
place; and his Report, in 1764, on the state and grievances of 
the province, was the occasion of his well-known speech pub- 

* Sparks' Life and Writings of Washington. — Ed. 



444 APPENDIX. 

lished with Dr. Franklin's Preface, in answer to one of the 
celebrated John Dickinson. 

" He sided with Dr. Franklin in opposition to the Proprietary 
interest, and urged the resumption of the Government by the 
Crown. And though, on this account in 1764 he lost his elec- 
tion in the county, he was, the next year, returned a member, 
and was chosen Speaker of the Assembly, to which office he 
was successively re-elected till the year 1774. 

"In 1757 he was one of the agents of Pennsylvania at the 
treaty with the Indians at Easton. In the next year, as one of 
the commissioners under the act for granting one hundred thou- 
sand pounds, he entered into a controversy with the Governor, 
which maybe seen at length in the votes, a.nd Gordon's History. 
What were his powers as a speaker tradition does not say, but 
he led the popular party in all their attacks upon the Proprietary 
interest ; and was so highly esteemed by them, that they dele- 
gated him as a member of the General Congress, which met at 
Philadelphia, in 1774. Whether he took an active part in their 
proceedings does not appear. His name is signed to the de- 
clarations and resolutions ; but he seems to have soon abandoned 
the Revolutionary cause, underthe influence of his loyal princi- 
ples or his sordid fears. 

" After the British troops had penetrated into New Jersey, in 

1776, on their then intended march to Philadelphia, he was 
among those who joined tlie army, previous to the capture of 
the Hessians at Trenton. He afierwards accompanied them 
on their route by the way of Chesapeake Bay, and with them 
entered the city of Philadelphia, in the latter end of September, 

1777. Here he was an active agent under Sir William Howe, 
iheCommander-in-chief of the British forces in America. On the 
evacuation of Philadelphia, in June, 1778, he went to New York, 
where he remained some months, and thence sailed for England, 
accompanied by his only daughter, abandoning (according to 
his own account) an estate of the value of forty thousand pounds, 
which had been confiscated by the Government of Pennsylvania 
in pursuance of his proscription and attainder. But the larger 
part of this estate, which he held by courtesy, being the in- 
heritance of his wife, the daughter of Lawrence Growdon of 



APPENDIX. 445 

Bucks County, (for a long time Speaker of the Provincial 
Assembly,) was restored to their daughter. It is called Trevose, 
and is still owned by his descendants, having continued in the 
family since the settlement of Pennsylvania. 

" On his arrival in England, Galloway was examined before 
the House of Commons on the transactions in America, and his 
representations, which are in print, did not reflect much credit 
on the British Commanders. He published, in 1779, a pamphlet, 
entitled, Letters to a Nobleman on the conduct of the war in 
the Middle Colonies, in which, notwithstanding his attachments, 
he discloses and reprehends the conduct of the British troops^ 
especially in New Jersey. He also published ' A Letter to 
Lord Howe,' ' A Reply to the Observations of General Howe/ 
* Cool Thoughts on the Consequences of American Indepen- 
dence,' ' Candid Examination of the Claims of Great Britain 
and her Colonies,' ' Reflections on the American Rebellion in 
1780,' and some other pamphlets. He was, it is believed, a 
pensioner of the British Government, and he resided in Eng- 
land till the time of his decease, in 1803." 

During the controversy between the friends and opponents 
of the Proprietary interests, Gafloway and Dickinson took each 
an active part. " Each published a speech which he had de- 
livered in the Legislative Assembly; and it was remarkable 
that the introduction to each (one written by Dr. Franklin, who 
opposed the Proprietary interest, and the other by Dr. Smith 
the coadjutor of Dickinson,) were at the time more admired 
than the original compositions." — Watson. — Ed. 



G. 

PAGE 119. 

JOHN DICKINSON. 

John Dickinson was a native of Maryland, where he was born 

in 1732^ His parents soon afterwards removed to Delaware, 
38 



446 APPENDIX. 

where they educated their son. He read law in Philadelphia, 
and, in the farther prosecution of his legal studies, in the Temple 
at London. Upon his return to Philadelphia, he commenced the 
successful practice of his profession, and was early elected to the 
Legislature of Pennsylvania, in which body his aptitude as a 
speaker and general tact gave him considerable influence. 

" The election of members of legislature, in the autumn of 
1764, Avas," says Sparks, "sharply contested. It turned on the 
question of a change of government. The proprietary party, 
having much at stake, redoubled their efforts ; and, in the city of 
Philadelphia, and some of the counties, they were successful. 
Franklin, after having been chosen fourteen years successively, 
now lost his election, there being against him a majority of about 
twenty-five votes in four thousand. But, after all, it was an 
empty triumph. When the members convened, there were two 
to one in favour of the measures of the last Assembly, and they 
resolved to carry these measures into effect. Being determined 
to pursue their object with all the force they could bring to bear 
upon it, they appointed Dr. Franklin as a special agent to pro- 
ceed to the Court of Great Britain, and there to take charge of 
the petition for a change of government, and to manage the gene- 
ral affairs of the province. This appointment was a surprise 
upon the proprietary party. They had imagined, that, by defeat- 
ing his election, they had rid themselves of an active and trouble- 
some opponent in the Assembly, and weakened his influence 
abroad. When it was proposed, therefore, to raise him to a situa- 
tion, in which he could more effectually than ever serve the same 
cause, the agitation of the House, and the clamour out of doors 
was extreme. His adversaries testified their chagrin by the means 
they used to prevent his appointment. John Dickinson, while he 
could not refrain from eulogizing him as a man, inveighed stre- 
nuously against his political principles and conduct ; at the same 
time exhibiting symptoms of alarm, that would seem almost lu- 
dicrous, if it were not known what power there is in the spirit of 
party to distort truth and pervert the judgment. ' The gentleman 
proposed,' he says, in a speech to the House, 'has been called 
here, to-day, a great luminary of the learned world. Far be it 
from me to detract from the merit I admire. Let him still shine, 



APPENDIX. 



447 



but "without wrapping his country in flames. Let him, from a 
private station, from a smaller sphere, diffuse, as, I think, he may, 
a beneficial light ; but let him not be made to move and blaze 
like a comet, to terrify and distress.' When," continues Sparks, 
"the second Congress assembled, the relations between the Colo- 
nies and Great Britain had assumed a new character. The blood 
of American freemen had been shed on their own soil by a wanton 
exercise of military power. This rash act dissolved the charm, 
which had hitherto bound the affections of many a conscientious 
American to the British Crown, under the long revered name of 
loyalty. The hour of trial had come. After an animated debate, 
which continued for several days, it was declared that hostilities 
had commenced, on the part of Great Britain, with the design of 
enforcing 'the unconstitutional and oppressive acts of Parliament ;' 
and it was then resolved, with great unanimity, that the Colonies 
should be immediately put in a state of defence. This was all 
that the most ardent friends of liberty desired ; the more mode- 
rate party, at the head of which was Dickinson, urged that they 
never had anticipated resistance by force, but had always confided 
so much in the justice of the British government, as to believe 
that they would come to a reasonable compromise. Another op- 
portunity ought to be offered, and they were strenuous for sending 
a petition to the king.' Its most zealous advocate was John 
Dickinson, by whom it w'as drafted. It has been said, indeed, 
that this token of humility was yielded mainly to gratify his 
wishes. The uprightness of his character, his singleness of heart, 
and the great services he had rendered to his country by his 
talents and his pen, claimed for him especial consideration. The 
tone and language of the petition were sufficiently submissive, 
and it stands in remarkable contrast in the Journals, with other 
papers, and the resolves for warlike preparations. Mr. Jefferson 
tells us, that Mr. Dickinson was so much pleased w^hen it was 
adopted, that he could not forbear to express his satisfaction by 
saying : ' There is but one word, Mr. President, in the paper, 
which I disapprove, and that word is Congress.'' Whereupon 
Mr. Harrison, of Virginia, rose and said : ' There is but one word 
in the paper, Mr. President, which I approve, and that word is 
Congress.'' " 



448 APPENDIX. 

Mr. Dickinson's first publication against the English govern- 
ment appeared in 1765. In this year he was appointed a dele- 
gate to the Congress held at New York. In 1767, he issued, at 
Philadelphia, his celebrated "Farmer's Letters," a production 
"which had great influence in enlightening the minds of the 
American people, on the subject of their rights." They were 
written with his distinguished ability, against the revenue laws, 
and were widely popular with all classes of readers in this coun- 
try, for their research, vigour and perspicuity of their style. At 
the time of their publication in the United States, Dr. Franklin, 
in the discharge of public duties, was in London, where he caused 
their re-publication, accompanied by a commendatory preface from 
his own pen. "Besides," says Sparks, "the patriotic motive for 
this re-publication, it afforded him an opportunity of showing that 
the extreme warmth with which Mr. Dickinson had opposed his 
appointment in the Pennsylvania Assembly had not produced, on 
his part, any diminution of personal regard." These " Letters " 
were translated into French and published at Paris. 

At length, the great question of National Independence became 
the engrossing topic in "newspapers, pamphlets, at pubhc meet- 
ings, as well as in private circles. It was evident that a large 
majority of the nation was prepared for that measure. Among 
the doubters was tlie virtuous, the patriotic, the able, but irresolute 
John Dickinson." His opposition to the Declaration rendering him 
unpopular, " he withdrew from the public councils, and did not 
recover his seat in Congress until about two years afterwards. He 
then returned eai'nest in the cause of Independence. He was 
subsequently President (Governor) of Pennsylvania and Dela- 
ware successively, and died at Wilmington, in February, 1808." 

Ed. 



APPENDIX. 449 

H. 

PAGE 144. 

GENERAL WASHINGTON TO PRESIDENT REED. 

"Head Quarters, Passaic Falls, 18th October, 1780." 

"Dear Sir, 

"By your fayour of the 3d from Bethlehem, I perceive my 
letter of the 1st has not got to your hands; but I have the 
pleasure to find, that the business you were upon anticipated the 
purposes of it, and was in a fair way to answer the end.* 

"Arnold's conduct is so villanously perfidious, that there are 
no terms which can describe the baseness of his heart. That 
overruling Providence, which has so often and so remarkably- 
interposed in our favour, never manifested itself more conspicu- 
ously than in the timely discovery of his horrid design of sur- 
rendering the post and garrison of West Point into the hands of 
the enemy, t confine my remark to this single act of perfidy ; 
for I am far from thinking he intended to hazard a defeat of 
this important object, by combining another with it, although 
there were circumstances which led to a contrary belief. The 
confidence and folly, which have marked the subsequent con- 
duct of this man, are of a piece with his villany; and all three 
are perfect in their kind. The interest you take in my supposed 
escape, and the manner in which you speak of it, claim my 
thanks as much as if he had really intended to involve my fate 
with that of the garrison, and I consider it as a fresh instance of 
your affectionate regard for me. 

"As I do not recollect ever to have had any very particular 
conversation with General Schuyler respecting Arnold, I should 
be glad to obtain a copy of the letter in which you say my 
' opinion and confidence in him (Arnold) is conveyed in terms 
of affection and approbation.' Some time before or after Ar- 
nold's return from Connecticut (the conversation made so little 

* General Washington had written, requesting President Reed to cause to L& 
sent forward as expeditiously as possible a supply of flour to the army. 

38* 



450 APPENDIX. 

impression on me, that I know not which,) General Schuyler 
informed me, that he had received a letter from Arnold, inti- 
mating his intention of joining the army, and rendering such 
services as his leg would permit, adding that he was incapable 
of active service, but could discharge the duties of a stationary 
command without much inconvenience or uneasiness to his leg. 
I answered, that, as we had a prospect of an active and vigor- 
ous campaign, I should be glad of General Arnold's aid and as- 
sistance, but saw little prospect of his obtaining such a command 
as appeared to be the object of his wishes, because it was my 
intention to draw my whole force into the field, when we were 
in circumstances to commence our operations against New York, 
leaving even West Point to the care of invalids, and a small 
garrison of militia ; but if, after this previous declaration, the 
command of the post, for the reasons he assigned, would be 
more convenient and agreeable to him than a command in the 
field, I should readily indulge him, having had it hinted to me, 
by a very respectable character, a member of Congress* (not 
General Schuyler,) that a measure of this kind would not be 
unacceptable to the State most immediately interested in the 
welfare and safety of the post. 

" This, to the best of my knowledge and recollection, is every 
syllable that ever passed between General Schuyler and me re- 
specting Arnold, or any of his concerns. The manner and the 
matter appeared perfectly uninteresting to both of us at the time. 
He seemed to have no other view in communicating the thing, 
than because he was requested to do it, and my answer, dictated 
by circumstances, you already have; but how it was communi- 
cated, the letter will show. 

" That General Schuyler possesses a share of my regard and 
confidence, I shall readily acknowledge. A pretty long ac- 
quaintance with him, an opinion of his abilities, his intimate 
knowledge of our circumstances, his candour as far as I have 
had opportunities of forming a judgment of it, added to personal 
civilities and proofs of a warm friendship, which 1 never had a 
doubt of, would leave me without excuse, were I to withhold 
these from him. What ascendency he may have over the army 

* Robert R. Livinjjston. 



APPENDIX. 451 

is more than I can tell; but I should not be surprised if he 
stands in a favourable point of view with respect to their esteem. 
The mecins he took to acquire a true knowledge of their dis- 
tress while he was with them, the representations he made 
to procure relief, and his evident endeavours to promote the 
object for which he was appointed, seem to have made this a 
natural consequence. I am, dear Sir, &c." — Ed. 



PAGE 232. 

CAPTURE OF GENERAL CHARLES LEE. 

The capture of this eccentric officer occurred on the 13th of 
September, 1776, at Baskingridge, New Jersey. It was effected 
by a party of British cavalry under Colonel Harcourt. General 
Wilkinson in his "Memoirs" gives the following interesting ac- 
count of the event : — 

" General Lee wasted the morning in altercation with certain 
militia corps who were of his command, particularly the Connec- 
ticut Light Horse, several of whom appeared in large full-bottomed 
perukes, and were treated very irreverently. The call of the Ad- 
jutant-General for orders also occupied some of his time, and we 
did not sit down to breakfast before 10 o'clock. General Lee 
was engaged in answering a letter from General Gates, and I had 
risen from the table, and was looking out of an end w^indow, 
down a lane about one hundred yards in length, which led to the 
house from the main road, when I discovered a party of British 
troops turn the corner of the avenue at fidl charge. Startled at 
this unexpected spectacle, I exclaimed, 'Here, sir, are the British 
cavalry!' ' WliereV exclaimed the General, who had signed 
the letter in the instant. ' Around the house ;' for they had 
opened files and encompassed the building. General Lee ap- 
peared alanned, yet collected, and his second observation marked 
his self-possession : 'Where is the guard? — d — n the goiard, why 



452 APPENDIX. 

don't they fire ?' and after a momentary pause, he turned to me 
and said 'Do, sir, see what has become of the guard!' The 
women of the house at this moment entered the room, and pro- 
posed to him to conceal himself in a bed, which he rejected with 
evident disgust. I caught up the pistols which lay on the table, 
thrust the letter he had been writing into my pocket, and passed 
into a room at the opposite end of the house, where I had seen 
the guard in the morning. Here I discovered their arms, but the 
men were absent. I stepped out of the door, and perceived the 
dragoons chasing them in different directions, and receiving a 
very uncivil salutation, I returned into the house. 

" Too inexperienced immediately to penetrate the motives of this 
enterprise, I considered the rencontre accidental, and from the ter- 
rific tales spread over the country, of the violence and barbarity 
of tlie enemy, I believed it to be a wanton murdering party, and 
determined not to die without company. I accordingly sought a 
position where I could not be approached by more than one per- 
son at a time, and with a pistol in each hand, I awaited the ex- 
pected search, resolved to shoot the first and the second person 
who might appear, and then to appeal to my sword. I did not 
long remain in this unpleasant situation, but was apprised of the 
object of the incursion, by the very audible declaration, ' Iftlie 
General does not surrender in Jive minutes, I loill set fire to the 
house f which, after a short pause, was repeated with a solemn 
oath ; and within two minutes, I heard it proclaimed, ' Here is 
the General, he has surrendered.'' A general shout ensued, the 
trumpet sounded the assembly, and the unfortunate Lee, mounted- 
on ray horse, which stood ready at the door, was hurried off in 
triumph, bareheaded, in his slippers and blanket-coat, his collar 
open, and his shirt very much soiled from several day's use. 

" What a lesson of caution is to be derived from this event, and 
how important the admonition furnished by it ! What an evidence 
of the caprice of fortune, of the fallibility of human projects, and 
the inscrutable ways of Heaven ! The capture of General Lee, 
was felt as a public calamity ; it cast a gloom over the country, 
and excited general sorrow. This sympathy was honourable to 
the people, and due to the stranger who had embarked his for- 
tune with them, and determined to share their fate, under cir- 



APPENDIX. 453 

cumstances of more than common peril. Although this misfor- 
tune deprived the country of its most experienced chief, I have 
ever considered the deprivation a public blessing, ministered by 
the hand of Providence; for if General Lee had not abandoned 
caution for convenience, and taken quarters two miles from his 
army, on his exposed flank, he would have been safe ; if a do- 
mestic traitor, who passed his quarters the same morning on 
private business, had not casually fallen in with Colonel Har- 
court, on a reconnoitring party, the General's quarters would 
not have been discovered ; if my visit, and the controversy with 
the Connecticut Light Horse, had not spun out the morning un- 
seasonably, the General would have been at his camp ; if Colonel 
Harcourt, had arrived one hour sooner, he would have found the 
guard under arms, and would have been repulsed, or resisted 
until succour could have arrived ; if he had arrived half an hour 
later the General would have been with his corps; if the guard had 
paid ordinary attention to their duty, and had not abandoned 
their arms, the General's quarters would have been defended ; 
or if he had obeyed the peremptory and reiterated orders of 
General Washinc-toiv, he would have been beyond the reach of 
the enemy. And shall we impute to blind chance, such a chain 
of rare incidents? I conscientiously answer in the negative ; be- 
cause the combination was too intricate and perplexed, for acci- 
dental causes, or the agencies of man. It must have been 
designed. So soon as Lieutenant Colonel Harcourt retreated 
with his prize, I repaired to the stable, mounted the first horse I 
could find, and rode fall speed to General Sullivan, whom I found 
under march, towards Pluckamin." — Ed. 



454 APPENDIX. 



J. 
PAGE 238. 

LETTER TO COLONEL REED, OR COLONEL JOHN 
CADWALADER, AT BRISTOL. 

Camp above Trenton Falls, 23d December, 1776. 
Dear Sir, 

The bearer is sent down to know whether your plan was 
attempted last night, and if not to inform you, that Christmas- 
day at night, one hour before day, is the tune fixed upon for 
our attempt on Trenton. For Heaven's sake, keep this to 
yourself, as the discovery of it may prove fjital to us ; our 
nurhbers, sorry am I to say, being less than I had any con- 
ception of; but necessity, dire necessity, will, nay must, justify 
an attack. Prepare, and, in concert with Griffin, attack as 
many of their posts as you possibly can with a prospect of 
success ; the more we can attack at the same instant, the more 
confusion we shall spread, and the greater good will result 
from it. If I had not been fully convinced before of the 
enemy's designs, I have now ample testimony of their inten- 
tions to attack Philadelphia, so soon as the ice will aftbrd the 
means of conveyance. 

As the colonels of the continental regiments might kick up 
some dust about command, unless Cadwallader is considered 
by them in the light of a brigadier, which I wish him to be, I 
desired General Gates, who is unwell, and apjilied for leave to 
go to Philadelphia, to endeavour, if his health would permit 
him, to call and stay two or three days at Bristol in his way. 
I shall not be particular; we could not ripen matters for an 
attack, before the time mentioned in the first part of this letter; 
so much out of sorts, and so much in want of every thing, are 
the troops under Sullivan. The letter herewith sent, forward 



APPENDIX. 455 

on to Philadelphia; I could wish it to be in time for the 
southern post's departure, which will be, I believe, by eleven 
o'clock to-morrow\ 

I am, dear Sir, &c. 

GO. WASHINGTON. 

P. S. I have ordered our men to be provided with three 
days provisions ready cooked, with which, and their blankets, 
they are to march ; for if we are successful, which Heaven 
grant, and the circumstances favour, we may push on. I shall 
direct every ferry and ford to be well guarded, and not a soul 
suffered to pass without an officer's going down with the per- 
mit. Do the same with you. — Ed. 



K. 

PAGE 293. 

WASHINGTON AT BRANDYWINE. 

Bisset, in his continuation of Hume and Sraollet, in his ac- 
count of the battle of Brandywine, subjoins the following note 
of a private letter from Major Ferguson — son of the historian 
of Rome — to his father, from which, it is inferred, that the life 
of General Washington was, on that day, in imminent danger, 
and absolutely in the power of Major Ferguson. 

While this officer lay with a party of his riflemen on a skirt of 
a wood in front of General Knyphausen's division, the circum- 
stance happened of which the letter in question gives the follow- 
ing account: — 

" We had not lain long when a rebel officer remarkable by a 
Hussar dress, passed towards our army within a hundred yards 
of my right flank, not perceiving us. He was followed by an- 
other dressed in dark green and blue, mounted on a good bay 
horse, with a remarkable large hish cocked hat. I ordered three 



456 APPENDIX. 

good shots to steal near them and fire at them; but the idea dis- 
gusted me and I recalled the order." The letter, after some 
farther particulars not necessary to repeat, states, that it was 
afterwards collected " from some wounded rebel officers, that 
General Washington was all that morning with the light troops, 
and only attended by a French officer in a Hussar dress, he 
himself dressed and mounted in every respect as above de- 
sciibed." 

In commenting on the above, Mr. Graydon, in a note ap- 
pended to it, observes, " Whatever truth there may be in this 
relation, and whoever might have been the person in dark green 
and blue with the remarkable large high cocked hat, no one ac- 
quainted with the style of General Washington's costume during 
the war, or any other time, can suppose it to have been him, who 
was so generously dealt with by the Major. The General's uni- 
form or military dress was blue and bufT, which, it may be very 
safely averred he never varied, at least to an entire change of 
colours : neither was he ever seen in a hat of the description 
given in the letter. It is true, he wore a cocked hat, but, of a 
moderate size. It might, indeed, have been somewhat larger 
than those in fashion in America at the beginning of the war, 
but, it could by no means have answered to the colossal dimen- 
sions given by the Major. The General had too correct a taste 
in dress, to figure in the bully-like garb of a Bobadil or a Pistol; 
and there was no inducement to such a disguise, being as much 
in danger in green and blue with a large hat, as in blue and buff" 
with a small one. Major Ferguson, therefore, might have spared 
himself the self-gratulation of 'not knowing at the time who it 
was,' since, if justly described, most assuredly it was not General 
Washington . ' ' — Ed. 



APPENDIX. 457 



PAGE 320. 

THE BATTLE OF MONMOUTH. 

The Editor is indebted to Mr. Sparks' edition of the " Life 
and Writings of Washington," for the following interesting par- 
ticulars concerning General Charles Lee, and the Battle of 
Monmouth : — 

" Soon after General Lee rejoined the army at Valley Forge, 
a curious incident occurred. By an order of Congress, General 
Washington was required to administer the oath of allegiance 
to the general officers. The Major-Generals stood around 
Washington, and took hold of a Bible together, according to the 
usual custom; but, just as he began to administer the oath, Lee 
deliberately withdrew his hand twice. This movement was so 
singular, and was performed in so odd a manner, that the offi- 
cers smiled, and Washington inquired the meaning of his hesi- 
tancy. Lee replied, ' As to King George, I am ready enougli 
to absolve myself from all allegiance to him, but I have some 
scruples about the Prince of Wales.' The strangeness of this 
reply was such, that the officers burst into a broad laugh, 
and even Washington could not refrain from a smile. The 
ceremony was of course interrupted. It was renewed as soon 
as a composure was restored proper for the solemnity of the 
occasion, and Lee took the oath with the other officers. Con- 
nected with the subsequent conduct of General Lee, this incident 
was thought by some, who were acquainted with it, to have a 
deeper meaning than at first appeared, and to indicate a less 
ardent and fixed patriotism towards the United States, than was 
consistent with the rank and professions of the second officer in 
command of the American forces. 

" The army having crossed the Delaware in pursuit of the 
39 



458 APPENDIX. 

British retreating from Philadelphia, a council of war was held 
at Hopewell, June 24th, in which, after stating the relative 
strength and position of the two armies, the Commander-in- 
chief proposed the following questions. 

"'Will it be advisable fur us, of choice, to hazard a general 
action 1 If it is, should we do it by immediately making a 
general attack upon the enemy, by attempting a partial one, or 
by taking such a position, if it can be done, as may oblige them 
to attack us ? If it is not, what measures can be taken, with 
safety to this army, to annoy the enemy in their march ? In 
fine, what precise line of conduct will it be advisable for us to 
pursue V 

" Lee was strenuously opposed to a general action. Being 
the highest in rank, and an officer of great experience, the 
younger officers were much influenced by his arguments and 
opinions. The council finally decided that a general action 
was not advisable, but that ' a detachment of fifteen hundred 
men be immediately sent to act, as occasion may serve, on the 
enetny's left flank and rear, in conjunction with the other Con- 
tinental troops and militia, who are already hanging about 
them, and that the main body preserve a relative position, so as 
to be able to act as circumstances may require.' This decision 
was signed by all the officers except Wayne. It appeared, 
however, that there was a wide diflerence of opinion as to the 
number of men, that ought to be sent against the enemy, 
although the council ultimately agreed on fifteen hundred. Lee, 
Stirling, Woodford, Scott, Knox, and Poor, were for this num- 
ber ; but Steuben, Duportail, Wayne, Patterson, Greene, and 
Lafayette were for twenty-five hundred, or at least two thousand. 
It was the idea of some of the oflicers, also, that the detachment 
ought to attack the enemy, though not to bring on a general 
action ; while others believed, that nothing more should be done, 
than to skirmish with the out-guards, and thus harass the re- 
treating enemy as circumstances would permit. 

" After the council was dissolved, Greene, Lafayette, and 
Wayne, wrote separately to the Commander-in-chief, explaining 
more fully their views. They were not for pushing the enemy 
to a general action at all events; but they were decidedly of 



APPENDIX. 459 

opinion, that a large detachment should be sent forward to 
attack their rear, and that the main army should be drawn into 
such a position as to commence an engagement, should the 
prospects be favourable. These views accorded with those of 
the Commander-in-chief, and he promptly determined to act in 
conformity with them. 

From General Lee's rank the advanced detachment fell under 
his command, although he was totally opposed to the measure 
adopted. Lafayette went to Washington, reminded him of this 
embarrassment, and oilered to take command of the attacking 
division. Washington said, that such an arrangement would 
be entirely agreeable to him, but that it could not be effected 
without the previous consent of General Lee. When Lafayette 
applied to Lee, he very readily assented, saying that he disap- 
proved of the plans of the Commander-in-chief, that he was 
sure they would fail, and that he was willing to be relieved 
from any responsibility in carrying them into execution. La- 
fayette immediately took command of his division and marched 
towards the enemy. After reflecting upon the matter, Lee 
wrote to General Washington as follows. 



GENERAL LEE TO GENERAL WASHINGTON. 

"Camp at Kingston, 25th June, 1778. 
" Dear General, 

"When I first assented to the Marquis de Lafayette's taking 
the command of the present detachment, I confess I viewed it 
in a very different light from that in which I view it at present. 
I considered it as a more proper business of a young, volun- 
teering general, than of the second in command in the army ; 
but I find it is considered in a difl'erent manner. They say that 
a corps consisting of six thousand men, the greater part chosen, 
is undoubtedly the most honourable command next to the Com- 
mander-in-chief; that my ceding it would of course have an 
odd appearance. I must entreat, therefore, after making a 
thousand apologies for the trouble my rash assent has occa- 
sioned you, that, if this detachment does march, I may have 



460 APPENDIX. 

the command of it. So far personally; but, to speak as an 
officer, I do not think that this detachment ought to march at 
all, until at least the head of the enemy's right column has 
passed Cranberry ; then, if it is necessary to march the whole 
army, 1 cannot see any impropriety in the Marquis's command- 
ing this detachment, or a greater, as an advanced guard of the 
army ; but if this detachment, with Maxwell's corps, Scott's, 
Morgan's, and Jackson's, is to be considered as a separate, 
chosen, active corps, and put under the Marquis's command 
until the enemy leave the Jerseys, both myself and Lord Stirling 
will be disgraced. I am, dear General, yours, &c. 

" Charles Lee." 

As Washington had already given the command to the 
Marquis, it could not with propriety be withdrawn without his 
consent. Lee applied to him for the purpose, but the Marquis 
said he could not without great reluctance give up the com- 
mand ; that it had been yielded to him freely, and he was par- 
ticularly desirous of retaining it. This was on the second day 
before the battle, and there was a prospect that the enemy 
would be overtaken during the day. After Lee had urged the 
point, and appealed to the generosity and magnanimity of the 
Marquis, the latter at length agreed that if he did not come up 
with the enemy so as to make an attack that day, he would 
then resign the command. Lee had already been detached 
with a smaller division, but was instructed not to interfere with 
the Marquis, if he had concerted any definite plan of attacking 
the enemy. The day passed over without coming to an action, 
and late at night Lafayette wrote a note to Lee resigning the 
command. The result, in regard to General Lee, is well known. 
The battle took place the next day, in the midst of which Lee 
retreated, contrary to the expectations of the Commander-in- 
chief, and in such a manner as to threaten the most serious 
consequences to the army. lie was met by Washington while 
retreating, and was addressed by him in a tone of reprimand 
and censure, which wounded the pride of Lee, and gave rise to 
the following correspondence. 



APPENDIX. 461 



GENERAL LEE TO GENERAL WASHINGTON. 

"Camp, English Town, 1 July [29 June?], 1778. 
" Sir, 

" From the knowledge I have of your Excellency's character, 
I must conclude that nothing but the misinformation of some 
very stupid, or misrepresentation of some very wicked person, 
could have occasioned your making use of so very singular ex- 
pressions as you did on my coming up to the ground where you 
had taken post. They implied that I was guilty either of dis- 
obedience of orders, want of conduct, or want of courage. 
Your Excellency will therefore infinitely oblige me, by letting 
me know on which of these three articles you ground your 
charge, that I may prepare for my justification, which 1 have 
the happiness to be confident I can do to the army, to the Con- 
gress, to x\merica, and to the world in general. Your Excel- 
lency must give me leave to observe, that neither yourself, nor 
those about your person, could from your situation be in the 
least judges of the merits or demerits of our manceuvres; and, 
to speak with a becoming pride, I can assert that to these 
manceuvres the success of the day was entirely owing. I can 
boldly say, that had we remained on the first ground, or had 
we advanced, or had the retreat been conducted in a manner 
different from what it was, this whole army and the interests of 
America would have risked being sacrificed. I ever had, and 
hope ever shall have, the greatest respect and veneration for 
General Washington. I think him endowed with many great 
and good qualities ; but in this instance I must pronounce, that 
he has been guilty of an act of cruel injustice towards a man, 
who certainly has some pretensions to the regard of every 
servant of this country. And I think, Sir, I have a right to 
demand some reparation for the injury committed; and, unless 
I can obtain it, I must, in justice to myself, when this campaign 
is closed, which I believe will close the war, retire from a ser- 
vice at the head of which is placed a man capable of oiTering 
such injuries. But at the same time, in justice to you, I must 

39* 



462 APPENDIX. 

repeat that I from my soul believe, that it was not a motion of 
your own breast, but instigated by some of those dirty earv;igs, 
who will for ever insinuate themselves near persons in high 
office ; for I really am convinced, that when General Washing- 
ton acts from himself, no man in his army will have reason to 
complain of injustice or indecorum. I am, Sir, and hope I 
ever shall have reason to continue, your most sincerely devoted 
humble servant. 

" Charles Lee." 



GENERAL WASHINGTON XO GENERAL LEE. 

" Head-Quartcrs, English Town, 30 June, 1778. 
" Sir, 

"I received your letter (dated through mistake the 1st of 
July), expressed as I conceive in terms highly improper. I am 
not conscious of having made use of any very singular expres- 
sions at the time of meeting you, as you intimate. What I re- 
collect to have said was dictated by duty, and warranted by 
the occasion. As soon as circumstances will permit, you shall 
have an opportunity of justifying yourself to the army, to Con- 
gress, to America, and to the world in general, or of convincing 
them that you were guilty of a breach of orders, and of misbe- 
haviour before the enemy, on the 28th instant, in not attacking 
them as you had been directed, and in making an unnecessary, 
disorderly, and shameful retreat. I am. Sir, your most obedient 
servant. 

" George Washington." 



GENERAL LEE TO GENERAL WASHINGTON. 

"Camp 28 [30?] June, 1778* 
" Sir, 

" I beg your Excellency's pardon for the inaccuracy in mis- 

* This Icttor in tlic original is d.itcd June 28th, which is evidently a mistake, 
because that was the day of the battle; and moreover it must have been written 
after the preceding one from General Washington to which it is an answer. 
Hence both of General Lee's offensive letters were erroneously dated. 



APPENDIX. 463 

dating my letter. You cannot afford me greater pleasure, than 
in giving me the opportunity of showing to America the suffi- 
ciency of her respective servants. I trust that temporary power 
of office, and the tinsel dignity attending it, will not be able, by 
all the mists they can raise, to offuscate the bright rays of truth. 
In the mean time your Excellency can have no objection to 
my retiring from the army. I am, Sir, your most obedient 
humble servant. 

" Charles Lee". 



GENERAL LEE TO GENERAL WASHINGTON. 

"Camp, 30 June, 1778. 
" Sir, 

" Since I had the honour of addressing my letter by Colonel 
Fitzgerald to your Excellency, I have reflected on both your 
situation and mine, and beg leave to observe, that it will be for 
our mutual convenience that a court of inquiry should be imme- 
diately ordered ; but I could wish that it might be a court- 
martial; for, if the affair is drawn into length, it may be diffi- 
cult to collect the necessary evidences, and perhaps might bring 
on a paper war betwixt the adherents to both parties, which 
may occasion some disagreeable feuds on the continent ; for all 
are not my friends, nor all your admirers. I must entreat there- 
fore, from your love of justice, that you will immediately ex- 
hibit your charge, and that on the first halt I may be brought 
to a trial ; and am, Sir, your most obedient humble servant. 

" Charles Lee." 



GENERAL WASHINGTON TO GENERAL LEE. 

" Head-Quarters, English Town, 30 June, 1778, 
" Sir, 

" Your letter by Colonel Fitzgerald and also one of this date 
have been duly received. I have sent Colonel Scammell, the 
Adjutant-General, to put you in arrest, who will deliver you a 



464 APPENDIX. 

copy of the charges on which you will be tried. I am, Sir, 
your most obedient servant. 

" George Washington." 



CHARGES AGAINST GENERAL LEE. 

" First ; Disobedience of orders in not attacking the enemy 
on the 28th of June, agreeably to repeated instructions. 

" Secondly ; Misbehaviour before the enemy on the same day, 
by making an unnecessary, disorderly, and shameful retreat. 

" Thirdly; Disrespect to the Commander-in-chief, in two 
letters dated the 1st of July and the 28th of June." 

The court-martial was convened on the 4th of July, consist- 
ing of one major-general, four brigadiers, and eight colonels. 
Lord Stirling was president. The court sat from time to time 
till the 12th of August, when they declared their opinion, that 
General Lee was guilty of all the charges, and sentenced him 
to be suspended from any command in the armies of the United 
States for the term of twelve months. The testimony of the 
trial was extremely full, and it exhibits a minute detail of the 
operations in the battle of Monmouth. Congress approved the 
sentence of the court-martial, by a vote of thirteen in the 
affirmative and seven in the negative, and ordered the Proceed- 
ivgs of the court to be published. — Ed. 



M. 

PAGE 322. 

WASHINGTON AND LEE. 

The following letters and notes respecting the publications 
of General Lee, are taken from the 6th vol. of the " Life and 
Writings of Washington," edited by Mr. Sparks: — 



APPENDIX. 



465 



" General Lee's publication in Dunlap's Gazette of the 3d, 
and I have seen no other, puts me in a disagreeable situation.* 
I have neither the leisure nor inclination to enter the lists with 
him in a newspaper; and so far as his production points to 
personality, I can and do from my inmost soul despise it ; but, 
when he has most barefacedly misrepresented facts in some 
places, and thrown out insinuations in others, that have not the 
smallest foundations in truth, not to attempt a refutation is a 
tacit acknowledgment of the justice of the assertions ; for, 
though there are thousands who know how unsupported his 
piece is, there are yet tens of thousands that knov\- nothing of 
the matter, and will be led naturally to believe, that bold and 
confident assertions uncontradicted must be founded in truth. 

"It became a part of General Lee's plan, from the moment of 
his arrest, though it was an event solicited by himself, to have 
the world believe that he was a persecuted man, and party 
was at the bottom of it. But however convenient it may have 
been for his purposes to establish this belief, I defy him, or his 
most zealous partisans, to adduce a single instance in proof of 
it, unless bringing him to trial, at his own request, is consi- 
dered in this light. I can do more; I will defy any person out 
of my own family, to say that I have ever mentioned his name, 
if it was to be avoided ; and, when not, that I have not stu- 
diously declined expressing any sentiment of him or his beha- 
vour. How far this conduct accords with his, let his own 
breast decide. If he conceives that I was opposed to him, 
because he found himself disposed to enter into a party against 
me; if he thought I stood in his road to preferment, and 
that it was therefore convenient to lessen me in the esteem of 
my countrymen, in order to pave the way for his own ad- 
vancement, I have only to observe, that, as I never entertained 
any jealousy of him, so neither did I ever do more, than common 
civility and proper respect to his rank required, to conciliate 
his good opinion. His temper and plans were too versatile 

* This was a long and elaborate article, signed by General Lee, and containing 
a free discussion of the affair at Monmouth, and of some points relating to his 
trial. Boastful and egotistic, it met with little favour from any party. It was 
reprinted in Rivingtori's Gazette. 



466 



APPENDIX. 



and violent to attract my admiration; and that I have escaped 
the venom of his tongue and pen so long, is more to be won- 
dered at than applauded ; as it is a favour of which no officer, 
under whose immediate command he ever served, has the hap- 
piness, if happiness can thus be denominated, of boasting." 



TO PRESIDENT REED. 

" West Point, 29th July, 1 779. 
" Dear Sir, 

" I have a pleasure in acknowledging the receipt of your 
obliging favour of the 15th instant, and in finding by it, that 
the author of the Queries Political and Military* has had no 

* These Queries were written by General Charles Lke, and printed anony- 
mously in the Maryland Journal, a paper published by William Goddard, a 
friend of General Lee. The Queries were penned in a very malignant spirit, 
and were desig-ned to injure General Washington, as far as it could be done by 
such an effusion of spleen and ill-temper. Tiie following are specimens : 

"Whether it is salutary or dangerous, consistent with or abhorrent from the 
spirit and principles of liberty and republicanism, to inculcate and encourage in 
the people an idea, that their welfare, safety, and glory depend on one man? 
Whether they really do depend on one man ? 

" Whether amongst tlie late warm, or rather loyal addresses of this city (Phila- 
delphia) to his Excellency General Washington, there was a single mortal, one 
gentleman only excepted, who could possibly be acquainted with his merits? 

"Whether the gentleman excepted does really think his Excellency a great man, 
or whether evidences could not be produced of his thinking quite the reverse? 

"Whether the armies under Gates and Arnold, and the detachment under 
Stark to the northward, or that immediately under his Excellency in Pcnnsyl- 
vania, gave the decisive turn to the fortune of war ?" 

There were twenty-five queries of a similar tenor and bearing. The " gentle- 
man" here referred to was President Reed, who wrote to Washington, when he 
forwarded to him a copy of the Queries : " I should not have troubled you with 
the enclosed paper, if I did not know that you can look down with contempt on 
these feeble efforts of malevolence and resentment, and that I am introduced into 
it to bear false witness. I have addressed a piece to the printer, wherein I have 
made such remarks and taken such a notice of this attempt, as I thought a respect 
to my own character required. I have also the pleasure of assuring you, that the 
performance has met witli the most general detestation and resentment, involving 
the printer and all concerned in a most disagreeable dilemma. This is so true a 
criterion of the sense of the public, that I cannot help congratulating you on this 
genuine mark of public affection." — MS. Letter, July I5th. 

Much indignation was expressed against Goddard when the Queries appeared 



APPENDIX. 467 

great cause to exult in the favourable reception of them by the 
public. Without a clue, I should have been at no great loss to 
trace the malevolent writer; but I have seen a history of the 
transaction, and felt a pleasure mingled with pain at the narra- 
tion. To stand well in the estimation of one's country is a 
happiness that no rational creature can be insensible of. To 
be pursued, first under the mask of friendship, and, when dis- 
guise would suit no longer, as an open calumniator, with gross 
misrepresentation and self-known falsehoods, carries an alloy, 
which no mind can bear with perfect composure. 

" The motives which actuated this gentleman, can better be 
accounted for by himself than by me. If he can produce a 
single instance, in which I have mentioned his name, after 
his trial commenced, where it was in my power to avoid it, 
and, when it was not, where I have done it with the smallest 
degree of acrimony or disrespect, I will consent that the world 
shall view my character in as disreputable a light, as he wishes 
to place it. What cause there is, then, for such a profusion of 
venom, as he is emitting upon all occasions, unless by an act 
of public duty, in bringing him to trial at his own solicitation, 
I have disappointed him and raised his ire ; or he conceives 
that, in proportion as he can darken the shades of my charac- 
ter, he illuminates his own ; whether these, I say, or motives 
still more hidden and dark, govern him, I shall not undertake 
to decide ; nor have I time to inquire into them at present. 

" If I had ever assumed the character of a military genius 
and an officer of experience ; if, under these false colours, I 
had solicited the command I was honoured with; or if, after 
my appointment, I had presumptuously driven on, under the 
sole guidance of my own judgment and self-will, and misfor- 
tunes, the result of obstinacy and misconduct, not of necessity, 
had followed, I should have thought myself a proper subject 

in his paper. A large number of the most respectable citizens of Baltimore with- 
drew their patronage from the Maryland Journal, publicly avowing as a reason, 
that they considered it subservient to the interests of the enemy. Mr. Goddard 
published a recantation, in which he acknowledged, that " he had transgressed 
against truth, justice, and his duty as a good citizen," in giving currency to the 
Queries, and at the same time declared the author of them to be General Lee. 



468 APPENDIX. 

for the lash, not only of his, but of the pen of every other 
writer, and a fit object for public resentment. But when it 
is well known, that the command was in a manner forced 
upon me, that I accepted it with the utmost diffidence, from 
a consciousness that it required greater abilities and more 
experience than I possessed, to conduct a great military ma- 
chine, embarrassed as I knew ours must be by a variety of 
complex circumstances, being as it were but little more than a 
mere chaos ; and when nothing more was promised on my 
part, than has been most inviolably performed; it is rather 
grating to pass over in silence charges, which may impress 
the uninformed, though others know, that these charges have 
neither reason nor truth to support them, and that a plain and 
simple narrative of facts would defeat all his assertions, not- 
withstanding they are made with an effrontery, which few men 
do, and, for the honour of human nature, none ought to possess. 
" If this gentleman is envious of my station, and thinks I stand 
in his way to preferment, I can assure him, in most solemn 
terms, that the first wish of my soul is to return to that peaceful 
retirement, and domestic ease and happiness, from whence I 
came. To this end all my labours have been directed, and for 
this purpose have I been more than four years a perfect slave, 
endeavouring under as many embarrassing circumstances as 
ever fell to one man's lot to encounter, and with as pure mo- 
tives as ever man was influenced by, to promote the cause and 
service I had embarked in." — Ed. 



N. 
PAGE 322. 

MISS FRANKS AND GENERAL C. LEE. 

Miss Franks, in throwing the pointed shafts of her wit, spared 
neither friend nor foe. At the Mischeanza, given at Philadel- 



APPENDIX. 469 

phia by the officers of the British army to Sir William Howe, 
previously to his relinquishment of command, Miss Franks 
appeared as one of the Princesses, in supporting whose claims 
to superior beauty and accomplishment, the assembled Knights 
were to contend at a tournament exhibited. The evacuation of 
the city immediately following. Miss Franks remained behind. 
Lieutenant-Colonel Jack Steward of Maryland, whose previous 
intimacy with her could alone justify the familiarity of his con- 
duct, dressed out in a handsome suit of scarlet, taking an early 
occasion to pay his compliments, said to her in the true spirit 
of gallantry, " I have adopted your colours, my Princess, the 
better to secure a courteous reception — deign to smile on a true 
Knight." To this speech Miss Franks made no reply ; but 
turning to the company who surrounded her, exclaimed — '• How 
the ass glories in the lion's skin." 

Nor was this the only rub experienced by the Lieutenant- 
Colonek While the company were enjoying themselves in 
lively conversation, their mirth was interrupted by loud clamours 
from the street, which occasioned them to hasten to the win- 
dows, the better to ascertain the cause. High head-dresses 
were then the reigning fashion among the British belles. A 
female appeared on the street, surrounded by a crowd of idlers, 
ragged in her apparel, and barefoot, but adorned with a tower- 
ing head-dress in the extreme of the mode. Miss Franks 
readily perceived the intent of this tumultuous visit ; and on the 
Lieutenant-Colonel's observing, that the lady was equipped alto- 
gether in the English fashion, replied, " A'ot altogether, Colonel; 
for though the style of her head is British, her shoes and stock- 
ings are in the genuine Continental fashion." 

During an interval of dancing, at a splendid ball given by the 
officers of the army, to the ladies of New York, Sir Henry 
Clinton, having previously engaged in conversation with Miss 
Franks, called out to the musicians, " Give us, ' Britons strike 
home.'" " The Commander-in-Chief has made a mistake," ex- 
claimed Miss Franks, " he meant to say, Britons — go home." 

There were very few men qualified to enter the lists with this 
intelligent lady-— for her intbrmation was extensive, and she had 
wit at will. She did, however, On one occasion, meet a supe- 
40 



470 APPENDIX. 

rior, and appeared bereft of her brilliancy of talent, by receiving 
with anger, what was only intended as a sally to excite merri- 
ment. I allude to her correspondence with General Charles 
Lee, whose letter is but little known, and certainly possesses a 
stamp of humour that renders it worthy to be preserved. 



general lee s lettep*. to miss franks. 

'• Madam, 

" When an officer of the respectable rank I bear, is grossly 
traduced and calumniated, it is incumbent on him to clear up 
the affair to the world, with as little delay as possible. The 
spirit of defamation and calumny (I am sorry to say it) is 
grown to a prodigious and intolerable height on this Continent. 
If you had accused me of a design to procrastinate the war, or 
of holding treasonable coiTespondencc with the enemy, I could 
have borne it : this I am used to ; and this happened to the great 
Fabius Maximus. If ybu had accused me of getting drunk, as 
often as I could get liquor, as two Alexanders the Great have 
been charged with the vice, I should perhaps have sat patient 
under the imputation ; or even if you had given the plainest 
hints, that I had stolen the soldier's shirts, this I could have put 
up with, as the great Duke of Marlborough would have been 
an example : or if you had contented yourself with asserting 
that I was so abominable a sloven, as never to part with my 
shirt, until my shirt parted with me, the anecdotes of my illus- 
trious namesake of Sweden* would have administered some 
comfort to me. But the calumny you have, in the fertility of 
your malicious wit, chosen to invent, is of so new, so unprece- 
dented, and so hellish a kind, as would make Job himself swear 
like a Virginia Colonel. 

" Is it possible that the celebrated Miss FRANKs,t a lady who 
has had every liuman and divine advantage, who has read, (or 
at least might have read) in the originals, the New and Old 

* Chark's XII, f The young lady was a Jewess, 



APPENDIX. 471 

Testaments, (though I am afraid she too seldom looks even into 
the translations) I say, is it possible that Miss Fp.anks, with 
every human and Divine advantage, who might, and ought to 
have read these two good books, which (an old Welsh nurse, 
whose uncle was reckoned the best preacher in Merionethshire, 
assured me) enjoin charity, and denounce vengeance against 
slander and evil-speaking; is it possible, I again repeat it, that 
Miss Franks should, in the face of day, carry her malignity so 
far, in the presence of three most respectable personages ; (one 
of the oldest religion in the world, one of the newest, for he is 
a New-Light Man, and the other, most probably, of no religion 
at all, as he is an English sailor) but I demand it again and 
again, is it possible that Miss Franks should assert it, in the 
presence of these respectable personages, ' that I wore green 
breeches patched vv'ith leather? To convict you, therefore, of 
the falsehood of this most diabolical slander, to put you to eternal 
silence, (if you are not past all grace) and to cover you with a 
much larger patch of infamy than you have wantonly endea- 
voured lo fix on my breeches, I have thought proper, by the 
advice of three very grave friends, (lawyers and members of 
Congress, of course excellent judges of delicate points of honour) 
to send you the said breeches, and with the consciousness of 
truth on my side, to submit them to the most severe inspection 
and scrutiny of you, and all those who may have entered into 
this wicked cabal, against my honour and reputation. I say I 
dare you, and your whole junto, to your worst : turn them, 
examine them inside and outside, and if you find thcni to be 
green breeches patched with leather, and not actually legitimate 
Sherry Vallies,* such as his Majesty of Poland wears, (who, let 
me tell you, is a man who has made more fashions than all 
your knights of the Mischeanza-|- put together, notwithstanding 
their beauties) I repeat it, (ihough I am almost out of breatli 
with repetitions and parentheses) that if those are proved to bo 

* A kind of long breeches, reacliing- to tlic ankle, with a broad stripe of leather 
on the inside of the thigh, for the couvenicncy of riding. 

t An entertainment given to General Howe, just before his departure for Europe, 
at which were introduced tilts and tournaments in honour of the ladies, of whom 
M'lss Franks was one. 



472 APPENDIX. 

patched green breeches, and not legitimate Sherry Vallies 
(which a man of the first hon ton might be proud of) I will sub- 
mit in silence to all the scurrility which I have no doubt you 
and your abettors are prepared to pour out against me, in the 
public papers, on this important and interesting occasion. But 
Madam ! Madam ! reputation, (as ' Common Sense' very sensi- 
bly, though not very uncommonly, observes) is a very serious 
thing. You have already injured me in the tenderest part, and 
I demand satisfaction ; and as you cannot be ignorant of the 
laws of duelling, having conversed with so many Irish officers, 
whose favourite topic it is, particularly in the company of 
ladies, I insist on the privilege of the injured party, which is to 
name his hour and weapons ; and, as I intend it to be a very 
serious affair, will not admit of any seconds ; as you may depend 
upon it. Miss Franks, that whatever may be your spirit on the 
occasion, the world shall never accuse General Lee of having 
turned his back upon you. In the mean time, I am yours, 

C. L. 

•' P. S. I have communicated the aflair only to my confiden- 
tial friend, who has mentioned it to no more than seven mem- 
bers of Congress, and nineteen women, six of whom were old 
maids, so that there is no danger of its taking wind on my 
side, and I hope you will be equally guarded on your part." 
Garden. — Ed. 



0. 

PAGE 323. 

Arlington House, February^ 14, 1846. 

Near Alexandria, D. C. 

Mv Dear Sir, 

I send you a few sketches of Laurens. He was, indeed, 
the Bayard of his age, "m/i chevalier, sans peur et sans reprocJte.''^ 

Lieutenant-Colonel John Laurens was the son of Henry Lau- 



APPENDIX. 473 

3?ens, President of the Revolutionary Congress, and called Tower 
Henry, from the circumstance of his being confined in the Tower, 
(of which Earl Cornwallis was constable,) at the time that his 
gallant son, Lieutenant-Colonel Laurens, was negotiating at 
York Town, for the surrender of said constable, and his whole 
army. Colonel Laurens was educated in England, as were most 
of the young Carolinians of fortune and family in the olden time, 
and had married a Miss Manning, the daughter of the Lieu- 
tenant Governor of the Bank of England, when the troubles 
between the Mother Country, and the Colonies, commenced. 
Knowing the ardour of young Laurens in the cause of liberty 
and his native land, his English friends and connexions were very 
desirous of preventing his return to America, well knowing the 
part that he would take in the approaching contest. His father- 
in-law offered him a check for 10,000 guineas, if he would give 
his word of honour, not to leave the British shores. Laurens 
rejected the offer with disdain, and though closely watched, suc- 
ceeded in concealing himself among the ballast of a ship bound 
to America, and safely reached his native land. 

He immediatey took a decided and zealous part in behalf of 
his country, and though a very young soldier, soon acquired such 
distinction, that in the campaign of 1777, he was attached to 
the military family of the Commander-in-chief as Aid-de-camp, 
with the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel. Associated with Hamil- 
ton, the two youthful brothers in arms, and Aids-de-camp, were 
considered as the very elite of the Head Quarters. In the cam- 
paigns of 1777 and 1778, Laurens greatly distinguished himself. 
At the battle of Germantown, he rushed up to the door of Chew's 
House, which he forced partly open, and fighting with his sword 
with one hand, with the other he applied to the wood work a 
flaming brand, and what is very remarkable, retired from under 
the tremendous fire of the house, with but a very slight wound. 
At the battle of Monmouth, Laurens was again in the very 
thickest of the fight. Leading repeated charges on the enemy, 
rallying the broken, and every where displaying that chivalric 
courage, that extorted admiration from all, even from his ene- 
mies. 

In 1781, he was sent on a special mission to France, to expe- 

40* 



474 APPENDIX. 

dite the aid in money, stores, naval and military forces which 
had been delayed, till the cause of American Independence began 
to suffer grievously. Laurens, upon his arrival in France, pro- 
ceeded directly in the object of his mission. He would not 
listen to the arguments, apologies, &c., of ministers and cour- 
tiers ; his demand was, " Show me the King," and would only, 
in full court at Versailles, consent to deliver his despatches into 
the king's own hand. His promptness, energy, and lofty bear- 
ing, brought the French court and ministry to their senses, his 
demands were complied with, and Laurens sailed in triumph on 
his return to America, laden with those essential aids that soon 
after brought the War of the Revolution to a happy and glorious 
end. The assistance obtained by the genius and force of cha- 
racter of Colonel Laurens, moved the armies to York Town, and 
to the consummation of the contest. At York Town, Colonel 
Laurens again assumed his station, as Aid-de-camp to the Com- 
mander-in-chief. 

The 14th of October, 1781, when his beloved associate and 
brother in arms, Hamilton, was about to lead the assault on the 
redoubts, Laurens obtained a command of about eighty men, and 
in the very height of the storming, the Lieutenant-Colonel was 
seen gallantly leading his men, and the flank of the American 
troops and leaping into the enemy's works, he made Major 
Campbell, the British commanding officer, a prisoner with his 
own hand. In 1782, Colonel Laurens had the command of a 
body of troops in his native State, and while operating on the 
Combahee, he encountered a British force sent out from Charles- 
ton. Laurens was at a lady's house, ill from fever, when in- 
formed that the enemy were approaching. He sprung from his 
bed, and prepared for the combat, though scarcely able to sit on 
his horse. As he moved from the house, he told the lady that 
if she would look out from her portico, she would see a battle — 
poor fellow it was his last. As the British troops landed from 
their barges a spirited attack ensued, and Laurens was mortally 
wounded at nearly (he first fire. As he fell into the arms of Cap- 
tain Beall, the Captain endeavoured to console him by express- 
ing a hope that the wound would not prove mortal. Laurens 
ifeplied : ' " No, no my dear fellow, this is as it should be. I die 



APPENDIX. 475 

JDut you know I have often wished to die in battle ; my country 
is free, and no longer needs my services. Farewell. I die con- 
tent." 

Such was the admiration felt for the personal character of 
Laurens in the British army, that Major B. who commanded the 
British detachment, on his return home after the war, was ac- 
tually " sent to Coventry " by his brother officers, who said, 
" How could you kill that noble fellow. Colonel Laurens, and the 
war so nearly at an end," to which B. in justification, replied: 
" I went up the river rather on a trading, than a fighting expe- 
dition. We wanted bread, and proposed to give clothes and 
groceries in exchange, but to all our overtures, Laurens sternly 
answered: 'Blood for bread, with the enemies of my country.' 
He attacked us on our landing, and I regret his fall, gentlemen, 
as much as you do." 

Colonel Laurens lies buried in the garden of the house from 
^Yhich he marched to his last battle. The ancients would have 
erected an altar to "such a Roman;" the Americans are content 
that the rank grass should alone wave over the ashes of Him 
who was the pride of their chivalry. The purest of Patriots. 
The bravest of the brave of warriors. The most energetic and 
successful of diplomatists. "Do you remember Laurens?" said 
the author to the venerable General Philip Stuart, " who led the 
forlorn hope of Colonel William Washington's horse at the bat- 
tle of Eutaws, and was desperately wounded." The gallant ve- 
teran replied, *' After the action, our Hospital was in the most 
wretched state imaginable; the wounded were dressed with a 
kind of coarse osnaburgs, that rather irritated and increased, than 
assuaged the anguish of our wounds. At this time Laurens ar- 
rived. On beholding our destitute and suffering condition, he 
called to his servant, 'open my portmanteau, sir, take out the 
dozen cambric ruffled shirts that 1 brought from France, tear 
them up into bandages for the gentlemen's wounds.' It was 
done. Now, my dear sir," continued the maimed soldier of the 
Revolution, "you may well suppose that I remember Laurens?'' 

I send you, my dear sir, these few sketches of the Life and 
Character of Colonel Laurens, from The Recollections. It is part 
of the plan of that work, to introduce brief Memoirs of those 



476 APPENDIX. 

whom Washington loved, who were attached to his person, or 
employed by him in important services, during the War of Inde- 
pendence. I remain, dear sir, 

Your obedient and 

humble servant, 

GEORGE W. P. CUSTIS. 

John S, Littell, Esq. 

P. S. The author of the "Recollections," knowing that La 
Fayette was the associate of Hamihon and Laurens, at the Head 
Quarters, in 1777, asked the good General as to the respective 
degrees of attachment felt toward the Chief, by the distinguished 
young iVids-de-camp. La Fayette replied: "The attachment 
of Hamilton was pure, generous, enthusiastic; that of Laurens — 
devotional.''^ 



Page 336. 

CHARLES JAMES FOX. 

The Philadelphia edition, published in 1846, of " Contribu- 
tions TO THE Edinburgh Review by Francis Jeffrey;" — a 
compilation that will find its way into every respectable library, 
contains an exceedingly able Review of Mr. Fox's "History of 
the early part of the Reign of James the Second." The glaring 
faults and the manly virtues, — no less than the transcendent 
genius and abilities of this illustrious statesman, have alike, ar- 
rested the attention of mankind ; and Lord Jeffrey, wilhin two 
years of his decease, and with the full development of his 
striking character, fresh before the world, has sketched it — its 
light and shade — with a master's hand ; and while drawing 

"His frailties from their dread abode," 

has done noble justice to a name that will ever adorn the period 
of England's annals, most illustrious for the number, talent and 
achievements of its statesmen, literati and heroes. 



APPENDIX. 477 

"To those," he says, "who know Mr. Fox only by the great 
outlines of his public history, — who know merely that he passed 
from the dissipations of too gay a youth, into the tumults and 
cabals of a political life, — and that his days were spent in con- 
tending about public measures, and in guiding or averting the 
tempests of faction, — the spirit of indulgent and tender feeling 
which pervades this book, must appear unaccountable. Those 
who live much in the world, even in a private station, commonly 
have their hearts a little hardened, and their moral sensibility a 
little impaired. But, statesmen and practical politicians, are, 
with justice, suspected of a still greater forgetfulness of mild im- 
pressions, and honourable scruples. Coming necessarily into 
contact with great vices and great sufferings, they must gradu- 
ally lose some of their horror for the first, and much of their 
compassion for the last. Constantly engaged in contention, they 
cease pretty generally, to regard any human beings as objects of 
sympathy or disinterested attachment; and, mixing much with 
the most corrupt part of mankind, naturally come to regard the 
species itself with indifference, if not with contempt. All the 
softer feelings are apt to be worn off", in the rough confficts of 
factious hostility ; and all the finer moralities to be effaced, by 
the constant contemplation of expediency, and the necessities of 
occasional compliance. 

"Such is the common conception which we form of men, 
who, have lived the life of Mr. Fox; and such, in spite of the 
testimony of partial friends, is the impression which most private 
persons would have retained of him, if this volume had not come 
to convey a truer, and a more engaging picture to the world at 
large, and to posterity. 

" By lar the most remarkable thing, then, in this book, is the 
tone of indulgence and unfeigned philanthrophy which prevails 
in every part of it ; — a most amiable sensibility to all the kind 
and domestic affections, and a sort of soft-heartedness towards 
the sufferings of individuals, which seem hitherto to have been 
thought incompatible, with the stern dignity of history. It can- 
not but strike us with something still more pleasing than sur- 
prise, to meet with traits of almost feminine tenderness, in the 
sentiments of this veteran statesman ; and a general character of 



478 APPENDIX. 

charity towards all men, not only remote from the rancour of 
vulgar hostility, but purified in a great degree from the asperities 
of party contention. He expresses indeed, throughout, a high- 
minded contempt for what is base, and a thorough detestation 
for what is cruel: But yet is constantly led, by a sort of gene- 
rous prejudice in favour of human nature, to admit all possible 
palliations for the conduct of the individual delinquent, and 
never attempts to shut him out from the benefit of those natural 
sympathies, of which, the bad as well as the good are occasion- 
ally the objects, from their fortune or situation. He has given 
a new character, we think, to history, by this soft and conde- 
scending concern for the feelings of individuals; and not only 
left a splendid record of the gentleness and afliectionate simpli- 
city of his own dispositions, but set an example, by which we 
hope that men of genius may be taught hereafter, to render their 
instructions more engaging and impressive. Nothing, we are 
persuaded, can be more gratifying to his friends, than the im- 
pression of his character, which this work will carry down to 
posterity; nor is it a matter of indifference to the country, that 
its most illustrious statesman should be yet more distinguished, 
for the amiableness of his private aflections." — Ed. 



Q. 

' Page 375. 

Washington at Harrisburgh. 

[From the Oracle of Dauphin, of Monday, 6th October, 1794.] 
" On Friday last, the President of the United States, arrived in 
this town. The pleasure excited in beholding, for the first time, 
our beloved chief, in this borough, is not easily described. The 
following address was delivered to him, by the burgesses, in be- 
half of the inhabitants of the town : — 



APPENDIX. 479 

" To his Excellency George Washington, Esquire, President 
of the United States of America : 

" Sir, While we, the Burgesses and Citizens of Harrisburgh, 
rejoice in the opportunity of presenting our respects, to a cha- 
racter so justly revered and dear to Americans, we cannot but 
lament, that we should owe it to an interruption of the peace 
and prosperity of our country, those constant objects of your 
public cares. We trust, however, that the just indignation 
which fires the breasts of all virtuous citizens, at the unprovoked 
outrages committed by those lawless men, who are in opposition 
to one of the mildest and most equal governments, of which the 
condition of man is susceptible, will excite such exertions, as to 
crush the spirit of disaffection wherever it has appeared ; and 
that our political horizon will shine brighter than ever, on a dis- 
persion of the clouds, which now menace and obscure it. 

" Though our sphere of action is too limited to produce any im- 
portant effects, yet we beg leave to assure your Excellency, that, 
so far as it extends, our best endeavours shall not be wanting to 
support the happy constitution, and wise administration of our 
government. 

"Signed in behalf of the Borough. 

Conrad Bombach, 

Alexander Berryhill, 
" Harrisburgli, October 3d, 1794." 



Bursfesses. 



To which the President was pleased to return the following 
answer : — 

" To the Burgesses, and other Citizens of Harrisburgh: 
" Gentlemen — In declaring to you, the genuine satisfaction I 
derive from your very cordial address, I will not mingle any ex- 
pression of the painful sensations, which I experience from the 
occasion that has drawn me hither. You will be at no loss to 
do justice to my feelings. But, relying on that kindness of Pro- 
vidence towards our country, which every adverse appearance 
hitherto has served to manifest; and counting upon the tried 
good sense, and patriotism of the great body of our fellow-citi- 
zens, I do not hesitate to indulge with you, the expectation of 



480 APPENDIX. 

such an issue, as will serve to confirm the blessings we enjoy, 
under a constitution, thai; well deserves the confidence, attach- 
ment, and support of virtuous and enlightened men. 

" To class the inhabitants of Harrisburgh among this number, is 
only to bear testimony to the zealous and efficient exertions, 
which they have made, towards the defence of the laws." 

" Go; Washington." 
"October 4th, 1794." 



R. 



Page 395. 



PRESIDENT ADAMS. 

The address of the inhabitants of the Borough of Harrisburoh, 
in the State of Pennsylvania, to the President of the United 
States :* 

"Sir, at a time when the minds of men are so intoxicated 
with ideas of reform, and visionary schemes for meliorating the 
condition of humanity, as to be fatally inattentive to their own 
security, and regardless of considerations, which have hitherto 
been deemed the most sacred and obligatory, there may be pro- 
priety in the declaration of sentiments, which, in more settled 
times, might, at least, be thought superiluous. From the gene- 
rality also of the practice of expressing approbation of the 
measures of government at the present crisis, motives might be 
attached to the omission of it, less honourable than a disinclina- 
tion to intrude \ipon the managers of the public concerns, or a 
reluctance to suppose that, in the resistance of outrage and 
maintenance of national independence, they would not receive 
the support of the virtuous part of the community. 

"Under these impressions, we, the subscribers, inhabitants 
of the Borough of Harrisburgh, beg leave to declare that we are 
too highly sensible of the prosperity we enjoy, to be willing to 

* By Alexander Graydon, Esq. — Ed. 



APPENDIX. 481 

relinquish it without an effort for its preservation ; and that, in 
our wishes for the happiness of others, we have not lost sight of 
our country and ourselves. — That in our opinion, the conduct 
and designs of the French Republic (scarcely aggravated or 
made more apparent by the profligacy of their avowal), are such 
as produce alarm and indignation, in every breast that feels for 
the honour and happiness of America, and to excite the appre- 
hensions of every man, of whatever nation or country, who may 
place a sense of justice, morality and piety, among the orna- 
ments of his nature and the blessings of society. That under 
this persuasion, w^e hold it wise to be prepared for every event, 
and shall, therefore, most cheerfully acquiesce in such measures 
of defence, as may be adopted by you, sir, and the other 
branches of the administration, at the present most momentous 
period. And as your past conduct has invariably commanded 
the respect and approbation of every ingenious mind, so we 
have the most perfect reliance that, in future, it will continue 
to be influenced by the purest motives, and clearest perceptions 
of the public good. We beg you to accept our cordial wishes 
for your personal welfare and happiness." 

MR. ADAMs's ANSWER. 

" To the inhabitants of the Borough of Harrisburgh in the 
State of Pennsylvania : — 

"Gentlemen — Your address has been presented to me by Mr. 
Hartley, Mr. Sitgreaves, and Mr. Hanna, three of your repre- 
sentatives in Congress. 

"I know not which to admire most, the conciseness, the 
energy, the elegance or profound wisdom of this excellent ad- 
dress. 

"Ideas of reformation, and schemes for meliorating the con- 
dition of humanity, should not be discouraged when proposed 
with reason, and pursued with moderation; but the rage for in- 
novation, which destroys every thing because it is established, 
and introduces absurdities the most monstrous, merely, because 
they are new, was never carried to such a pitch of madness 
in any age of the world, as in the latter end of the boasted 
41 



482 APPENDIX. 

eighteenth century, and never produced effects so horrible upon 
suffering humanity. 

" Among all the appearances, portentous of evil, there is none 
more incomprehensible than the professions of republicanism^ 
among those who place not a sense of justice, morality, or piety 
among the ornaments of their nature and the blessings of society. 
As nothing is more certain or demonstrable, than that free re- 
publicanism cannot exist without these ornaments and blessings, 
the tendency of the times is rapid towards a restoration of the 
petty military despotisms of the feudal anarchy, and by their 
means a return to the savage state of barbarous life. 

" How can the press prevent this, when all the presses of a 
nation, and indeed of many nations at once, are subject to an 
imprimntur, by a veto upon pain of conflagration, banishment, 
or confiscation. 

"That America may have the glory of arresting this torrent 
of error, vice, and imposture, is my fervent wish ; and if senti- 
ments as great as those from Harrisburgh, should be found uni- 
versally to prevail, as I doubt not they will, my hopes will be 
as sanguine as my wishes." 

"JOHN ADAMS." 

" Pliiladelphia, 12th May, 1798." 



COMMENTS BY MR. GRAYDON. 

A comparison of this answer of Mr. Adams, with the pre- 
ceding one of General Washington, tends to illustrate the diffe- 
rent characters of the men. In the one, we find every sentiment 
restrained by the most prudent and judicious circumspection ; 
it says no more " than just the thing it ought."— But, in that of 
President Adams, the address seems to have been seized on as a 
text, for a very bold and excursive commentary, in which have 
been indulged some flights of fancy, and a prophetic dictum, 
which, however it might be warranted by appearances at the 
time, has not yet been fulfilled, nor is likely to be. As to the 
admonitions scattered through the answers, generally to the nu- 
merous addresses presented, considering the temper of the time, 



APPENDIX. 483 

and authority of Mr. Adams's character in point of political wis- 
dom and sagacity, they are rather laudable than censurable ; 
though in minds not duly impressed with the awfulness of the 
crisis, they might be liable to the imputation of a party spirit, 
not quite becoming in a chief magistrate. But, what is truly 
wonderful and deplorable, is, that the man who could utter such 
sentiments in the year 1798, should, in a very short time after, 
have fallen into the democratic ranks, and have advocated the 
pretensions of France, a war wdth England, — and in short, all 
the measures of that portion of the people, whose views and 
policy he had so poignantly reprobated. 

Whatever evasions may be employed to apologize for this 
change, as that the danger of democratic anarchy w'as removed, 
and the petty despotisms apprehended, were swallowed up in 
the grand, overwhelming empire of Napoleon, the character of 
revolutionary France, in some of its most menacing aspects, was 
the same. The same imprimaiur on all the presses of one na- 
tion, and indeed of more nations than were subject to it in 1798, 
remained, the same torrent of vice and imposture, for the same 
flagitious purposes of arbitrary rule, and extended dominion. 
The same eflbrts, but with more alarming efficiency, were in 
operation for dangerous innovations, for Gallic predominance, 
and the flood of immorality inseparable from it. Yet lament- 
able to be reflected on, the patriotism of Mr. Adams, " with all 
these appearances portentous of evil," did ebb from the full tide 
of federalism, to the dead low water mark of democracy and 
jacobinism. 

But Mr. Adams seems, unfortunately, to have exclusively 
chosen public life for his profession, as well as that of his sons. 
What then was to be done ? Democracy was in the ascendant, 
and to be statesmen out of place, was as abhorrent to the genius 
of thrift, as to be lawyers without litigation, carpenters without 
houses to build, or shoemakers without leather. In this unto- 
ward predicament, the eldest son boldly determines " not to deli- 
berate, but to act," and is rewarded accordingly. And the old 
gentleman, either for his own good, or of the rest of his family, 
seems equally bent on a course of activity. Well did General 



484 APPENDIX. 

Hamilton seem to comprehend his character, when he states him 
as capable, through the vexation of wounded vanity, of directly- 
changing his political course. In the clashings of his cabinet, 
the federalists seemed to prefer the opinions of General Hamil- 
ton, to his own. Hence, he renounces at once both the party 
and the creed, and he takes himself to those of the jacobins, thus 
rendering himself a memorable example of the truth of Solon's 
aphorism, — that " no man can be pronounced happy, until he 
dies, — none secure from degeneracy until death has gut its 
seal on his character." 



S. 

PAGE 403. 

THOMAS JEFFERvSON. 

HIS ELECTION TO THE PRESIDENCY BY THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. 

" On the 11th of February the ballots were opened. During 
the performance of this ceremony, a most extraordinary inci- 
dent occurred. As it is known to but few now living, and 
never been publicly spoken of, it has been deemed proper to 
record it here, as a part of Ihe history of that exciting contest. 

"The Aurora of the 16th of February, 1801, remarks, that 
' tlie tellers declared that there w'as some informality in the 
votes of Georgia; but, believing them to be true votes, reported 
them as such.' No explanation of the nature of this informality 
was given ; nor is it known that any has ever been given since. 
Had it been announced at the time, there can be no doubt it 
would have proved fatal to the election of Mr. Jeflerson. 
Whether the interest of our country w^ould or would not have 
been thereby promoted, is not a question for discussion here. 

" By the Constitution of the United States at that time it was 
provided, art. 2, sect. 1, 'The electors shall meet in their re- 



APPENDIX. 485 

spective States, and vote by ballot for two persons, of whom 
one at least shall not be an inhabitant of the same state with 
themselves. And they shall make a list of all the persons voted 
for, and of the number of votes for each, ichich list they shall 
sign and certify, and transmit, sealed, to the seat of Government 
of the United States, directed to the President of the Senate. 
The President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate 
and House of Representatives open all the certificates, and the 
votes shall then be counted. The person having the greatest 
number of votes shall be the President, if such number be a 
majority of the whole nnmher of electors appointed; and if there 
be more than one who have such majority, and have an equal 
number of votes, then the House of Representatives shall im- 
mediately choose, by ballot, one of them for President ; and if 
no person have a majority, then from i\\efive highest on the list 
the said House shall, in like manner, choose the Presidents 
But, in choosing the President, the votes shall be taken by 
States, and a majority of all the States shall be necessary to a 
choice.' 

" From the above extract it will be seen that the Constitution 
is imperative as to the form and manner in which the electoral 
returns are to be made. The ceremony of opening was per- 
formed in the presence of the two Houses. The package of a 
State having been opened by the Vice-President, it was handed 
by him to the tellers. Mr. Jefferson was the presiding officer. 
On opening the package endorsed Georgia votes, it was dis- 
covered to be totally irregular. The statement now about to 
be given, is derived from an honourable gentleman, a member 
of Congress from the State of New York, during the adminis- 
tration of Mr. Jefferson, and yet living (1837) in this State. He 
says that Mr. Wells (a teller on the part of the Senate) informed 
him that the envelope was blank ; that the return of the votes 
was not authenticated by the signatures of the electors, or any 
of them, either on the outside or the inside of the envelope, or in 
any other manner ; that it merely stated in the inside that the 
votes of Georgia, were, for Thomas Jelferson four, and for 

41* 



486 APPENDIX. 

Aaron Burr four, without the signature of any •person whatso- 
ever. Mr. Wells added, that he was very undecided as to the 
proper course to be pursued by the tellers. It was, however, 
suggested by one of them that the paper should be handed to 
the presiding officer, without any statement from the tellers, 
except that the return was informal; that he consented to this 
arrangement under the firm conviction that Mr. Jefferson would 
announce the nature of the informality from the Chair ; but, to 
his utmost surprise, he (Mr. Jefferson) rapidly declared that the 
votes of Georgia were four for Thomas Jefferson, and four for 
Aaron Burr, without noticing their informality, and in a hurried 
manner put them aside, and then broke the seals and handed to 
the tellers the package from the next state. Mr. Wells ob- 
served, that as soon as Mr. JetTerson looked at the paper pur- 
porting to contain a statement of the electoral vote of the State 
of Georgia, his countenance changed, but that the decision and 
promptitude with which he acted on tliat occasion, convinced 
him of that which he (a Federalist,) and his party had always 
doubted, that is to say, Mr. Jefferson's decision of character, at 
least when his own interest was at hazard. Mr. Wells further 
stated, that if the votes of Georgia had not been thus counted, 
as it would have brought all the candidates into the house, Mr. 
Pinckney among the number, Mr. Jefferson could not have 
been elected President. 

"The same honourable member of Congress further stated, 
that some few years after receiving the above information from 
Mr. Wells, he became intimately acquainted with John Nicho- 
las, who was one of the tellers referred to, and who had re- 
moved from Virginia, into the v.estern part of the State of New 
York. Mr. Nicholas gave to the honaurable member the same 
statement in substance, not knowing that it had been previously 
derived from Mr. Wells. Mr. Nicholas was a warm personal 
friend of Mr. Jefferson, and declared that he never felt so 
astounded in his life, as when he discovered the irregularity. 
He claimed some credit for the adroit manner in which he had 
managed Mr. Rutledge, so far as to obtain his consent to hand 
the paper to Mr. Jefferson without public explanation from the 



APPENDIX. 487 

tellers, and which was effected by a conciliatory appeal to the 
magnanimity of the member from South Carolina. 

" The whole number of electoral votes given at the election 
in 1800, was one hundred and ihirty-eiglit : necessary to a 
choice, seventy. Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Burr had each, accord- 
ing to the return made, seventij-three. Georgia gave /o?;r votes. 
If that number had been deducted from Jefferson and Burr, as 
illegally returned, of which there is no doubt, they would have 
had only sixty-nine votes each ; consequently they would not 
have had, in the language of the Constitution, ' a majority of 
the whole number of electors appointed,' and the candidates out 
of which a choice of President must be made, would have been 
Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Burr, Mr. Adams, Mr. Pinckney. The 
Federal members would then have said to the Republicans, we 
will unite with you in the choice of either of the gentlemen pre- 
sented to the House except Mr. Jefferson ; and if the Govern- 
ment is to be brought to a termination by our failure to elect a 
President, the responsibility will be on you. And is it to be 
believed, that in such a case the doubtful members who were 
sighing for ofiice, if any such there were, would have rejected 
the suggestion in toto?" — Davis' Life of Burr, vol. ii. pp. 
71-74.— Ed. 



INDEX. 



Adair, General, Anecdote of, 324. 

Adams, Mr. John, election of, to the Presidency, 385; administration 
of, 388; imposition of taxes by, 389; tactics of his opponents, 
391; singular fabrication, 392; addresses to, 394; reply of, 481; 
Mr. Graydon's comments on, 482. 
Anecdotes, 88, 13L 
Andrews, Dr. John, 39. 
Allen, Colonel William, 108, 130, 140; defection of to the British, 

131, 161; visit of, to Captain Graydon, 23G. 
Allen, James, 108, 118. 
Allen, Andrew, 118, 280, 
Allen, Colonel Ethan, 241, 243, 260. 
Atlee, Colonel, 150, 334. 
American Tactics, 176. 
Policy, 234. 

Army, appearance of the, 147, 256; character of the, 148, 
150, 156; review of, before the battle of Brandy wine, 
291; state of parties in, 322. 
Generals, 298. 
Americanisms, 229, 249. 
Axtle, Mr., 252. 
Allison, Patrick, 39. 

Aids-de-camp, advantages of the station of, 159, 
Addison, Alexander, 352. 
Arnold, Washington's opinion of, 449. 



490 INDEX. 

Autobiography, motives in writing, 13; qualifications for writing, 95. 
Auclmiuty, Lieutenant-General Sir Samuel, 274. 

Badourin, Mr., 65. 

Bradford, William, 111; character of, 112. 

Baird, Dr., 141. 

Baxter, Colonel, 201. 

Bache, Theophylact, 250; kindness of, 250; capture of, 317. 

Bache, Richard, 250. 

Bache, Mrs. Sarah, 250, 327. 

Bland, Colonel, Theodoric, 279. 

Brandywine, Battle of, 291; reflections on, 293; incident at, 455. 

Blancons, M., 380. 

Beveridge, John, 35; anecdote of, 36; poetical attempts, death of, 37. 

Beckwith, Lieutenant, humane and generous conduct of, 213; charac- 
ter of, 219. 

Bergen-op-Zoom, 287. 

Benezet, Anthony, 326. 

Bristol, past and present condition of, 16; inhabitants of, 22. 

Biddle, Judge, character of, 21. 

Biddle, Mr. Edward, 285. 

British, descent of, on Long Island, 162; engagement with the Ameri- 
can troops, 163; skirmishing between the two armies, 173; 
capture ofFort Washington by, 176,202; treatment of prisoners 
by, 207, 232; loss of, in the battle, 216. 

British soldiers, considerate treatment of, by the Americans, 214; on 
parole, 304. 

Bitting, Captain, 318. 

Bond, Mr. Richard, 81. 

Boileau, Captain, 380. 

Bunker's Hill, Battle of, 421. 

Burke, Edmund, opinions of, 403, 404. 

Burgess, Miss Ann, 22; anecdote of, 73. 

Burgoyne, General, opinion of, respecting taxation, 114; capture of, 
297. 

Bryan, George, 287. 

Burr, Colonel Aaron, 357. 

Carey, Henry, 32. 
Caspipina Tamoc, 98. 
Arbuthnot, Captain, 75. 



INDEX. 491 

Chalmers, Colonel, 108. 

Clay, Rev. Mr., 109. 

Camden, Lord, remark of, to Dr. Franklin, 116. 

Cadwalader, General John, 123, duel of with General Conway, 301. 

Cadwalader, Colonel Lambert, 181; gallantry of at Haerlem Heights, 
196. 

Carroll, John, 142. 

Carroll, Charles, 142. 

Carroll, Mrs., 244. 

Chase, Samuel, 142. 

Character, an odd, 154, 231. 

Camp comforts, 189. 

Chatham, Lord, remark of, 254. 

Captivity, 257. 

Charlton, Dr., 261. 

Clarkson, Mr., 265. 

Canon, Mr., 288. 

Chartres, Colonel, character of, and epitaph on, 370. 

Chew, Benjamin, 117, 290. 

Clinton, Sir Henry, 101. 

Clifton, Colonel, 108. 

Clotigh, Major, 111. 

Congress at Philadelphia, 129. 

Continental Batallions, 129. 

Commissioners to Canada, 142. 

Connecticut Light Horse, 155. 

Council of Safety, 182; injudicious conduct of, 183; remonstrance of 
officers, 185. 

Coffee-House Incident, 240. 

Conyngham, the Provost Marshal, 241. 

Coxe, Tench, 273. 

Conway, General, 299; conduct of, at the Battle of Germantown, 301. 

Communities, selfishness of, 308. 

Constitutionalists, 331. 

Confederation, articles of, 339. 

Constitution of the United Stales, adoption of, 340; opinions of Wash- 
ington, Hamilton, Henry, Franklin and Madison respect- 
ing, 341; question of its adoption, 342. 

Church, Mr., anecdote of, 76. 

Churchill, quoted, 67, 68. 



492 INDEX. 

Draper, Sir William, 67; visit of, to Philadelphia and New York, 70. 

Davidson, Lieutenant, 189. 

Davenport, Captain, 237. 

Drayton, William Henry, 323. 

De Kalb, Baron, motives of, in espousing the American cause, 64; 

gallantry and death of, 65. 
Debating Society, 90. 
Dement, Mr., 215. 

Deserters from the cause of Independence, 238. 
Democrat, the term, 331. 

Democracy, the, 364; Burke's definition of, 402. 
Diffidence, 83. 

Dickinson, John, 106, 118, 337, 445. 
Dinner Party, A, 230. 
Dove, James, 24, anecdote of, 25. 
Donop, Colonel, 265. 
Duche, Rev. Jacob, 98; Author of Tamoc Caspipina, 98; Letter of, to 

General Washington, 99, 429. 
Duer, William, 302. 
Dunlap, Mr., harsh treatment of, 306. 
Duelling, 324. 

Early Reminiscences, 28, 30. 
Edwards, Lieutenant, 133, 320. 

England, political ascendancy of, 407, arrogance and ambition of, 408. 
Etherington, Major George, 70; kindness of, to Mr. Graydon, 71; 
talent of, for repartee, 73; knowledge of, of mankind, 74. 
Etherington, Captain, anecdote of, 72. 
Elegiac stanzas, 258. 

Engineer Department, deficiency in the, 151. 
Elliot, Mr. Andrew, 267. 
Exclusive patriotism, 306. 

Franks, Miss, repartees of, 469. 

Farmer's Letters, 106, 118. 

Franklin, Dr., conversation of, with Mr. Pratt, 116; anecdote of, 131; 

views ol', on government, 28G; politic conduct of, 328. 
Fast Day, 137. 
Flat Bush, Society at, 246, 253. 



INDEX. 493 

Fanning, Colonel, 255. 

Flahaven, Colonel, 316. 

France, National Assembly of, 347 ; Revolution in, 357 ; popular 
feeling towards, 368, 375, 388, 394, 403. 

Fell, Major, 75. 

Female Society, 81. 

French Language, 89. 

Fencing, 109, 

Feuquiere, Marquis de, 291. 

Federalists, 364, 397. 

French Travellers, 377. 

French Settlement in America, 379. 

French party in America, 388. 

Fisher, Mr., 263. 

Findlay, William, 356, 373. 

Fries's Insurrection, 393. 

Foot Race, 45. 

Forrest, Colonel, 132, 246, 315, 

Fort Washington, 152; inefficiency of, 152; American Army in the 
vicinity of, 174 ; untenable character of, 186, 192, 
210; threatened attack upon, 187; skirmishing, 
188; invested by the enemy, 191; considerations 
relative to its defence, 192 ; battle on the neighbour- 
ing heights, 193 ; gallantry of the Americans, 197, 
253; capture of, 171, 197, 216. 

Fox, Charles James, remark of, 256 ; character of, 336 ; Jeffrey's 
Sketch of, 477. 

Fonquet, General, Defence of Landshut by, 191. 

Fouchet, M., 375. 

Fludd, Robert, Treatise of, 65. 

Frye, General Joseph, 158. 

Graydon, Alexander, motives of, in writing, 14; ancestry of, 17; 
family history of, 20; father of, 20, 23; removal of, to Phi- 
ladelphia, 24 ; early education of, 25; anecdote of, 28; early 
character of, 29; associates of, 40; retrospective events in 
the history of, 42; early habits and amusements of, 55; 
school anecdote of, 56 ; acquaintance of, with Major Ether- 
inglon, 72; introduction into new society, 81 ; choice of a 
profession by, 83; begins the study of law, 108; retrospective 
reflectionsj 114; enters the army as captain, 129; anxiety 
42 



494 INDEX. 

respecting his subalterns, 132; success in recruiting, 137; 
mission to General Schuyler, 138; incidents on the route, 
139, 143; return, 145; leaves Philadelphia, to join the 
army, 145; remarks on the condition of the army, 147; 
adventures on Long Island, 164 ; skirmishing with the ene- 
my, 165; impending engagemei:t, 167; retreat, 167; gal- 
lant conduct of his regiment, 168 ; marches to Fort Wash- 
ington, 172; remarks on American tactics, 177; garrison 
duty, 181; ludicrous incident, 189; insecure position of, 
190; participation of, in the battle of Haerlem Heights, 195; 
perilous situation and capture, 204; barbarous treatment of, 
20G; reflections on the loss of the fort, 211 ; generous con- 
duct of a British officer, 213; anxiety on account of his bro- 
ther, 217 ; marched to New York, 220 ; occurrences on the 
road, 222 ; disposal of the prisoners, 224 ; baggage restored, 
225; stroll through the city, 225 ; letter from his mother, 
228: letter to her from Washington, 229 ; treatment of pri- 
soners, 234; memorial to General Howe, 236; civilities to, 
236; letter to the British officers, 239; exchange of prison- 
ers, 245; removal from New York, 245; situation at Flat 
Bush, 248; parole, 245; interview with Colonel Fanning, 
254; stanzas by, 258; obstacles to an exchange of prisoners, 
259; visited by his mother, 261, 264; residence at Flat 
Bush, 266; application to General Howe by his mother for 
his release, 268; liberation on parole, 269; arrives at New 
York, 271; at the American camp, 274; interview with 
Washington, 275; opinion of Hamilton, 276; occurrences 
on the road, 279; reaches Philadelphia, 281; proceeds to 
Reading, 283; political feelings, 284; Wilkinson's opinion 
of Mr. Graydon, 297; he is exchanged, and marries, 309; 
unfair treatment of, 325; aversion of, to political dissensions, 
332; appointment to the prothonotaryship of Dauphin 
county, 334, 338; advocates the adoption of the national 
constitution, 343; election of, to the state convention, 344; 
views of questions debated in that body, 345; writes the 
address to President Washington on the occasion of the 
whiskey insurrection, 375; political principles of, 396; pro- 
scription of, by the Democracy, 400; reflections, 401; 
publication of his Memoirs, xi. ; character of the work by 
the editor of the Port Folio, xv. ; character of Mr. Gray- 



INDEX. 495 

don, xvi.; translation of a Latin epigram by, xviii.; repub- 
lication of the Memoirs, by Mr. Gait in, Scotland, xix ; 
death of Mr. Graydon, xvi. 

Graydon, Alexander, senior, recommended to be a field officer, 417; 
death and character of, 33. 

Graydon, William, 379. 

Galloway, Joseph, 117, 267, 443. 

Grant, Mrs., Memoirs of, quoted, 249. 

Gait, John, his tribute to Mr. Graydon, xix. 

Gates, General, 300. 

Graff, Mr., 305. 

Gadsden, Captain, 327. 

Gallatin, Albert, 353. 

" Greens, The " 123. 

George the Third, demolition of the statue of, 161. 

Greene, General, 169; opinion of the tenability of Fort Washington, 
176,202; character of, 180: Hamilton's eulogium on, 212: 
General Henry Lee's opinion of, 299. 

Germantown, Battle of, 295. 

Genet, Citizen, 363, 379, 

Gibbon, the Historian, remark of, 63. 

Grimm, Baron, correspondence of, 281. 

Gordon, Thomas, 22. 

Glover, General John, 148. 

Governor, re-eligibility of the, 348. 

Hanson, Mr., 110, 

Hamilton, Alexander, 149; personal appearance of, 149; character oU 

275; course of, in reference to the Constitution, 341, 
Harrisburgh, 365; Washington at, 478: Mr. Adams at, 480. 
Haslet, Colonel John, 150. 
Hand, Colonel, 147. 
Haerlem, occupation of the Heights of, by the American army, 178- 

battle on the heights of, 196, 202. 
Hancock, President, 283, 425. 
Hanna, General, 374. 
Henry, Patrick, influence of, in giving the impulse to the American 

Revolution, 135; opinion of the Constitution, 341. 
Heath, General, memoirs of, quoted, 173, 174. 
Heath, Dan., 135. 
Hessian, insolence of a, 207. 



496 INDEX. 

Hesketh, Captain, 228. 

Highlander, generosity of a, 223. 

Historical truth, 310. 

Howe, General, 101; Wraxall's opinion of, 101; Lee's ditto, 101, 
215: Walpole's ditto, 214; supineness of, 102; cautious ge- 
neralship of, 170; attack on Fort Washington, 196; Bur- 
goyne's remark on his dispositions at Bunker's Hill, 214; ob- 
servation of, respecting Washington, 257; proclamation of, 
offering pardon to the Americans, 227 ; memorial to, on the 
part of the prisoners, 236; result of the application, 244 ; in- 
terview with Mrs. Gray don, 268. 

Hopkinson, Francis, letter to Mr. Duche, 438 ; letter from General 
Washington to, 437. 

Hoops, Major Adam, 378. 

Hoekley, William, 112. 

Houssacker, Colonel, 237. 

Hutchinson, Dr., 91. 

Hunt, Isaac, treatment of, 127. 

Huck, Captain, 260. 

Hutchins, Captain Thomas, 251. 

Izard, Ralph, 227. 

Idleness, dangers of, 80. 

Independence, declaration of, 159; reception of, by Congress, 307, 

and the country, 160; motives which induced it, 329. 
Indians, alarm caused by, 23, 46; attempted massacre of, 47. 
Irish, feeling of, in favour of the Revolution, 122. 
Introduction, 13; editor's introduction, xi. 

Jay, John, 357, 376, Treaty of, 376. 

Jefferson, Mr., opinion respecting commerce, 353 ; abuse of Hamilton 
by, 276, and of Washington, 359; political views of, 361 ; 
reward of partizans by, 362; election of, to the Presi- 
dency, 384 ; character of, 399 ; means employed to secure 
his election, 403. 

Johnson, Samuel, 100, 107. 

Johnstone, Governor, 119. 

Johnson, Mr., 223. 

Johnson, Heathcote, 236. 



INDEX. 497 

Junius, style of, 96, 97; claim of General Charles Lee to the author- 
ship of the Letters of, 320 ; Dr. Macleane's do. 42 L 

Kearsley, Dr., 78, 126. 
Keating, Captain, 380. 

Kinnesly, Mr., attainments of, in Electricity, 27; catastrophe of the 
son of, 93. 

Lake George, 142. 

Laurens, John, Colonel, 323; duel of, with General Charles Lee, 

324 ; character of, 472. 
Lewis, Mr., 344, 348, 352, 354. 
Lewis, Samuel, 44. 
Lee, Henry, Memoirs of, quoted, 101; character of, 279; opinion of 

General Greene, 299. 
Lee, Richard Henry, opinion of General Mifflin, 154. 
Lee, General Charles, profane remark of, 138; opinion of, respecting 
Fort Washington, 177, 193; character of, 320; 
dislike of Washington, 320; capture of, 451; 
arrest and trial of, 459, 468; Letter to Miss. 
Franks, 468; abuse of Washington, 465. 
Lenox, Captain, 200, 259. 
Legislature, division of, into two houses, 287. 
Liberty, professions of attachment to, 139. 
Livingston, Judge Brockolst, 145. 
Loxley, Captain, 47. 
Love, 81,281. 

Long Island, battle of, 162; skirmishing between the armies, 165; 
gallantry of the Americans, 168; causes of the 
loss of the battle of, 169; Lee's opinion of the 
impolicy of retaining possession of, 177; escape 
of prisoners from, 314. 
Loring, Commissary, 245. 

Ludwig, Christopher, Baker General of the army, 161. 
Lux, Mr. George, 328, 329. 
Lyttelton, Lord, opinion of, on taxation, 114. 
Lutterloh, Henry, 302, 

Macleane, Dr. Lauchlan, 42, kindness, of, to Dr., Goldsmith, 42, bio-- 
graphical notice of, 419; reputed author of 
the Letters of Junius, 418. 
42* 



498 INDEX. 

Mauvaise honte, 84. 

M'Kean, Thomas, character and services of, 120, 121, 394, 395. 

Martial Exercises, 123, 125. 

Martial Fame, Elements of, 216. 

Major, a travelling, 141. 

Magaw, Colonel Robert, gallant reply of, 151; surrender of Fort 
Washington by, 176; remarks on the plan 
of defence adopted by, 191; inadequacy of 
the garrison, 191; untenableness of the 
Fort, 186, 192; captivity and marriage 
of, 318. 

Mailland, Major, 210. 

Matthews, Mayor, 252, 272. 

Matthews, General, 264. 

Manuel, Captain, 221. 

Mariner, Mr., descent of, on Long Island, 316. 

Macauley, Mrs., interview of, with Washington, 359. 

Maryland Senate, 346. 

Mazzei, Mr. Jefferson's Letter to, traducing Washington, 329. 

M^Henry, Dr. James, 244. 

Menzies, Colonel, anecdote of, 112; escape of, from the enem.y, 183. 

Mental Derangement, singular case of, 113. 

Meichior, Colonel, 169. 

Mercer, General, 200. 

Miles, Colonel, 149, 257, 269, 275, 304. 

Mifflin, General, Thomas, 153, 154, 299, 356, 374. 

Midnight Scene in Camp, 167. 

Militia, Insubordination of, 192. 

Militia Captain, a, 209. 

Miller, Captain, 21G. 

Military Rank, difficulties in the adjustment of, 319.. 

Milton, quotation from, 331. 

Moore, Lady and Daughter, 66. 

Morality of Ficliiious Heroes, 92. 

Morrisania, Encampment at, 173. 

Moncreif, Major, 252; capture of, 317. 
Monmouth, Battle of, 457. 

National Strength, Reflections on, 293. 

New Xork, military preparations in, 140; alarm at, produced by the 



INDEX. 499 

result of the battle on Long Island, 163; evacuation of, by 
the American army, 172; conflagration at, 178. 

New-England Officers, 143, 156, 179; vindication of, 157. 

Noailles, Viscount De, 379. 

Novels, injurious influence of, 92, 95. 

Nocturnal Incident, 189.. 

Ogle and Friend, anecdotes of, 51. 

O'Brian, the Comedian, 67. 

Otis, Harrison Grey, Eulogium of, on Hamilton, 376. 

Osborne, Sir George, heartless bon mot of, 366. 

Paxton Boys, 46. 

Party Spirit, 49, 350, 360, 369, 384, 401, xxii. 

Parson, a Maryland, 103. 

Parma, Prince of, masterly retreat of, 169. 

Paine, Thomas, 187. 

Parole, question respecting, 260. 

Pauli, Major, 265. 

Parvin, Mr., oppression of, 325. 

Paine, Thomas, 358. 

Prescott, Colonel, 423. 

Peale, C. W., 61. 

Pemberton's House and Gardens, 43. 

Penn, Richard, anecdote of, 131; popularity of, 132. 

Penn, John, 132. 

Penn Family, influence of the Revolution upon, 131. 

Pennsylvania, exeriions of, in the Revolution, 132; foreigners among 
tlie troops of, 181; constitution for, 286; party spirit 
in, 331, 350; convention for changing the constitution^ 
341; debates on that occasion, 345; State Senators, 
316; Executive power, 347; re-eligibility of the Gover- 
nor, 348; regulation of the Press, 349; threatened in- 
surrection in, 372, 393. 

Philadelphia in 1731, 19; academy of, 40; yellow fever in, 1760, 
44; taken possession of by General Howe, 287; theatri- 
cals, 87. 

Pike, Mr. 289. 

Prisoners, diflifiiliies in the way of an exchange of, 257 ; miserable 
conditiDu of, 232, 244,270; exchange of, 245; escape of, 
from Louij Island, 314 ; general exchange of, 318. 

Pickering, Colonel Timothy,. 355,. 



500 INDEX. 

Political differences with England, 114. 

proscription, 401. 

inconsistency, instance of, 124. 

feelings, 284. 
Posts, policy of a war of, 175. 
Promotion not always the reward of merit, 183. 
Popular fanaticism, 395. 
Putnam, Colonel, 147, 151. 
Putnam, General, 169, 179, 180. 

Quakers, friendliness of, towards the Indians, 23 ; peaceful principles 

of, 46, 122, 326. 
« Quaker Blues," 122. 

Raynal, Abbe, 61. 

Rawlings, Colonel, 194; gallantry of, at the battle of Haerlem Heights, 
197, 200, 319. 

Randolph, Edmund, 360. 

Reily, John, 25. 

Reid, General John, 75. 

Reed, General Joseph, character and services of, 119. 

Revolution, causes of the, 115; opinions of HoraceWalpole respecting, 
115; disposition of the people towards, 122; origination 
of, in the upper classes of society, 134; influence of Pa- 
trick Henry in producing, 135. 

Recruiting adventures, 133, 137. 

Reubell Domine, 253. 

Reading, society at, 299; British officers on parole at, 304 ; visiters 
at, 329. 

Republicans, 331. 

Richardson, Mr., 68; anecdote of his visit to Sir William Draper, 69. 

Richardson, Captain, 255. 

Rivington, the King's Printer, 77. 

Richardson's novels, 94. 

Rivers, difficulty of disputing the passage of, 291. 

Robinson, Mr., 111. 

Ross, John, 118, 394. 

Ross, James, 352. 

Robertson, General, 259. 

Rochefoucauld, 377. 

Rousseau, 400. 



INDEX. 501 

"Sally of the Alley," origin of the ballad of, 33. 

Sailing excursion, 57. 

Skating, 59. 

Slate Roof House, The, 62; inmates of, De Kalb, 64; Badourin, 65; 
Lady Moore, 65; O'Brian, 67; Sir William Draper, 
68; Major Etherington, 70; Majors Small and Fell, 
75; Captain Wallace, 75; Rivington, 77. 

Sparks, Mr., quoted, 127, 140, 177; value of the writings of, 311. 

Smallwood, Colonel William, 150. 

Slaten Island, occupation of, by the British, 153. 

Scammell, Colonel, mistake of, 168. 

St. Clair, retreat of, from Ticonderoga, 297. 

State Senators, mode of electing, 347. 

Stiiel, Madame De, opinion of, 355. 

Stevens, Mr., 41. 

Sledman, Judge, anecdote of, 105. 

Stedman,'Mr., unfounded censure of, 192; testimony of, to the gallantry 
of the Americans, 216. 

Skene, Major, 127, 208, 228. 

Shee, Colonel John, 130, 138; retirement of, from the army, 181. 

Stewart, Colonel Walter, 159, 313. 

Stewart, Major John, escape of, 314. 

Stewart, Lieutenant, trial of, 179. 

Steddiford, Ensign, 207. 

Speke, Captain, 302. 

Sedition Law, 349. 

Swimming and skating, 59. 

Smith, James, 104; anecdotes of, 105. 

Skinner, Alexander, 109, 110. 

Shippen, Edward, 118. 

"Silk Stocking Company, The," 123, 

Smith, General, 180. 

Sitgreaves, Samuel, 352. 

Smilie, John, 256. 

Singlir Fabrication, 3 92. 

School Anecdotes, 56. 

Soldiers, character of the, 148, 150, 156, privations of, 164, panic of, 
174; contrast in the appearance of the British and American, 
314. 

Supernumerary officers, 318. 



502 INDEX. 

Sunday, injudicious treatment of children on, 21. 

Susquehanna Bridge, 107. 

Schuyler, General, 143, character of, 144; conversation with 

Washington respecting Arnold, 449. 
Sullivan's "Familiar Letters," quoted, 146, 276. 
Stutzoe, Mr., 305. 
Suydam, Jacob, 248, 253. 
Snyder, Governor, 351. 

Tartar, Privateer, shipwreck of, 19. 

Taylor, Chevalier, 24. 

Taxes, direct, imposition of, 389. 

Taxation without representation, 115, 117. 

Target-shooting, 125. 

Talleyrand, an American, 125. 

Talon, M., 379, 381. 

Theatre, influence of, 88. 

Tilghraan, J., 117. 

Tilghman, Colonel Tench, 277. 

Tilghman, Edward, anecdote of, 260. 

Ticonderoga, capture of, by Colonel Allen, 242. 

Titles, affectation in, 314. 

Thomson, Charles, anecdote of, 26; character of, 311. 

"Toper and the Flies," origin of tlie story of, 79. 

Townshend, Charles, remark of, respecting General Johnstone; 120. 

Tudor, Mr., private correspondence with, 271. 

Truxton, Commodore, 395. 

United States Bank, 44. 

Vandyke, Colonel, 108. 
Van Zindcr, Domine, 253. 
Van Ilorne, Mr., 263, 279. 
Van Home, Misses, 265. 
Valley Forge, army at, 313. 

Virginia, aversion of, to the Infantry Service, 158. 
Volunteer Companies, 122; Quaker Blues, 123; The Silk Stocking 
Company, 124. 

Wharton, Mr., alias Duke, 70. 



INDEX. 503 

Wallace, Captain, insolence and brutality of, 76. 
Wallace, Mr., 253. 
Wraxall, quoted, 101. 
Walpole, Horace, quoted, 128. 
Wade, Francis, 128. 

Washington, opinions of, respecting the army, 148, 156; vindication 
in reference to the Battle of Long Island, 170; chagrin 
of, at the pusillanimity of his soldiers 171; sacracity of 
respecting Fort Washington, 176, 194; tactics of, 178.' 
narrovv escape of, at the Battle of Harlem Heights, 200- 
interest of, in Mr. Graydon, 229; marches against the' 
enemy at Brandywine, 290, incident there, 455; result 
ofthe Battle, 293; subsequent measures of, 295; opera- 
tions of, at Germantown, 296; cabal against, 299; election 
of, to the Presidency, 343; prosperity of the country 
under his administration, 358; neutrality of, in reference 
to France and England, 368; suppression of the whiskey 
insurrection by, 373; retires from the Presidency 382. 
character, 383, and death of, 398; Letter of, to Mr.' 
Duche', 433; correspondence with General Lee 462- 
Letters to President Reed, 449, 454, 466; arrival a't Har' 
ns burgh, 478. 
Warren, General, 421. 
Wayne, General, 277. 
War, reflections on, 269. 
Ward, General Artemas, 157. 
Warren, Captain, 221. 
Walsh, Robert, quoted, 408. 
West, Major, 230, 269, 304. 
Western Expedition, 374. 
Wilson, James, 333, 344, 352. 
Wilson, Captain, 212, 230. 
Wilson, Judge, 39. 
Wirt, William, quoted, 136 
WHkinson, General, quoted, 139; character and services of, 297- 

opinion of Mr. Graydon, 298. 
White Plains, action at, 187. 
Williams, Major, Escape of, 315. 
Williams, General Otho Holland, 242. 



504 



INDEX. 



Witherspoon, Dr., 307; anecdote of, on the Declaration of Indepen- 
dence, 307, 
Whitemarsh, army at, 313. 
Whiskey Insurrection, 372. 
Woodward, The Actor, 67. 

Wordswortli, tribute of, to Lamb applied to Mr. Graydon, xxiv. 
Woedtke, Baron, 140. 

Yarnall, Dr., 155. 

Yellow Fever, 365; causes of, at Harrisburgh, 365. 
York, past and present condition of, 100; Society at, 102, 106; Con- 
gress at, 107. 



THE END. 



68 



tHKat-'^j:. « 



.>^ .• • 




uo< 



I* 






^ 






^ I, BOOKBINDIV; 



**\ 



. "^ t ''a^^a.A 



